The Island of Formosa, Past and Present, Vol. I

CHAPTER I

FORMOSA'S FIRST KNOWN VISITORS.

FORMOSA : Its area — Location — Geography — Its earliest history — Formosa known as ///<■ Looehoos — Tlie arriral of the Lonkius — Invasion by the Malays— The earliest known Chinese visitors — Formosans raid Cliina-coasl villages — Chinese nomencla-ture— ( 'hinese expedition of 1368 — Wan-San-ho visits tin- island — The pirate Lin Ta-kien and his pursuers run to Formosa— Pescadores garrisoned l>n Chinesi — The first known Japanese visitors — The Hachiman pirates make their headquarters at Kelung — Japanese and Cliinese pirates occupy Taiwan— The < 'hinese coast suffers — The Chinese Emperoi' forliids intercourse with Japanese-Futile attempt* tn occupy Formosa — Arrival of the Hakkas — The island prosperous ■ — The seventeenth century.

Chinese geographers inform us that once upon a rime some fierce dragons which had dwelt for ages at Woo-boo-mun (five-tiger gate), the entrance to Foochow, bestirred themselves into activity and for a day's frolic glided out unseen through the depths of the ocean. Arriving in the vicinitj of the present island of Formosa, they became extraordinarily playful, and after ploughing through the earth itself they made their ascent, throwing up the bluff at Kelung head, and then writhed their way towards the south and with violent contortions heaved up a regular series of hills and mountains until at last, with a flap of their formidable tails, they threw up the three clitls which now mark the extreme south of the island. Whether it was the custom of these remarkable beasts to sport for the benefit of mankind 1 am not sufficiently versed in Chinese legendary lore to say, but, at all events, that was the result attained in the instance referred to.

According to the latest maps, Formosa has an ana of about 15,000 square miles, which is half the size of Scotland, or a trifle larger than the American states of Vermont and Connecticut taken together. Hie length of Formosa, in the sense of the longest straight line from the northern to the southern end, is 264 miles, but by any practicable roads, the distance from one end of the island to the other is about 350 miles. Its greatest width is about So miles. Lying to the eas"t of South China, it is separated from the mainland by the Formosa Channel, which at its southern entrance be tween Southwest Cape- and breaker Point is 245 miles wide, narrowing at the northern vnd to 62 miles.

To the southward lie the Philippine Islands, of which Cape Engano in the north is 225 miles from the southern extremity of Formosa, while Manila, the capital of the group, lies 390 miles farther away. To the north-east lies the Loochoo group, stepping stones toward fapan, with Kago shinia, the southernmost island of [apan proper, 660 miles distant from Kelung, North Formosa. To the west about a hundred miles distant is the mainland of China with the Pescadores Islands in between, though only some twenty-five miles from the Formosan shore. To the east lies the boundless Pacific, practically uninterrupted until the Hawaiian Islands are reached 4,700 miles away. Through nearly its entire length the island is in-tersected by a range of lofty mountains, while parallel ranges, receding in height as they lie towards the west coast, give to the traveller who approaches the west side of Formosa on a bright day a beautiful view of four, and, in some points, five or six separate lines of waving colour, distinct yet harmonious, rising higher and higher until the main ridge with its great elevations, capped by Mounts Sylvia and Morrison with their respective heights of over eleven and twelve thousand feet, finds an ending in a back-ground still one shade lighter, the encircling sky.

The mountainous district is almost wholly confined to the eastern hall, ami continues to the eastern shore; itself, where cliffs with an estimated height of six thousand feet present a perpendicular face to the sea. These are the highest sea-coast cliffs known, I believe, in the world. In the midst of these rugged scenes, we find that the descendants of the oldest of Formosa's known inhabitants, the savage aborigines, have their homes. In the western half, the slope, intersected by numerous valleys, extends towards the sea, to be finally lost in the large undulating plain over which the 1 hitch, the Chinese, and now the Japanese Hags have successively floated.

Of all the dominions which, previous to the late Japanese war, acknow-ledged the authority of China, no corresponding portion of area can be compared with Formosa in interest and future importance ; and this equally, whether we consider the variety and richness of its soil ; the stores of its mineral wealth ; its scenery, grand and picturesque ; or the character of its aboriginal inhabitants — tribes of savages as wild and untamed as can be found in all Asia, and sufficiently unknown and unaccounted for to please the most enthusiastic ethnologist.

Before dealing with the history of Formosa, it is necessary to state that it has been most conclusively proved by several eminent scholars that the island of Formosa was for many centuries known to the Chinese as a part of the Loochoo group, and was variously designated both in historical writ-ings and in maps as " Great Loochoo," " Lesser Loochoo," etc.'-

To gain an insight into the history of Formosa, the arrival of its savage inhabitants and their origin, the first Chinese visitors, etc., is a task beset

1. M. L'Hervey I.e Saint Denys. a distinguished French scholar, was the first to advance this theory. Later Mr. 0. Imbault-Huart in his splendid book " 1/ He Formosa," ami Prof. Lndwig K.iexs in his learned paper " Geschichta del- insel Formosa," published by the German Asiatic Society, throw much additional light on tie- Bubject.

Formosa's first known visitors* j

with difficulties. The Chinese historians, to whom we must look for these ancient annals, give but brief mention of what was to them a foreign land, and this, combined with the fact that they confused Formosa with the Loo choo islands, rentiers even these scant)- materials vague and unsatisfactory.

A learned authority1 speaks of the arrival in Formosa of emigrants from the north-east at a period several centuries before Christ. These people, known as Lonkius, held sway in the island and were visited by Chinese up to the second half of the 6th century, when bands of uncivilized Malays swept up from the south and brought the whole west coast of the island under their control, and the Lonkius who survived the conquest retreated into the mountains. The Chinese, who had been familiar with the natives before their overthrow, were surprised on visiting the island at a later date (about the year 605), to find it inhabited by strangers, with whom they could not converse. Later, a second expedition was despatched to the island, and the commander now, believing the new-occupants to be Malays, had provided himselt with natives from different southern Malayan islands, with the result that at least one of them was able to make himself understood by the bormosans. The object of the expedi tion, as stated by an eminent Chinese historian, MaTouan-lin, was to compel the new arrivals, to whatever race they might belong, to recognise the Em-peror and pay tribute as willing subjects. To this the Formosa Malays would not agree. Consequently the commander attacked them, burnt their villages, and then returned to the mainland.2.

Unable to enforce submission, it was quite natural that the " Son of Heaven " should not deign to consider the island of Formosa worth)- of attention, its inhabitants having chosen to remain outside the pale oi celestial civilization. At all events, Chinese history speaks of no further official intercourse with the island for several centuries. That the Chinese trailers whose interest had been aroused by former expeditions should likewise have avoided the island, the sight of which could scarcely have been missed by trading vessels traversing the China seas, is unlikely, and it is probable that not only did they carry on a bartering traffic with the natives but that small numbers of them established themselves in the island.

The Malays there do not appear to have shown the skill in ship build ing which natives of some of the southern Malayan islands exhibited, still. that the)- were not entirely ignorant of navigation, the annals of Loochoo bear witness. Towards the end of the 12th century several hundred bormosans suddenly appeared in some of the small seacoast villages of Fokien Pro-vince, robbing and pillaging the houses. They seemed specially intent upon securing iron, and from such houses as the)' were able to enter the)- carried off the iron rings from the doors, bpon the approach of a cavalier in armour

1. Prof. I aid wig Riess.

'i. The dates of these two expeditions are variously given. The first expedition is stated in some

ai unts to have taken place in the year 605 and the second expedition in lini', while other accounts

give the date of the first expedition as 606 and the u id as 611. There is a greater discrepancy

as to the accomplishments of the two expeditions, While one account states that the last mentioned returned to China with several thousand prisoners, a second account states that the sole trophy i't' the expedition was a single garment worn by the natives.

4 mi: imam i OF FORMOSA.

the Formosans endeavored to possess themselves of his metal garments. So much did they value the iron points of their spears thai after throwing the weapon at the enemy they pulled it hack by the aid of a line a hundred feel long which was attached to it. When eventually dispersed by the Chinese the Formosans fled to the shore and, catching up their bamboo rafts, they ran quickly into the water and soon disappeared from the coast not to return again.

'Hie next mention of Formosa is found in the annals of the Ming dynasty, where it is stated that previous to the 10th century the name Kiloung had been applied only to a port in the north of the island, further-more that the ancient name of the port had been Pe-kiang (North Bay).1,

Previous to the close of the Yuan dynasty in 136S, during a period when the Chinese were much engrossed in warlike preparations with a view to the conquest of [apan and the Loochoos, an expedition was despatched to the Loochooan kingdom. It was the intention of the officer in command, Admiral Yanef-tsiane, to sail from north China, hut a certain literate, a native ofFokien Province, presented a memorial to the effect that the principal island of the Loochoo group could be more conveniently reached by taking a route from South China, which would also have the advantage ol permitting a visit to the Pescadores. His suggestions were convincing to the officers concerned and, after promoting the literate in rank, they induced him to join the expedition as adviser. The expedition set sail and, as had been planned by the adviser, the Pescadores were visited, hut upon continu-ing the journey the island of Formosa appeared in sight and the commander being convinced that it was not the kingdom of Loochoo, the desired destina-tion of the expedition, the unfortunate adviser had his head cut off as the penalty of his presumption.

Although unfortunate for the literate the expedition was of great value in clearing up the mystery which had surrounded Formosa and the Loochoos for centuries. It was now discovered that the islands were separate and apart, that the principal island of the Loochoos lay many li to the north east, while Formosa, so far as the natives of the kingdom of Loochoo were concerned, was a foreign land.

No further attempts were made to visit the principal Loochoos, via Formosa, and although the latter island was known to the Chinese for some time as Little Loochoo- which seemed more appropriate now that the principal Loochoos, in which they were chiefly interested were known to he a distinct group, it was not again confused with the main group lying to the north east.

Chinese authorities see lit however, to commence the history of For-mosa from the year 1430, which was the date of the visit to the island by

1. These statements which are pointed oat by Klaprotii, an early writer on China, and referred t" by the author of "lie Formose," are conclusive evidence that Formosa was known to the Chinese

previous t.i 1 130, which Chinese historians give as the date of the first visit to Formosa.

L' As a reminder of this blunder Little Loochoo remains to day in Formosa, being the name applied to a small island lying close to the southwest shore of Formosa and sometimes known to foreigners as Lainbav island.

FORMOSA S FIRST KNOWN VISITORS. C

the enunch Wan-San-ho, an officer of the Chinese court. It has not been discovered whether the historians were ignorant of the error into which their people had fallen, and in which they stupidly remained for centuries. o< whether they considered that, inasmuch as the island had been long con fused with the I.oochoos, historical truth would be likewise confusing, so that an authentic history could not safely date hack previous to a period at which evidence could be obtained that the material dealt with referred to Formosa alone.

At all events, Chinese historians record that during the Ming dynasty, in the year 1430, Wan-San-ho, while returning from Siam, was driven by storm to this island, landing at a place on the south-west coast, later known as Taiwan. The natives, although uncouth and untamed, treated the stranger with kindness, and furnished the means by which he was enabled to return to the mainland. ( )n his return to China he reported his discovery to the Imperial Court and described the island as a magnificent land occupied by a strange and barbarous race. He furthermore displayed herbs and other plants valuable for their medicial properties which he had obtained while in the island.'- This seemed to arouse an interest among the officials, and the island was for some time the subject ot considerable discussion, although years passed by, ami no Emperor seemed sufficiently impressed to endeavour to include it in his own dominions.

More than a century passes by before Chinese historians again refer to Formosa, although, according to Japanese history, both Chinese and Japanese-pirates made occasional visits to the island during this interval.

Chinese historians inform us that in 1564 a Chinese Admiral, Yu Ta-yeou, cruising in the east China seas encountered a Chinese pirate chief, named Lin Ta-kien, who was in command ol a large force, including (apanese, who were then occupying the Pescadores. Upon the approach of the Imperial fleet the bold pirate did not wait to be attacked, but with full sail charged straight for the intruders and assailed them briskly. Yu Ta-yeou met the attack without con-tusion and returned the fire with much effect. After five hours of fighting, on the approach ot night, the enemy set sail for the Pescadores. Hut the admiral made such haste to follow that he was able to secure a position commanding the entrance before daylight. When the pirate arrived he found his pathway blocked, anil with his numbers greatly diminished by the previous day's combat, he believed himself too weak to successfully attack, so sailed to Formosa, landing at a place near the present village of Anping. Yu Ta-yeou followed him even there, but owing to low water ami ignorance of the port, decided not to risk his vessels in any further attempt at capture, so returned to the Pescadores, where he made prisoners of the pirate's followers stationed there.

The admiral left a sufficient garrison to protect the newly-acquired possessions, and sailing back to China reported his exploits to the higher officials. Hie Imperial Court received his tidings with great satisfaction and at once appointed a mandarin of letters as governor. Colonists were attracted to the

1. It is stated that oeitaiu of these plants introduced by Wan-Sau-Uo are still in use in Ohii medical purposes.

i

6 THE ISLAND ' '1 F< »RMOSA.

new territory and a regular trade to the Pescadores was for the first time instituted. The pirate, although freed from outside interference, could not see much of value in the uncultivated island of Formosa with its barbarous inhabi tants, and, no doubt smarting under defeat, was led to seek an outlet for his anger ; lor he slew every native he laid hands on, and then, caulking his vessel with the blood of the poor victims, he set sail and retired to Canton where he died a miserable death, richly deserved.

( )f' the two peoples, the Japanese and the Chinese, the former were undoubtedly the most energetic in obtaining a foothold on the island. About the close of the Ashikaga dynasty I 1336-1443) in Japan, a large portion of the Empire was a scene of constant combat, ami especially in the districts of Satsuma, Hizen, Higo, Chikuzen, Chikugo, Nagato, Iwami, Iyo, I/umi, and Kii, where the fighting was more continual, great numbers who had been deprived ot their property were forced to desert their native land. < )f these the sea attracted a large number, to whom, half pirates, half traders, the China waters afforded a lucrative field of adventure.

The most formidable of these rovers were united under a banner bearing the characters Hachiman (Cod of War). When trade was slack, the China coast villages were sacked and then burned, and vessels were captured and plundered, until the approach of these colours struck terror into the hearts of all beholders. Such exploits brought them numerous enemies, and, after several years of unchecked license, the combined opposition ot Chinese officials and merchants compelled the Japanese to seek some resort of greater safety than the high seas and China coast. This brought them to the Pescadores, and in the sixteenth century to Formosa, which, considering that it was an unclaimed land and inhabited by a feeble race of savages, was most suited to their requirements. The band of rovers, with the warlike retainers of the Daimyos Murakami and Kiini) as leaders, were most active in the north of the island, making the port of Kelung their headquarters. The}- combined piracy with legitimate trade, resorting to the former when opportunities for the latter were not at hand. Whilst confining their efforts principally to the China seas, these bold adventurers had on several occasions reached far to the south, even to Siam. The gains from their raids were as a rule brought to Kelung, their headquarters, ami thence the crafty rovers sailed to the northward as legitimate traders, to dispose of their cargoes <>f silk, porcelain, spices, drugs, and other eastern products so easily gained.

But the Japanese had not the monopoly of this method of trade. Chinese pirates were likewise engaged in it, and occupied South Formosa in the vicinity of Taiwan as their headquarters, while the Portuguese, Spanish, and Dutch, who later appeared in the eastern seas, adopted the same tactics whenever it suited their convenience to do so.

Piratical raids on the China coast were now so numerous that hardly a village on the coast of Fokien and bordering provinces escaped. Legitimate

trade was threatened with extinction, and even the warships of the Empire could not avail against the fierce rovers. Eventually the Emperor despatched messengers to Japan, and strong representations were made to the government

as to the damages inflicted by Japanese pirates. What steps the island govern-ment took to comply with the demands of its bigneighbor we are not informed. It is quite likely that the home authorities were just as unable- to control their adventurous countrymen as the Chinese were to punish them lor their misdeeds. At al! events, the Japanese continued to raid the China seas, and the Chinese Emperor at length forbade his subjects to hold any intercourse with an)' Japan-ese, and furthermore ordered that every Japanese- caught in China and every Chinese returning from [apan should be speedily decapitated.

This condition of affairs continued during the 1 6th century, but the traders and pirates were but little affected, while Formosa profited by the situation.

The location of Formosa and its political condition could scarcely have been more favorable to both Chinese and Japanese as a link between the two nations now estranged. It was, as it were, a neutral port open to the vessels of all countries, where trade could be conducted without fear of official disturbance or the imposition of tribute or taxes. Formosa thus became the commercial clearing-house between Japan. China, and the neighboring southern countries.

The growth of the trade and the large profits obtainable later attracted to the field a better class of merchants, who gave more attention to legitimate business than to the raiding and destroying of villages. In 1592 merchants of Nagasaki. Kyoto, and Sakai, having received special permission from the Shogun to engag< ■ in foreign commerce, fitted out vessels and sought their fortunes in the southern seas. The)' made their headquarters in Formosa at the town of Taiwan, and thence carried on a regular trade with Japan, China. Macao. Annan, Siam, Luzon I Philippines), and (ava.

The authorities in [a] an were no doubt aware that the European nations now interested in the eastern seas would not long permit Formosa to continue an unclaimed land, and that consequ -nth it behoved Japan to strengthen her position in the island. The first attempt to secure Formosa as a tributary possession was made at the completion of the subjugation of the Loochoos by troops from the Japanese province of Satsuma, when officers were sent to Formosa to reorganize the Japanese settlements then-, and to place them on a more secure footing. I his mission was unsuccessful.

Six years later, Iyeyasu, the lust shogun of the Tokugawa dynasty, despatch-ed the governor of Nagasaki, Murayama by name and a Christian, to conquer the island of Formosa by force of arms. Me landed with a force of three or four thousandmen. History does not record his exploits in the island. TheChinese had now flocked thither in considerable numbers, and against them ami the large savage population, perhaps, the Japanese commander despaired of success with the small force at his disposal. At all events, he returned to Japan, where not only he himself but his whole family ] aid the penalty of death for his failure.1'

So far as the traders resident in Taiwan were concerned, both Chinese and Japanese appear to have lived side by side without any exhibition of hostility towards each other. No doubt the bond of mutual benefit to be derived from

1. This record is from the Jesuits. Japanese accounts refer t" the expedition as merely the exploits of ;l 1 1 officei interested in trade and who had received permission t.' engage him-. -if thus, the 1- many private individuals before him, but do not tate that he was in any way acting for the Japanese < lovernment.

S THE IS] \\1> ' IF FORMOSA.

their trading transactions was the principal factor in fostering the friendship between these two peoples who, as a class, generally displayed much aversion to each other. While the Japanese in Formosa carried on the most lucrative

and extensive trade- the Chinese were more numerous. The Chinese pirates who resorted to the island as a safe retreat, were as a rule divided into kinds, and, according to the scanty historical material which we have at hand, established a rough form of government over their settlements. So admirable was the organization that the different kinds lived together without discord and chose their leaders by vote, while a supreme chief was appointed to look after the interests of th( combined hands whenever anything arose of common concern. The strongest of them was a powerful land under the leadership of one Gan Shi-sai (Sen Shichil. Their exploits brought large returns, and by combining legitimate trade with piratical raids they eventually attained a position so formidable that smaller bands combined with them for their own protection, and thus nearly the whole of the China and Formosa trade was brought under their control. In 162 1 ( ian Shi-sai died, ami was succeeded by Qiing Chi-lung, a famous character, and the lather of Koxinga, whose exploits occupy a prominent place in after chapters ot this history.

Meanwhile more Chinese had been flocking to the island in considerable numbers desiring to reap benefit from the richness of the soil rather than from marauding expeditions. The first of this class to take refuge in the island were the Hakkas. In China they were considered as outcasts, in tact the name signifies "stranger"; and, although industrious, they were driven about from place to place ami, like the Jews, possessed no land they could call their own. To the other classes of mainland Chinese, with their exaggerated views of an-cestral worship, the Hakkas were hit little fetter than barbarians and wen-considered tit subjects for persecution. From a life of misery and oppression on the mainland the wanderers sought peace in Formosa. To them the island was indeed an Id I >orado, ami emigration increased so rapidly that in a century it was estimated that one-third of the Hakkas ofKwangtung province, where they were most thickly gathered, had emigrated to Formosa. Once having established close communication with the natives, they eventually became indispensable to both traders and islanders, and by sheer energy attained a position of much importance.

CHAPTER II (PART 1 OF 3)

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH.

15 i4- 1655. Exploits hi I'm iniinl, Spain, and llnlland — Formosa named by Portuguest — Spanish occupy Manila- — English and Dutch hand in hand — The Dutch East India Company — Spanish and Portuguese opposed — Dutch attack on Macao — Dutch Admiral visits the Pescadores — Dutch inflict great cruelties on natives — Natives mild into shin 111 — Negotiations with Chinese authorities — Japanese the victims of mi old trick — Dutch evacuate Pescadores and occupy Formosa — Forts Zelandia and Provintia erected — Chinese and Japanese traders obstructed — Taiwan 11 great part — Customs and religion of natives — Oandidius, first Protestant missionary in Orient, arrives — Hamada Yahei avenges his countrymen's wrongs — He ■ Dutch Governor and liolds him prisoner in his own houst — A Dutch officer's diary — Japanese gain all dem inds and releasi Governor — Spanish occupy Kelung and Tiniisni — Spanish mission work — Dutch demand Spanish evacuation — Official correspondence — butch make /utile attack mi Tamsui — Second attack mi Tamsui — Spanish surrender nil Formosa possessions — l)ntch establish adminis-tration in North — Dutch missionaries imd their work — First schools — Idolatry

declared n crime — The decree repealed — Dutch enrm/s to China.

It is now necessary to take a step backward and review the exploits of the three great maritime powers, Portugal, Spain, and Holland, which of all European nations were the first to appear in the China seas.

The Portuguese, the pioneers in commerce and discover}- in the East, made their first expedition to China in 15 14. In 1517 a fleet arrived under the command of Andrade, who was sent as ambassador to China on behalf of his sovereign, Emanuel I. The strangers were well received, and were establishing a trade when the mission was suddenly brought to a close by the Chinese, who had become irritated at the violent disposition of a brother of Andrade, the commander. lor sonic years after, die Portuguese were allowed to anchor only at islands ofl the coast, and in 1557 permission was granted to them to land and erect storehouses upon an island nearer the mouth of the Canton River, to which the name Macao was given by the settlers.

The Portuguese have been commonly described as the first Europeans to establish themselves in Formosa, and some late accounts of the island

IO THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

speak of a Portuguese settlement in Kelung in 1590. This is evidently an error, and no doubt arose from the fact that the Portuguese gave to the island the name it now bears: " Formosa." Portuguese accounts recording their adventures in the Far Kast contain no mention of any Portuguese

settlement in Formosa, and careful researches tail to discover am material that could be construed as evidence of such. However we do learn that Portu-guese sailing down the west coast of the island were struck with its beauty and gave it the name of " llha Formosa," (Beautiful Isle). A Dutch navigating officer named Linschotten, employed by the Portuguese, so recorded the island in his charts, and eventually the name of Formosa, so euphonious and yet appropriate, replaced all others in European literature.

The Spanish, jealous of the success of the Portuguese, made vigorous endeavors to rival them in the East. Expeditions were successfully undertaken to the Philippines, and in 1571 Manila was founded and measures taken to make it the trade depot of the Far East.

In 1595, a Dutch fleet under the command of Cornelius Houtman arrived in Java and found but little difficult}- in establishing commercial relations on a firm basis. The sudden interest in Oriental trade thus aroused in Holland

resulted, in 1602, in the organization of the Dutch East India Company, and hand in hand with England, united l>y the bond of Protestantism against their Catholic enemies — the- Spanish and Portuguese, the two nations strove for success in eastern waters. Friction between tin- two, however, soon arose, and the Dutch pushed on alone into Chinese waters to dispute the monopoly of commerce then held by the Portuguese in .Macao and the Spanish in the Philippines. The- first Dutch expedition in 1601 was a failure, the high Chinese functionaries of the southern province having received orders that no more " barbarians " should be allowed to enter the Empire, and the Portuguese, who had much to gain, had pictured the strangers in the darkest colors to the Chinese. It was then that the Dutch East India Company arrived upon the scene determined to drive the intriguing Portuguese from Macao. In 1603 the first attack was made, but beyond destroying a few of the enemy's galleons, nothing was gained, and the Dutch were forced to retire. The next year an embassy was sent to open negotiations with the Imperial Court. At the same time Admiral Van Warwijk sailed for Macao, but encountering a typhoon very common in those waters, was obliged to run for shelter to the Pescadores then but little known. It was not entirely an ill wind, however, for the knowledge gained during the occupation of the group eventually led to the possession of Formosa.

Prom the Pescadores the admiral communicated with the Fokien authorities in hopes of obtaining some commercial privileges, but the answer was that ^30,000 must first be paid for the favor of an interview. This proposition was naturally rejected, and the Dutch fleet having been surrounded by fifty Chinese war junks, further negotiations became impossible and the admiral returned to India with his fleet. -

In 1607 a new attempt by Matelief likewise resulted in failure through the impossibility of obtaining supplies.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. II

From 1 607 to 1622 no attempt was made by the Dutch to obtain a position in China, although during this period they continued to harass the Spanish and to quarrel with the English. In the latter year Cornelius Reyersz arrived in the China seas in command of a fleet of six vessels with 2,000 soldiers, to attack die Portuguese at Macao. Appearing before the town he bombarded Fort Saint Francois for five days, and encountered but little difficulty in landing 800 men, who captured an entrenchment and advanced to the city walls. Here the Portuguese defended the place so stoutly that the Dutch, unable to gain an entrance, had nothing left them but to return to their ships with a loss of 1 ;/> killed, 1 24 wounded, and 40 prisoners. The Chinese now complained that this was equivalent to an attack upon themselves, inasmuch as the Portuguese were their recognized tenants. The) consequently became mi obstinate than ever in their refusal to grant the long sought trading privileges. The Dutch in turn accused the Chinese of aiding and abetting the Portuguese, and of showing partiality in granting them exclusive commercial rights. Frustrated in their designs on Macao, the Dutch sailed to the Pescadores, well known to them through the visit of Admiral Warwijk, with the intention of compelling the Chinese to grant them full liberty of trade.

No opposition was encountered from the force at the Pescadores ; in fact the natives were panic-stricken, as in accordance with an ancient prophecy red-headed men were destined to become their masters, and the)- believed that at last the fatal day had arrived.

The first work of the Dutch was to build a fort, in the construction of which hundreds of Chinese, including the crews of many junks which had been captured, were condemned to labor. Of 1,500 workmen thus employed it is related that 1,300 died in the process of building "for they seldom had more than half a pound of rice for a day's allowance." and were literally starved to death. The Dutch pleaded in vindication the cruel usage received by their countrymen who had been imprisoned by the Chinese. Furthermore, batches of natives were sent to Batavia to be sold as slaves, and the awful fact is recorded that not more than half of them reached their destination alive, the others having either been thrown overboard upon the appearance of sickness or having died on the way.

Yalentyn, who acted as historian for the I )utch, says that after having built the fort, the Dutch despatched several vessels ol their numerous lleet to the mainland of China and resolved to force the Chinese into trade. Several villages on die coast were ravaged, and many cruelties committed, actions which were characterized by the frank historian as a disgrace to Christianity.

An envoy was now despatched by the Dutch to Amoy where he was received by the authorities with great pomp, but when the dignitaries ordered him to knock his head upon the ground " so that the bystanders might hear

the cracking of his skull " he refused compliance with this customary indignity, and after fruitless negotiations returned to his superiors. The admiral now-resolved to repair to Foochow. The high authorities received him with the greatest honor. No doubt they were apprehensive of the danger of having such formidable neighbors as the Dutch so close at hand, and furthermore a

I 2 THE ISLAM) OF FORMOSA.

petition had been presented to them by the Amoy merchants complaining that the I hitch by their constant attacks on vessels trading with the Spanish, had completely destroyed the lucrative trade formerly carried on between Amoy and Manila.'- The officials wen- consequently inclined to turn a willing ear

to the I Hitch proposals. At length after much discussion, towards the close of the year 1623 an agreement was reached by which the Dutch were to remove to Formosa, the Chinese were to supply them with as much merchandise as they desired, and furthermore five junks laden with silk and other goods, and accompanied by a Chinese official were to he despatched to Batavia. Just as the conclusion of the difficult)' which had existed between the Dutch and Chinese for years was about to be happily reached, an incident occurred which placed all again in jeopard)-. Two sampans loaded with inflammables suddenly appeared among the 1 hitch vessels at anchor in the Chinchoo river, anil two of the latter were set on fire, one being totally consumed, while the three others sailed down the river, destroying every junk they met on the way and returned to the Pescadores. The Chinese appeared on the scene shortly after and presented an ultimatum to the Dutch. If the foreigners would remove to Taiwan, freedom of commerce would be granted them. If not the Chinese would declare war against them. As a demonstration 150 war junks with 4,000 men arrived off die Pescadores and blockaded Peiho (Panghoo) island and preparations were made for obstructing the entrance by sinking vessels in the channel. The Dutch now confined to one barren island found themselves lacking in supplies. At length a new commander, Sonck by name, arrived from Batavia with orders to acquiesce in the demands of the Chinese and to occupy Formosa. A formal cession of the island was now made, which, considering that the Chinese had no right to it and never claimed any, was probably not a heart-rending task for them.

Preparations were now made to abandon the Pescadores, and Dutch and Chinese worked alike in tearing down the fort, the twenty guns and much of the material being taken on board the I hitch ships to be transported to Formosa. -'

Previous to this in 1620 a Dutch ship was wrecked in the vicinity of Tai-wan. The commander of the vessel, no doubt with the intention of turning the mishaps which had befallen him to some advantage, sought permission from the Japanese to erect a very small estahlishment to be used as a sort of depot for the I Hitch who were trading with Japan. To assure the colonists that he had no design to deprive them of any large extent of territory, he stated that a piece of land not larger than that which could be measured with the skin of an ox would be sufficient. Pleased with the modesty of his request

1. This important trade employed 30 to 40 Chinese junks running constantly between Amoy and Manila, Silk, porcelain, and other products were carried amounting to a million and a half dollars in gold annually. At that period there were more than fourteen thousand Spanish in Mexico who were dependent upon the raw silk of China to weave the celebrated fabrics so much in vogue at that time. 'I'h.- Spanish vessels carried this merchandise from Manila to M>-xi.'<>. So extensive was the intercourse with China that 20.000 Chinese bad located in Manila. By destroying this trade as well as the Portuguese commerce in Macao the Dutch had hopes of driving out their rivals and obtaining this trade for themselves.

2. Some traces of the old fortification still remain in the Pescadores, and the Chinese speak of a mysterious sunken castle which with its walls and turrets still intact can be seen beneath the waves on favorable days. The tale is probably a superstitious fancy.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUT< II. [3

permission was granted, whereupon the wily Dutchman with an old trick in mind proceeded to cut tli<j ox-skin in very long narrow strips and after fastening them together produced a line of sufficient length to surround a vast plot of ground while the Japanese were struck dumb with astonishment.

The Dutch with their possessions departed in August, [624, from tin-Pescadores and after a day's journey appeared in the vicinity of the settlement of Taiwan. No opposition was made to their large force and the}' conse-quently were enabled to take possession of the port without delay. Their first task was to place themselves on an amicable basis with the former inhabitants. The Chinese in the island then numbered about twenty-five thousand and their headmen ordinarily the pirate chiefs, were induced to be friendly by the promise of 30,000 deer skins to he delivered annually. The Japanese who, although (cw in number, consisted of large merchants with considerable capital at stake, seemed to have been satisfied with the assurance that' their trade would not be disturbed.

The Dutch now found that the situation in Formosa was above their highest anticipations. Although the entrance to the harbour at high water was only thirteen feet deep, still for the trading- vessels of those days it was sufficient. Besides there was the possibility of creating a considerable trade in such articles as the island itself produced and the still greater advantage of being independent of outside sources for food supplies. Still in those early days trad : depended not upon the quality of the goods but upon the military force to control the markets. The Dutch consequently valued the island chiefly on account of its strategical position. From Formosa the Spanish commerce between Manila and China, and the Portuguese commerce between Macao and Japan could by constant attacks be made so precarious that much of it would be thrown into the hands of the Dutch, while the latter's dealings with China and Japan would be subject to no interruptions.

The first measure of the new government was to strengthen the defences of the island. A temporary fort was at once thrown up on a raised sand kink at the entrance of the harbour of Taiwan. But as this structure was of little value it was replaced four years later by Fort Zelandia (Zealand), a very large and substantial structure. Besides this a small stone redoubt known as Utrecht constructed on a hill " a pistol shot's distance " from its elevation commanded l'ort Zelandia. A second and smaller work called Fort Provintia was built at a subsequent date near the mouth of Formosa river not far distant from Fort Zelandia. Both these structures were erected on the highest elevations in the vicinity, which enabled signals to be exchanged between them.1

The Dutch with much foresight at once sought friendly relations with the savage tribes. Perhaps with the knowledge that the Chinese were treacherous

1. Fort Zelandia consisted of a central stronghold, built on a small hill, parti; artificial, in the form of a bastioned fort on a square each Bide <■(' which extended about sixty yards. This was strengthened, at about one hundred yards distance on tin- northern side, by a wall following the course "t I lie shore ami meet i 111; the f, ,1 1 .it its western and northern angles, its own angle being also protected by a kind of hast ion. 'I' he walls were of great thickness, though hollow in the centre. They were built of small bricks specially brought from Batavia, and were extensively loopholed.

The ruins ,>t' both forts still remain, Port Zelandia within the confines of Anping village and Port Provintia within the city walls of Tainanfu.

and unsympathetic but little pains were taken to win them over as loyal

subjects of Holland.

The territory surrounding the port was owned by the Sakkam tribe, and the Dutch by fair and just treatment were soon enabled to win their affection. Ground was secured from the tribe near the mouth of the Formosa river from Fort Zelandia at a distance of about a mile, and here around Port l'rovintia the town of Sakkam was erected.

From the Sakkam tribe the Dutch gradually extended their jurisdiction always observing a kind and considerate policy over these wild children whose friendship was so essential to die company's success.

With the Chinese and Japanese the Dutch were not considerate, and, regardless of their promises, they no sooner felt their position secure than the)- began to lay plans for restricting the trade of diese two peoples. The first offensive measure of the new government was to lay a duty upon sugar and rice, two staple articles which even at that early time were exported in considerable quantities. The Chinese settlers paid this without murmuring ; but the Japanese, who were more extensively interested in foreign trade, refused to submit to these exactions, justly protesting that they as the earlier settlers of Formosa should be exempt from taxation, and moreover that the Dutch had promised them freedom from offensive interference. This gave rise to bitter hatred on both sides and as the matter was referred to Japan and placed before the Court of Yedo, the whole Japanese commerce enjoyed by the I )utch was placed in peril.

Still the Dutch, nothing daunted, rushed along at a headlong pace intent only on obtaining the maximum of financial gains in the shortest time possible. Trade had now reached a very nourishing state and the port of Taiwan bore the appearance of great commercial activity. Chinese-junks from man)- ports in China unloading cargoes of silk and other native merchandise ; Japanese ships loading European manufactures, spices, cotton stuffs, and various Indian products, and completing their cargoes with rice, sugar, and raw silk for such vessels as were destined for Japan ; Dutch vessels loading or unloading for or from China, Japan, and Batavia , these added to several warships and numerous small craft made up a picture, the like of which could not be seen in the whole East.

The Dutch not only traded with the Chinese and Japanese in Formosa but also sent their own ships to China and Japan to deal directly. Peter Nuits, the Dutch Governor in his report on trade stated that silver was sent by junks from Taiwan to die mainland city of Amoy, sometimes 'to be remitted to their agents who resided there, sometimes to be given to the merchants who were to provide merchandise for the markets of Japan, India, and Europe. This could only be done with the connivance of die Governor of Foochow, and was very advantageous, for goods could dius be obtained so as to allow a greater profit than those delivered at Taiwan by the Chinese compradores.

Also, when the time arrived for the departure from Taiwan of the Dutch ships for Japan or Batavia, if their cargoes were not complete, they were sent across to China by stealth, where they were filled up with goods which were brought on board in great quantities and at a cheaper rate than they could be bought at Taiwan, the difference in the price of silk alone being some eight or ten taels per picul. If time allowed these vessels returned to Taiwan; othenvi.se, they were sent direct to their destinations.

The principal exports were raw silk and sugar to Japan, the amount of the latter being as much as X 0,000 piculs in one year ; silk piece goods, porcelain, and gold to Batavia ; while paper, spices, amber, tin, lead, and cotton were imported to Formosa, and with the addition of Formosan products such as rice, sugar, rattans, deerskins, deer-horns, and drugs were exported to China.

In 1627, five cargoes of raw silk valued at 621,855 guilders ($240,000 U.S. gold l were sent to Japan, and two cargoes of silk piece goods valued at 559,493 guilders {$224,900 gold) were sent to Batavia and Holland. The whole Chinese trade amounted to about one million dollars (gold) a year, which generally meant one hundred per cent profit. The expenses of the colony were about 214,000 guilders ($85,944 gold). After all accounts had been settled there remained for the Batavian Government 85,000 guilders (£34,165 gold). The employees of the company were poorly paid, and were accordingly obliged to engage in trade to recompense themselves for their labors.

These advantages attracted in 1626 the envy of the Spaniards, who founded a colony on the north coast at Kelung, as will be described in length in later pages. The Dutch had as yet extended their jurisdiction only a few miles from Taiwan (Sakkam) and the Spanish were permitted to occupy the north in peace and quietude for the time being.

The Dutch, who appear to have thoroughly mastered the difficult problem of governing savages, fully appreciated the advantages that would accrue from the conversion of the natives to Christianity and the influence that could be gained by kindly and generous treatment of the subject race.

These natives seemed to be superior to Chinese, and the Dutch owed much of their tranquillity to them. They then occupied all of Formosa, the Chinese not having sufficient strength to force them from their lands as they did in later days. They were of good morals, and their miserable huts, which were grouped about to form villages, were never far from a temple where they might worship, The work was done by the women, the men employing themselves in hunting; stags. Their laws of wedlock were most curious, a married man not residing permanently with his wife until he was fifty years old, and it was a great disgrace should a woman give birth to a child before her thirty seventh year.

There was but little government among them, although each village generally had its chief, and whole districts were often engaged in blood) feuds. The aged were highly esteemed and possessed great power over the youth. Those who had proved themselves brave in battle were given the

l6 THE KLAND I IF Fl iRMOSA.

highest rank that could be bestowed. Burial of the dead was not practised ; the corpse was fried at a fire, and after having been wrapped in cloth was

preserved in a small building hung with curtains.

The religion of tin- savagi s resembled somewhat the bacchanalia of the Greeks. The principal idols in Formosa were the goddess Takarupada and

her male consort Tamagisangak, and a demon called Sarialay. To these they offered the heads of pigs and stag's, and their worship was attended with the most licentious ceremonies.

Protestant missionaries such as we have at the present day were at that time unknown, hut the 1 hitch company, not moved by the love of morality alone, were so convinced of the advantages to he gained that they did not hesitate to engage ministers at home and to bring them out to labor among the savages. Among these, Georgius Candidius, the first in the field, arrived in the island in [627 and at once engaged himself in learning the language. After obtaining a thorough knowledge of it, he entered upon his work with zeal and was very successful. Most of the villages around Fort Zelandia were christianized, and in each of them schoolmasters were placed to instruct both old and young in the leading doctrines oi the Scriptures.

The discontent aroused among the Japanese at the ohstructions placed in the way of their trade in Formosa, and the injustice with which they had been treated 1>\ the Dutch, grew until it resulted in a coup d'etat almost unparallelled in history whether for the magnitude of the risks involved or for the amount oi success obtained.

There lived at Nagasaki a bold adventurer named Hamada Yahei, who had been incited against the Dutch by the tales of a district officer named Sueji Heijo who some time previously, having received government permis-sion to engage in trade, sent ships destined lor Foochow. On the journey the 1'escadores were touched where the Hutch then in possession interfered with the trader to such an extent that he was forced to abandon his journey and return to Japan. Yahei was entrusted with an expedition bent upon avenging the wrongs of his countrymen. His younger brother Kozaimon and his sen Shinzo accompanied him. Upon leaving Nagasaki many Chinese took the opportunity of taking passage with him, so that he mustered nearly five hundred men altOgeth< r.

One day towards the end of April 162N, the expedition appeared in the harbor of Taiwan and on its mission becoming known there was some con-sternation among the Hutch, not that the Japanese would injure them if it came to a fight, hut that trade would suffer should hostilities commence.

The difficulty is most clearly expressed in a letter sent by (Governor Nuits to the Governor-General at Batavia, in which it is stated that the vessel under Yahei had arrived with 470 Japanese on hoard, and as the mission had been reported as a hostile one l>v a Chinese passenger it was necessary that the 1 Hitch should take some measures to protect themselves as well as to punish the Japanese lor their impertinence.

The chief ^ ahei, had sent a letter to the governor asking for permission to trade, but the latter in answer reprimanded him for his impoliteness and

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 1 7

suggested that it was the custom to call and make personal application. This had the desired effect, and Yahei presented himself at the governor's official residence. He was there informed that as it was customary to search Dutch ships in [apan and seize all weapons and ammunition to be held until the departure of the ships, the governor had determined to do likewise, and therefore Yahei must deliver up all weapons and ammunition, which would be kept in custody by the Dutch and returned to the Japanese on the day of their intended depart-ure. Yahei would not agree to this, so he was held a prisoner in die House, while in pursuance of the governor's orders an officer with soldiers was sent aboard the Japanese ship to disarm it. Swords, spears, lxnvs, and arrows, 15 guns with ammunition, and all the oars were secured and carried ashore. I he governor then inquired of Yahei why he had brought so man)- arms, adding that it could be not for trade, but hostile purposes, and that the)- were always prepared to defend their colony and had man)' soldiers and warships ; so that the)- were not afraid of any foemen. Moreover the Japanese were now help-less, as all weapons and ammunition had been taken from them. Yahei replied that he had not brought the arms to attack the Dutch but to protect himself against the pirates on the high seas. To diis the governor rejoined that at Taiwan there was no fear of pirates and that his property would be returned to him on his departure.

CHAPTER II (PART 2 OF 3)

Yahei made an unsuccessful attempt to recover the arms. Later he signified his desire to go to China and asked that seven or eiyht Chinese junks might be sold or loaned to him that he might secure certain goods that had been left in China the preceding year. Although the governor did not like die request, he felt obliged to grant it rather than show his hostility so strongly as to injure Dutch trade in Japan. But Chinese sailors refused to join the vessels, on the ground that their presence would so anger the Chinese authorities that punishment would be indicted upon their families. Conse-quently the permission was withdrawn. Further ground of complaint was given by the discovery on board of some deer skins, die export of which had been forbidden. But as only a few were found no formal notice was taken of the offence, although the governor signified his intention of detaining Yahei until further instructions were received from Batavia as to the disposal of the case. Yahei, however, was not to be thus daunted. The capture and imprison-ment of the governor in his own capital by this adventurous trader and his six companions is quite a remarkable tale, and the journal of a I hitch military officer affords a reliable account of it.

June 29th, 1628. *' Yahei and other Japanese wishing to return to Japan sought permission from the governor hut were refused. They were politely informed of his decision, but after some discussion Yahei suddenly showed great signs of anger, Rnd springing like a wild eat caught Governor Nnits and with the aid of his companions bound him hand and to,,t. He was warned against calling out with the threat that if lie 11 ade any noise his head would be struck off. A Dutch officer in the next room made his escape and Leave the alarm calling out that if the soldiers were not sent quickly to the rescue their I would be killed. Many Dutch at once surrounded the bouse, but the Japanese rushing out made such a fierce attack upon tbem, killing and wounding several, that they fled. At the beginning of the disturbance another officer and I bearing the disturbance tried to pass out of the gate but were prevented by the Japanese. At last my companion jumped out of the window and escaped, 1 fallowing bis ex imple. The Japanese captured and killed two servants of the govei nor. The soldiers were now gathered .together, and Ihiee or tour of the big guns were turned on the Japanese but inflicted greater damage on our own people. At this tune 1 secretly communicated with our governor and could not refrain from weeping at his plight He told me to stop the firing at once otherwise his

1 8 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

life would be in danger. Tlie Japanese also informed me that if I did not stop the filing they would present me with our chiefs bead. I at once ordered oar soldiers to cease filing, and on this the

Japanese showed themselves inclined to settle the case pei folly. There is a report that

the. Japanese with the aid of native Formosans and I hinese intend to attack our fort to-morrow night. If that is so I cannot obey the governor's orders, and at a consultation of our officers we decided t" send a messenger to the Japanese asking them to release the governor. If they do not

comply we shall attack them and rescue him by force, and it we canii"t sa\ ur beloved officer and his

son, we will fight until there is not one Japanese left alive. It was thought best however to report this decision to our chief before putting if into execution, 80 we mad.- known to him onr plans. He replied that he believed a peaceful settlement would be arrived at and begged us to wait until to-morrow before sending the message to the Japanese.

A. polite message was sent to the Japanese this morning asking for the release of the governor, and if this was refused it was determine. 1 to back up the demand with an armed force. An answer was

received to the effeci that the case would be settled pe fully, and icquesting us to wait until the

afternoon when they, the Japanese would send a report. The report arrived and our chief informed OS that the affair would be peacefully settled and that he would be released providing he gave his son and five other hostages as n proof of sincerity."

Delay followed, during which the Dutch were sorely tempted to com-mence hostilities against the Japanese, but the council, wishing to preserve the life of their chief as well as peace, retrained from fighting, and on the evening

of July 2nd the council received from Governor Nuits a letter mentioning the conditions under which the Japanese would release him. They were as follows \ —

1. The Chief's son, one officer (Muysart) and three Dutchmen were to be delivered up to the Japanese as hostages and taken to Japan. Five Japanese, including Heijo's cousin, would likewise be left with the Dutch and they might be taken in a Dutch ship to Japan to be exchanged for the six Dutch hostages.

L'. The eleven Sakkam people and two Chinese interpreters captured and impr soiled by the Dutch during the trouble were to be released and such of their property as had been confiscated should bo restored

3 Appropriate presents were to be made to Yahei by the Dutch officers in Formosa.

4. Before the Japanese should depart from the port the Dutch ships should bring ashore all their oars.

6. The Japanese bad remaining in China 20,000 catties of silk and when an attempt was made to secure it by Yahei and his party the Dutch prevented them. Then [..re ns the property had now no doubt been captured by pirates the Dutch were to indemnify them for this loss. Furthermore, the

Japanese several years before had been deprived of 1,500 catties of silk which the first Dutch Governor had confiscated owing to the non payment of port taxes. This must be returned to them.

Fhe council after giving the subject due consideration came 'to the conclusion that they would agree to articles i, 2, and 3, but that they could not accept article 4, and must request that article 5 should also be withdrawn. As the Japanese stated that the loss of the silk was caused by Dutch interference it would be better to consent to this and to refer the case to the authorities in Japan, who might be induced to return the property. The same to apply to the silk confiscated by the Dutch.

Having noted their decision as stated above the council prepared a document in the proper form, which having been sealed and signed by seventeen I hitch officers was transmitted to the Japanese, who formally accepted it.

On the 4th the hostages were exchanged and on the 5th, 12,053 catties of the silk promised was handed over, and the balance delivered in money at the rate of $14.10 per hundred catties. The odier condition having also been fulfilled, the governor after seven days' imprisonment was released, and the Japanese announced their intention of returning to their native country at once. At this time the Dutch factor)- still remained in Hirado, Japan, but the Formosa Governor upon his release advised all the Dutch to gather at

Nagasaki where he believed the inhabitants " wen: more peaceful and ex-penses would be lighter."

The Japanese not contented under Dutch rub- now withdrew from Formosa, but the Chinese increased with great rapidity until all the districts around the Dutch factories were occupied by these people, and the capitation tax yielded 200,000 guilders annually. For a time this latter class submitted to the various taxations without murmuring, but eventually, dissatisfied with the rule of the foreigners, they attempted to better their condition by rising in rebellion, in hopes that their superiority in number would avail against the superior arms of the Dutch. In this they were disappointed, for the foreigners, gathering about them nearly 2,000 native Christians, attacked the rebels with great force, so that the slaughter was very heavy among them, especially as the natives took this opportunity to obtain revenge for the many years of cruelty they had endured at the hands of the Chinese.

Now with the Japanese difficult)- disposed of, it behoved the I hitch to apply their trade monopoly doctrine to the Spanish who were comfortably settled in the north of the island. There was to be no argument, no lengthy consular reports in which each side proclaimed the superior quality and the cheapness of their own goods, but an appeal to arms ; for the I hitch were determined that eastern traders should deal with them or not deal at all.

The Spanish along with the Portuguese had been driven by the Dutch from participation in Japanese trade, and the former wishing for some station where they could renew and protect their trade had decided on a site in the north of Formosa, without any intention of disturbing die Dutch who were occupying the south of the island.

The expedition was organized in Manila at the close of the governorship of Fernando de Silva and consisted of three companies of infantry under the command of Don Antonio Carreno de Yaldes and a provincial prelate, Fr. Bartolome Martinez, as director of the expedition with five Dominican friars as assistants. A dozen Chinese boats and two Spanish galleons were prepared to carry the party.

On the 8th of February, 1626, this expedition set sail, and after delaying in a northern harbour of the Philippines for three months awaiting a change of monsoon, the expedition continued on its way, reaching the northern coast of Formosa early in May. On the 10th they landed the troops on the shores of a bay which they called Port Santiago, but finding that die situation was not well protected in all seasons, the provincial prelate gave orders to reconnoitre the northern coast in hopes of obtaining a more secure location. At last a position was discovered with a harbor which the}- considered magnificent and protected from all winds. To this place they gave the name of Santissima Trinidad but it was none other than the port of Kelung, long known to the Chinese by that name and occupied by [apanese pirates only some twenty years before.

The first task in those days was to erect forts, and the Spanish accordingly set to work to build a strong structure to serve as a place of security against all comers. At the entrance of the bay stood an island which

formed the key to the harbor. On this was erected a strong fort, and on a hill 300 feet above the sea level was raised a second fortification. Over this was flown their beloved banner of Castile, and now satisfied' with his labours the prelate returned to Manila with the majority of the expedition.

The natives, who, at the first boom of the cannon had fled in great terror to the hills, were now induced by the good friars to return. A small chapel dedicated to All Saints had been erected, and untiring labors were made to convert the natives to Christianity. The first converts wen- two young men the sons of a Chinese who had long been a resident of the port, and who had married a native woman. The friars rejoiced at this, the first recognition of the true Cod in their colon)- and celebrated the occasion with great pomp. I hiring the ceremony of the sacrament a salute was fired, the troops were paraded, and the function was carried out with a solemn pageantry the like of which had not been seen in the island, and which must have impressed the natives. From this time, deserved success attended the efforts of the friars, until in 1627 the converts were so numerous that in the provincial chapter of 1627 die new territory was declared a Vicariate, and Father Francisco Mola, assisted by four friars, was despatched to the island to take charge.

After the establishment of the colony at San Salvador on a permanent basis the Spanish forces proceeded in 1629 to occupy Tamsui, which even at this early period was frequented by man)- Chinese merchants, who came from Fokien to barter with the Formosa natives. The natives here, as at Kelung, lied at the sight of the Spanish. It seems, however, that either they or the Chinese had erected some sort of fortification, as Spanish accounts state that a fort was captured and upon its ruins the victors built a substantial fort to which the name San I )omingo was given. A church was next built, which was dedicated with great pomp to the Lad)' of the Rosary, while the natives, who had now recovered from their fright, assisted in making a road from the fort to the top of the hill upon which the church stood.

Peter Nuits the Dutch Oovernor of Formosa, reported these facts to his home authorities and exposed in an interesting report the injury that the Spaniards were doing to Dutch trade and the necessity of sending an expedi-tion to drive them away.

•• We ought t" render ourselves masters o£ Kelang (Kelaug) for the following reasons :

1. From this place the enemy can always equip vessels to attack ours which are trading' with

Chinchoo, and it is almost impossible to protect our ships. If one vessel is taken by the company the loss will be greater than the whole expense of fitting out an expedition to capture Ke-lang.

2. If the Spanish remain, on account of the large capital at their disposal they will be a source of embarrassment and inquietude to us and will also attract to their colony a large share of merchandise.

3. If they are once firmly established, it is to be feare 1 that they may incite the natives and the Chinese to revolt against us. This would be a great misfortune, for without the amity of the latter we should not be able to hold our own, unless we greatly reinforced our garrison and fleet, which would considerably augment our expense and seriously diminish our profits.

4. Kelung once reduced, we should have an opportunity of employing greater capital, since the merchandise which would otherwise go to the Spanish would then come to us and at the same time the Chinese would have to lower their prices."

1. Although their general situation is known, no definite traces now remain of these forts on what is at present known as Palm Island, at the entrance of Kelung harbor, and the Spanish descrip-tions are not sufficiently detailed to enable the writer, in spite of careful research, to identify the ruins that are found with the forts alluded to. Chang Ohing, the son of Koxinga, not having a sum.ient garrison to defend them, saw fit at a later period, to destroy these strongholds, fearing that the Tartars might turn them against himself.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 2 1

The Dutch authorities in Batavia do not seem to have been impressed with the importance of these suggestions, for no expeditions were authorized. Consequently for twelve years the new colony enjoyed perfect tranquillity. It was only in 1641 when the Spanish severed their ties with the Portuguese that the Dutch decided to dispose of their dangerous neighbor. Accordingly a squadron of three vessels was despatched to North Formosa to deliver an ultimatum to_ the Spanish Commander. It is an unique despatch worthy ol reproduction here.

To Uonsalo Portilio,

Governor of the Spanish fortress In the Island of Selling Sir,

I have the honor to communicate to you that I have received the command of a coiiKiderable naval and military force with the view of making me master by civil means or otherwise of the fortress Santissima Trinidad in the isle of Ke-lung of which your Excellency is the Governor.

In accordance with the usages of Christian nations to make known their intentions before com-mencing hostilities, I now summon your Excellency to surrender. If your Excellency is disposed to lend an ear to the terms of capitulation which we offer and to make delivery to me of the fortress of Santissima Trinidad and other citadels, year Excellency and your troops will be treated in good faith according to the usages and customs of war, but if your Excellency feigns to be deaf to this command there will be no other remedy than recourse to arms. I hope that your Excellency will give careful consideration to the conteuts of this letter and avoid the useless effusion of blood, and I trust that without delay and in a few words you will make known to me your intentions.

May God protect your Excellency many years.

The Friend of your Excellency,

PAULUS TRADENIUS. Fort Zelandia, August 26th, 1641.

This letter, which for frankness and energy contrasts singularly with most of the communications of like purport in our days, the Spanish Governor answered in a courteous and formal manner as follows : —

" To the Governor of Taiwan.

Sir; I have duly received your communication of August 26th, and in response I have the honor to point out to you that as becomes a good Christian who respects the oath he lias made before his king, I cannot and I will not surender the forts demanded by your Excellency, as I and my garrison have determined to defend them. I am accustomed to find myself before great armies, and 1 have engaged in numerous battles in Flanders as well as other countries, and so I beg of you not to take the trouble of writing me further letters of like tenor. May each one defend himself as best he can. We are Spanish Christians and God in whom we trust is our protector.

May the Lord have mercy on you.

Written in our principal fortress San Salvador the 6th of September 1641.

(signed) GONSALO POKTILIS."

On receipt of this answer the Dutch sent an expedition against Kelung and Tamsui which on its arrival met with such strong opposition from th<-Spanish that the assailants were forced to retire after an ineffectual cannonade and a useless disembarkation of troops.

After the departure of the Dutch the Spanish bather Bartolome Martinez' and the governor of the fort which had so ably repulsed the Dutch

1. The death of Father Miuthie/. was Ik great loss to the colony. After a distinguished career in Spain he was despatched to Manila where he became interested in the Chinese and decided to establish a Dominican mission in China. His first labors on the Chinese mainland were in Macao, but meeting with much opposition from the Portuguese, he at last retired to the convent of Binondo in Manila, applying himself to the study of the Chinese language. Becoming proficient in the tongue, he joined his countrymen in Formosa and was of such assistance to them in the administration of the colony and possessed so much influence with the natives that he was elevated to the rank of Vicar. Thenceforward he dedicated himself to the conversion of the native- of Formosa. Previous to his deatli and during the fighting w ith the Dutch he exhibited a daring spirit, occupying without hesita-tion the most dangerous localities and encouraging his subordinates to the defence of their country and their God.

2 2 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

embarked in a small boat propelled by both sail and oar for fort San Salva-dor. But the boat was capsized and in spite of all efforts to save them three persons were drowned including the venerable lather.

The Spanish authorities at Manila, with very poor policy, now recalled three out of the four companies in Formosa for a campaign against the Mindanao Moors. The Dutch were of course not slow to take advantage of this ill-advised step anil made preparations for a second expedition. Upon learning of this, which could hardly have been a surprise to the commander of the Spanish colon)-, he at once called for supplies and reinforcements, and the Manila Governor with a shrewdness quite on a par with the former recall of the troops, sent a few provisions, a little ammunition and a reinforcement of eight Spanish soldiers.

On the 3rd of August 1642, eighteen months after the first attack, the Dutch appeared oft Tamsui with a comparatively powerful squadron of four frigates, a large cutter, nine small vessels, besides several transports, under the command of Hendric Harouse.

The invaders at once landed. The Spanish commander had sent only 12 Spanish soldiers, 8 Indians of Luzon, and 40 native archers to oppose the Dutch disembarkation, and this force was, of course quite inadequate. The Dutch having thus gained the beach and the unprotected suburbs of Tamsui, laid seige to Fort Domingo. The Spanish, regardless of their small force, held out gallantly, defending their position night and day without rest.

The Dutch at last succeeded in mounting artillery on an elevation com-manding the fortress and were thus enabled to inflict great damage on the fort, the defenders of which after six days of determined but futile opposition surrendered on the feast clay of Saint Bartolome, the 24th of August, 1642. Kelung fell in a similar manner, and with its capture the Dutch became the undisputed masters of Formosa, The victors captured forty pieces of large artillery, a large quantity of ammunition, and twenty-five thousand dollars in silver, and merchandise valued at more than one million dollars, the property of merchants established there. .So great was the joy at their victory that the Dutch celebrated it for eight days. The Spanish garrison, five Dominican missionaries, and one Franciscan were carried as prisoners of war to Taiwan and thence to Batavia, where the governor treated them with courtesy and kindness, and eventually granted them unconditional pardon and permission to return to Manila at their pleasure. The ex-governor of the defunct colony, fearing that the loss of their Formosa colony would be visited on his head, remained behind, and the rest of the party selecting Father Juan de los Angelos as their temporary commander departed from Batavia, arriving in Manila June 29th, 1643.

The loss of these admirably situated posts of commerce was keenly felt by the Spanish colony in Manila, and there were even suggestions, never carried into effect, that a strong expedition should be sent to recover them from the Dutch.

The Dutch followed up their victory by appearing with their squadron off Manila. The Spanish were greatly alarmed, and feared that the attack on Tamsui and Kelung might be the prelude to an expedition to drive them from the Philippines. The enemy landed a force in hopes of inciting the natives to rebel, but according" to Spanish accounts were not successful, owing to the attachment of the natives to the Catholic religion. It does not appear that the Dutch had any real intention of attacking the colon)-, but were there only to intercept Spanish transports and galleons ; for after having watched the coast for some time and given battle to the Spanish squadron, they set sail and disappeared. This discouraged the Spanish from making any attempt to recover their possessions in North Formosa, and no farther efforts were made by them to interfere with the trade of which Formosa was the principal mart.

breed from all competitors the Dutch now enlarged their domains and established factories at both Kelung and Tamsui, erecting in the latter place a substantial brick and stone fort of such solidity that, with a sufficient garrison, it would be absolutely impregnable against any engines of war that those early days could produce.1 A clergyman was also stationed in Tamsui to look after the spiritual welfare of the natives.

From Kelung the Dutch rapidly spread their authority throughout the beautiful Kapsulan plain lying to the southward of Kelung, nestling between the high mountains of the interior and the rough rock-bound coast of the Pacific. In 1648 the Dutch could count 47 villages under their control in this fertile plain. To the south, Dutch rule had extended to the most remote settlement of importance, the village of Liangkiau.

At the height of their prosperity about the year 1650 the villages under I Hitch jurisdiction numbered 293 and were spread over forty-five clans, and had even reached the east side of the island, $J of them being located in the vicinity of Pilam near the south-east coast. For administrative purposes they had divided their territory into seven districts, five lying to the east or north ofSakkam (Tainanfu), one on the south coast, and the other on the south-east coast. Of these the most important were Sakkam, Favorlan, Matau, and Soulang.

The company received considerable revenue from taxes, and it does not appear that much was paid out for the benefit of the island.

Tribute was collected from China, though for the first few years the amount received scarcely exceeded three thousand reals per year. Immigration fostered by disturbances in Fokien province brought many families to the island, and by the middle of the century this tax totalled nearly forty thousand reals. It was estimated that the new arrivals numbered

1. This most interesting relic of Formosan history.— "The Old Dutch fort" with its walls of nearly eight feet of masonry and lime still commands the port of Tamsui, as firm and solid and as imposing as when built two hundred and fifty years ago. That it has not Inst one i..ta in strength and is still

formidable the French bombardment of 188-t clearly proved, for during that engage nt the fort was

struck hard and true, but the shells did no damage and scarcely left a mark on the noble structure. It is a most impressive monument of longevity and as such was selected as the most fitting place to-celebrate the 60th year of the reign "f Ber Majesty Queen Victoria on April 23rd, 1S97. The tort is al present occupied as the office of the British Consulate.

some twenty-five thousand families. Deer hunting was a profitable occupa-tion, not only to the hunters but to the 1 hitch, who received one r,Wper month as license money from each hunter. Other taxes were numerous, even the unfortunate fishermen being obliged to give to the government a portion of

their catch. Out of this considerable revenue the natives received but little in return, and that only with the idea of obtaining additional gains for the company. Finding that agriculture was not progressing as they wished and learning that the absence of domesticated animals for draft purposes was a serious drawback, the company advanced the minister Gravius during the middle of the century 4,000 reals with which he purchased 121 oxen for distribution among the natives.

The military force in the island consisted of about one thousand well armed men, one third of whom were employed as a garrison at Fort Zelandia. Still it must be apparent to the reader that the Dutch success with the natives was not altogether due to this military force.

True it is that the form of administration allowed the savage clans much liberty as to their own form of government ; their native customs were not generally disturbed, and they chose their own village elders. As to the latter the Dutch had encouraged this method of obtaining headmen for the villages, and rarely expressed dissatisfaction with the peoples' choice. They recognized the elder officially ; with much ceremony investing him with a silver-headed staff, ornamented with the company's coat of arms, as insignia of authority.

CHAPTER II (PART 3 OF 3)

To preserve their influence with the elders the latter were all assembled once a year at a grand ceremonial feast1 held at Sakkam. On this occasion new appointments were confirmed, orders given for the succeeding year, presents lavishly bestowed on the most worth) of the elders, and the participants returned to their respective districts.

The real success with the natives, however, was due neither to the military force nor the system of civil government, although of course these were important factors, but to the individual character of the missionaries, who labored with the natives, not for the sake of trade, but- to save souls. The government fully appreciated this and vested them with much authority.

As the missionaries were much concerned with the government, and as the success attained during the short period of their labors has never been equalled in any land peopled by so called barbarians, I may be excused for reviewing their labor rather minutely.2

As previously stated Candiclius, a Protestant divine, was the first mis-sionary engaged. Upon arriving in the island and looking over the field he

1. The Dutch called this a land-dag (diet) and took special care to explain laws enacted by the government and to admonish the del-gates to give a kind reception to the Chinese merchants and hunters who might come to their respective places.

2. In the succeeding pages of this chapter I have supplemented my information, gathered from various sources inaccessible to the general reader by quoting freely from the first volume of the valu-able work of the Rev. William Campbell, which tnibodies much information compiled from official reports regarding labors of the Dutch clergy in Formosa.

Missionary Success in Formosa, by Rev. Win. Campbell of the English Presbyterian Mission, Tainanfu. In two volumes, published by Triibner & Co., 07, Ludgate Hill, Loudon.

expressed his belief that both the disposition and the circumstances of tin-natives were favorable for their conversion to Christianity. " With good capacities, they were ignorant of letters ; their superstitions rested only on tradition, on customs to which they were strongly attached and which had been almost totally changed within the last sixty years, and no obstacles were to be apprehended from the government." Candidius applied himself with zeal to the work, and in a manner so effective that during the first sixteen months of his stay, part of which had been occupied in studying the language, he instructed 120 of the natives in the Christian religion. Two years later Robertus Junius arrived in Formosa to join in the work. Candidius returned to his native land, but in 1633 accepted a second appointment and was located in Sakkam with his colleague Junius.

In the year 1635, Candidius and Junius had by their zealous labors so far progressed that about 700 natives of Formosa had been baptized by them, and the next year the opportunities for propagating the gospel in Formosa were so favorable that the two divines communicated with the authorities at Batavia, begging that new laborers might be sent to so promising a field, and stating that employment might be found even for ten or twenty clergymen.

Accordingly, two ministers were despatched from home the next year, one of them, Lindeborn by name, was accompanied by his wife. They had sailed via Japan, where Mrs. Lindeborn, the first European lady to appear in that country, created much wonder among the Japanese.

Junius in 1636 established the first school in Formosa, commencing with a class of 70 boys, whom he taught to write their mother tongue in roman letters. The government were interested in the work, and furnished the students with rice and clothes. The natives took advantage of the opportunity to such an extent that three years later the schools had been increased to five, and 485 boys were receiving government aid.

New recruits for the missionary forces continued to arrive from the home land, and the number of converts increased rapidly. Candidius returned to Europe and Junius became his successor, taking the lead of his colleagues in the amount of work accomplished. As to his success the following extract — the original orthography of which is preserved — from a pamphlet published in London in 1650 will enlighten us.

"Op the Conversion of Five Thousan . Nine Hundred East Indians in the Isi.e of Formosa.

"And whereas the Gentiles or Heathen are first to be instructed and Preached unto, that they may heleeve, before they should be baptized; This Reverend M. Junius tooke great paines daylv, in first instructing them in the grounds of Religion, Catechizing them, to bring them to beleeve : So that of persons grown up in that isle of Formosa. Five Thousand and Nine Hundred, of both Sexes, gave up their Names to Christ; and professing their faith, and giving tit answers to questions propounded out of the Word of (jod, were baptized by him ; (of which number of persons so dipt in water, the infants of persons in Covenant are not reckoned, and to Buoh persons in (Soulangh) and SKncftan, and elsewhere being instructed well in the Doctrine of the Lords Supper, was that Ordinance of Christ also ad-ministered with much reverence, joy, and edification.

"And because the instructing of persons to Hemic and to Write, tends much to further, not oiielv Civill and Poli ical good, but also Spiritual] ; herein also M Junius took,, much painea, in furthering of both, instructing some to Teach others, and in Visiting and 1 Ordering the Scliollers.

"And besides a few Dutch men. that were Teachei a of oi hers ; in the Sta Vownss before said, of the Heathenish natives that he gained to Christ, about F if tie of them lie so instructed and fitted for tlii worke. that excelled in Godliness, Knowledge. Industrie, Dexteritie and Sedulitie ; thai before Ids departure thence, they had taught six hundred scliollers to Read 1 and t-< Write; and that instructed, as well the elder as younger persons, in the Rudiments of Christian Faith."

26 TIIK IS] Wl> > '! I ' IRM< 's.\.

It was a strange sight in Asia in those early days to see hundreds educated in the use of the Latin alphabet and flocking to a Christian church on Sundays and living in accordance with the teachings of Christianity. But such was common in Formosa in several of the districts in which the missionaries had especially exerted themselves. " To our surprise, we daily see young people not only marrying according to Christian rites hut going together into the fields, ami, not only bringing children into the world, hut even living together; while formerly they would have rather died than live thus."

The material part of the life in Formosa in which the missionaries were concerned is well illustrated in the following extract from a letter written by Rev. Robert Junius to the Covernor-General, Antonius van Diemen, and dated at Tayouan, 23rd of October, 1640.

"Although the inhabitants of Dovale annoyed us very much in the late hunting expeditions, and

drove away many Chinese who had hunting licenses ; still, ] 1*4- 1 reals have been received from that

source. The expenses— as Torn* Excellency will see from the -| ideations have ainounted only to

027 reals, so that the surplus is 1314 reals ; to which sum my account (according to Four Excellency's orders), has been debited."

" The season has again commenced in which the Chinese begin to bunt, and several have already applied for licenses, but I am of "pinion (and have spoken to the governor about it. who I wish could also agree with me) that it would be better not to grant any hunting licenses for this year, for the following reasons: 1st. Because the Company has still, if I am rightly informed, several thousands of skins here which, from a lack of vessels, they have not I. eon ahle t" ship to Japan, L'nd. Because the deer have decreased considerably ill numbers in nearly all the hunting fields, by the continual hunting which is resumed every year j and if the hunting wen. now prohibited the deer would again multiply very fast, and this would greatly please the inhabitants in whose fields the Chinese bunt every year. 3rd. For the very important reason that, if we allow the Chinese to hunt, our influence and reputation will greatly suffer thereby, as the inhabitants of Dovale and (it is to be feared) of Vovorollang will be constantly Coming out of their village- to chase away. t<. rob, and to minder the hunters ; and all this we shall not be able to prevent, seeing that these people usually hunt at a great distance from Tayouan.

"Many Chinese who were too poor to pay for their licenses requested nie to advance them the money ; promising that, after the hunt, they would Bell me the skins — large and small — at HI reals a

hundred; and the late governor permitted us to do so, on idit ion that we held ourselves responsible

for whatever loss might he sustained by the Chinese running away or becoming insolvent He was the more inclined to grant this, as there would thus be brought to us all the skins they were in the practice of having secretly transported to China : but be stipulated that we should ourselves advance the money spent in preliminary expenses, and approve, 1 of the whole arrangement for this particular reason, that, if the accounts were settled by us. he would be a! le to see what profit the licenses yielded, and would thus find a way for defraying in future the expenses required for the support of the clergymen in Formosa, etc.

■' The Chinese are very desirous of borrowing money from us, as otherwise they must borrow it from their countrymen, who show no mercy in their dealings with each other, ami who charge from 4 to 5 per cent, for monthly interest. If the hunting licenses, therefore, are sold again this year as in former year-, we shall advance the money on the terms I previously mentioned, and endeavor to arrange that the quarter, which they pay over and above the real is not paid in eash as they have done hitherto, but in skins.

" The bunting will thus produce every year from 500 to 1,000 reals, making an annual increase from Formosa of 4,000; which we doubt not will greatly please Your Excellency. The Chinese who live in the villages, however, are very poor, and may not be able to pay a quarter of a real per month If Your Excellency had allowed the 1,000 reals of the collection to remain m our hands, they would have given very willingly ; and if they continue to pay a quarter of a real monthly, they will certainly try to recoup themselves by cheating the poorer class of our aboriginal people, whom they daily defraud, and who, on that a Hint, can never better their condition."

In 1657 the Dutch decided to establish a college with the object of educating young natives to become suitable and capable clergymen. I; was located at Mattau. The reasons for selecting this situation are recorded in the minute hock of the church of Tayouan as follows : —

" In the first place, the village of Mattau, like Mesopotamia itself, is situated in the midst of the rivers, so that many a deserter or runaway will, as it were, be caught in bis wicked purpose to escape. For it is much to be feared, especially in the beginning, that after these young natives have been' separated for some time from their parents nnd relatives, they will desire (contrary to what is right and proper in this case) to revisit them, and thus run off again in the face of our wish and consent ; whereas, if the seminary were erected in Mattau. the rapid current and the great depth of the rivers — mote particularly in the time of the monsoon, would effectually prevent them from doing so.

" Add this also, that Mattau is situated nearer to the hunting-fields than either Etonian g or Sin-kang, thus making it easier to obtain fresh deer flesh ; and although the abundance and variety of fish

FOfeMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 2J

may not 1)0 greater than in Soulang, yet supplies can be more easily obtained, inasmncfa as Mattau bas a greater number of fisheries than any other place."

** The applicants. Whose age ranged from tea to fourteen, were to possess a good character, memories, and quickness of apprehension ; it being also desirable that the; should know by heart the Prayers and the Catechism, be very adept iu learning the Dutch language and well acquainted with reading and writing, having already proved themselves to be among them _■ to receive this

training; while a preference Bhould be shown for orphans and such as are miserablj po i

"The oider, manner, and time of instruction should be as follows : —

■■first ■. As a general rule, the youug inmates shall be instructed in the ETorinosan language in the morning, and in the Dutch language in the afternoon.

"Secondly: The time given to instruction in the morning shall be 4 glas a lining at sun

that is, from 6 till $ — two glasses to be allowed (i.e. 1 hour) for breakfast and then, again, for four glasses, ' '■• from 9 till 11.

•■ Thirdly: The time given to instruction during.the afternoon shall be four glasses; that is, fi<nn :( till ■>.

"Fourthly! Till the young people become better acquainted with the Dutch language tie' Sub-Director shall employ the Forniosan language in giving early morning instruction in the Catechism — zealously endeavoring then to implant in the hearts of his pupils the right understanding thereof. The same task shall devolve upon the Regent from 10 till 1 1 in the forenoon, and every morning, from ii till lo, the young people shall he diligently exercised in reading and writing — Thursday, however, being considered a holiday, when the scholars shall be at liberty t" play and amuse themselves, or be permitted to go out.

"Fifthly: In the afternoon the Dutch language is to be taught, and the hook called The Door or Port to Language be employed for that purpose; a work written by Comenius, and containing some familiar phrases in the Dutch and Formosan languages.

"Lastly: The Consistory desires to have the following Rules adopted : —

" 1. That the Sub-Director shall see to have all the young people up in the morning before sunrise; that they properly dress, wash, and comb themselves ; and, thereafter, that morning prayers be read, all present reverently kneeling.

" 2 That before and after the usual lessons prayers shall be said or read.

"3. That at, meal-times, that is, at breakfast, at dinner- time (1 '1 ..'(dock), and at supper (0 "VI a blessing shall first be asked, and afterwards thanks be returned.

"4, That while dinner ami supper are being partaken ..f, a chapter from the Bible shall be read aloud.

" 5. That the young people shall take it by turns to read a chapter during dinner and supper, and the prayers appointed before and after meals, and before and after instruction.

"0. That no young person shali be allowed to leave the seminary without the special permission

of the Director.

''7. That the Sub Director shall not be alb. wed to give more than a blow with the ferule by way of punishment in cases of misbehavior.

"8. That the young people who remain out longer than the time appointed shall be punished as the Director thinks fit.

" That every day twc Monitors shall be appointed, whose duty it will be, in rotation, to mark those who speak any other language than Dutch during college-time, or who do not behave properly; and report such delinquencies to the Sub-Direct .r.

"10. That the Sub-Director shall take especial care that the clothes of the children are kept neat and clean, that the building itself be properly cleansed iu all its parts, and that attention be given to all such tilings as may tend to the advantage and weal of the place.

" The Consistory also leaves it to the Governor and Council to appoint a certain number of slaves to attend to the more servile duties, to prepare the food of the young people, to see to their clothing, and to do such other work as may be required tor domestic purposes

The Dutch missionaries took extremely drastic methods in their effort to force the natives to give up their sins. They declared idolatry a crime and subject to a punishment unmerciful in its severity. The lengths to which their zeal carried them is indicated by a letter of the Governor and Council of Formosa to the Governor-General and Councillors of India, an extract <>l which reads as follows : —

X T :|: *: !fc *C * 1: #

Tatovah, 2 March, 1658. "Considering the manifold complaints, and our own daily observation, I 'ormosans living on

this plain, and especially th imongst them who are less instructed, in the face of our repeated and

serious admonitions, persistently continue to practice the sins of idolatry, adultery, fornication, ami sometimes even of incest i considering, too, that many of them offend in this way because they are ignorant of the laws ot i;,.| and man that it seems difficult to punish them according to their deserts, we have unanimously resolved to issue the accompanying proclamation.

" Before arriving at this decision, we all agreed to consul! tie- I onsistory about the matter, and their opinion is that the proclamation in no way deviates from the righteous law of God. It wa- also

28 Till' l.M AMI OK frORMOSA,

remembered by us that there are many weak Christians here who arc exceedingly deficient in know-ledge ; that, indeed, the greater portion of the people are still benighted heathen.

" Let it, therefore, be borne in mind that this, onr proclamation, is intended for all, hut, more

particularly for those who have r ivod daily instruction iii the principles of true religion and sound

morale; and that in addressing the people of every class, we only Conform to the custom of our lielovt'il

native land, whose in hal.it ants, by the ;-ia f God, arc gifted with a far higher degree of knowledge

and understanding than the inhabitants of this place.

"Thus, in keeping with what has just been stated, we now declare that idolatry in the first degree shall be punishable with public whipping and banishment; that those who are guilty of incest shall be sevciely whipped in public, and condemned to wear chains during a space of six years : while the less heinous sins enumerated in this proclamation shall be proportionately punished according to circum-stances, hy the decision of the judge. And in order that none may pretend ignorance of the matter, this our proclamation shall be translated into all the dialects ot the island, and affixed in public to churches and schools; arrangements being also made for having it read in public once a month ; that all the people may. as far as lies in our power, be taught to cease from tho practice of those vile things which have been referred to."

* :; N- * * * * I * *

It was natural that these simple islanders should resent the disgrace, punishment, and forced desertion of their old religion contemplated by their Dutch masters ; for that old religion was doubtless as dear to them as the new religion was to their oppressors.

It seems that the Supreme Council to the Governor-General and Coun-cillors of India did not indorse such rigorous methods, for two years later a letter was sent to the Governor and Council of Formosa from which the

following is an extract : —

Am- iiiiium. April 16th, 1660. " Honorable, equitable, wise, and very discreet Gentlemen,

" We are also in receipt of a missive from Governor Coyott and his Council, dated 2nd of March,

1658. From it we see that, in order to intimidate and prevent tho Formosans f, ! littiug

idolatry — to which they seem much addicted, notwithstanding the most serious admonition and censure — proclamations and ordinances have been issued by the said Governor and Council, with the approval and consent of the Consistory; in which documents, persons committing idolatry are threatened with the severest punishment, such as public whipping and banishment.

" Now, as we can in no way believe that these are the appropriate means whereby poor benighted people will be led to forsake idolatry, and be brought to the saving knowledge of the truth, we are quite averse to their being employed; and this the more so, from our conviction that such means would only cause them to show still greater aversion to our rule, and lead them at last to the adoption of even desperate measures.

"Our conviction is, that if we cannot influence the inhabitants by precept and instruction, they are much less likely to be influenced by severe punishments of this kind; and as we are of opinion that Christians ought in no case to resort to such measures, it has greatly surprised us that the consistory should have given consent to their adoption in the present case. Thus, although the object he to Christianize the nations, wo cannot refrain from declaring that these methods sorely displeased us, because they may be considered harsh and cruel, and because they are contrary to the spirit and character of the Dutch nat on. We confidently expect, then. for.;, that the punishments proclaimed will be considered mitigated — that, while the ordinance itself may not be publicly retracted, it will not be put into execution."

This appeared not only to the Dutch missionaries but to many modern divines,1 as an expression from the Dutch governors in India that the)- did not desire the conversion of Formosans to be placed to the fore as a government measure, lest it should give offence to the Japanese whose commerce the)' wished to preserve and by whom Christianity was at that time heavily persecuted. If this condemnation of the Dutch governors is based wholly on their refusal to approve of the rather extreme measures taken by the Dutch missionaries to propagate the Christian religion among the Formosans and

"1. The work was progressing favorably, chinches and schools were mul ti plying, the intermarriages of the colonists and natives were bringing them into closer relationship with each other, and many thousands of the islanders had been baptised, when the Dutch governors in India fearful of offending the Japanese who were then persecuting the Christians in Japan — in which the Dutch helped them to their lasting disgrace — restricted these benevolent labors, and discouraged the further conversion of the natives. Williams' Middle Kingdom, Vol. II, Page 434."

Formosa under the dutch. 29

which stands in such marked contrast to the peaceful methods of the missionaries of our day, it would seem that such criticism smacks strongly of bigotry and illiberality. It ma)' be that the I )utch Company did by later measures restrict the Christian work among the natives to an extent that would cause just indignation in the hearts of all sincere teachers of the Bible ; but Dutch Formosan history does not give any evidence of their having done so.

Whatever stand the Dutch Company were prepared to take in pointing out to the natives the paths of honesty, morality, and generosity, we have abundant evidence that the officials were not inclined to take the same route themselves. Regardless of the lact that their position in Formosa was a comfortable one, that their trade was profitable, and that the)' virtually controlled the foreign commerce of Japan, they were still envious of their neighbors and ready to again harass their Portuguese rivals as they had at intervals for half a century in the past.

Although the Chinese government had permitted Chinese junks to communicate freely with Formosa and no difficult)' was found in obtaining as much merchandise as the company desired, still the Dutch ships were not expected to enter a China port to trade although they occasionally did so with the connivance of the Fokien governor. Their China trade, however, was small compared with that of their rivals, and it was decided at the first oppor-tunity to strengthen their commercial relations with the Empire if possible.

As soon as it became evident that the Manchus were in the ascendency the government of Batavia considered it a time favorable for their purposes and accordingly despatched a deputation aboard a richly freighted ship with one Schedel as envoy to petition for direct trade. The)' arrived at Canton in January 1653, but except in the case of the cargo brought with them the Portuguese were successful as of old in preventing any further trade, even after the authorities has been presented by the Dutch with costly presents, and the governor had given his formal permission for a factory to be built.

There was nothing now left for the envoy but to return. Having been advised that an embassy to Pekin might bring forth good results, the Company, in 1655, appointed Coyer and Keyzer as its envoys, who in due time appeared at the capital. The success of this venture has been recorded as follows : —

"The narrative of this embassy by Nieuwhof, the steward (if the mission, made Europeans better acquainted with the country than they hail before been — almost the only practical benefit it produced, for as a mercantile speculation it proved nearly a total loss. Their presents were received and others were given in return : they prostrated themselves not only before the Emperor in person, but made the ' Kotow ' to his name, his letters, and his throne, doing everything in the way of humiliation and homage likely to please the new rulers. The only privilege their subserviency obtained was permission to send an embassy once in eight years, at which time they might come in four ships to trade." '

Still Formosa remained to the Dutch as a profitable possession, and would perhaps have been theirs to this day had not the Company with extraordinary short-sightedness been so engrossed in making the maximum of profits for the moment, that they refused to expend the money necessary to make them selves secure against Chinese invasion.

1. Williams' '• .Middle Kingdom," Vol. II, Page m.

CHAPTER III (PART 1 OF 3)

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 1644- 1 66 1.

Chiim invaded by Tartars — Emigration to Formosa — hife of the Pirate Chief Cheng Clii-lung — His son Koxinga born in Japan — His career in China — Ennobled hji the Chinese Emperor — The Father thrown into Prison — The Mother commits suicidt — Koxinga opposes the Tartars — Headquarters near Amoy — Captures Tonan— Eight thousand soldiers lust in storm — He attacks the capital — Js defeated — Formosa attracts his attention — Koxinga prepares for war — The Dutch suspicious — Reinforcements arrive from Bataria — Koxinga arrives at the Pescadores — At Formosa — The attach — Fort 1' roe in tin sue rentiers — Blockade of Fort Zelandia — Koxinga sends messengers demanding surrender — Hambroek's journal — Koxinga displeased — Treachery — Murder of several It mid red prisoners — Many buried alive — Women ami children slain — Wives and daughters of Dutch taken as concubines — Sold to soldiers — Prisoners crucified — Starvation — Crete of " Urck" murdered -Clenk, new Governor of Formosa, amves — Reinforce-ments from Bataria — Sent to the north — Daniel Hendrickx killed a nil his body mutilated — A deserter betrays the Dutch — All Dutch property surrendered — Dutch depart — Coyett punished — Arrogance of hatch officials — Kelung re-occupied — Review of Dutch mission work — A work <;/' civilization — End of

Dutch possessions in China sens.

During the whole period of the Dutch occupation of Formosa, China was visited with numerous calamities, not only from wars waged by foreign invaders, but the greater civil war which, gradually sweeping down with in-creasing force, overwhelmed the capital itself; and the invading Tartars, the ancestors of the present rulers of China, in 1644 drove the Mings from the throne, causing their own chief to be recognized as Emperor of China by most of the northern provinces. At the close of the following year, twelve of the fifteen provinces had submitted to the usurper. Formosa gained many thousands of inhabitants by this long war, for the Chinese were flying to other countries to escape the troubles in their own.

Among the daring spirits which those turbulent days produced was Cheng Chi-lung (Tei Shi-ryo), also known to foreigners as Iquan, who, as previously related, had succeeded to the command of a band of pirates who had their

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH. 3 1

headquarters in Formosa. This man was born in a small village on the seashore in the Fokien province.' His early life was a struggle with poverty, for .his trade was that of a tailor, and people thought more of their lives during his time than they did of fine robes. He later emigrated to Macao where he served the Portuguese, and having received much Christian teaching while there, he was converted and baptized by the name of Nicholas. Not destined to remain long on the tailor's bench, he sought greater oppor-tunities by becoming a petty trader, and while thus engaged journeyed to Japan. This seemed the turning point in his eventful career, for success crowned his efforts from that time onward. He made his home at Hirado in the dominion of the Daimyo Omura, near the present city of Nagasaki, and there married a Japanese woman of the Tagawa family, to whom, in the year 1624, was born a son named Cheng Kung (Tei-seiko), later known as Koxinga, who lived to become one of the most extraordinary characters that ever appeared in China. His father, from a petty trader, grew by foreign trade to be the richest merchant in China, and afterwards at his own expense fitted out a fleet to oppose the Tartars. His success gradually drew around him a vast number of Chinese vessels till he became commander ot as great a fleet as ever appeared in the China seas, and eventually attained, by his political intrigues, vast undertakings, and piratical raids, such great wealth that even the Chinese Emperor could not compete with him. His fleet of 3000 sail gave him command of the seas, and none dared oppose him.

Five years after the birth of Cheng Kung (Koxinga) his father, at the request of the Chinese Minister of War, removed to China, having been appointed commander-in-chief of the troops opposing the Tartars. Soon after his departure, his wife, who remained in Japan, gave birth to a second son, who was named Shichizaemon. This son did not develope the love for adventure and renown which made his elder brother so famous, but remained quietly in Japan all his life.-

The mother and Tei-seiko now left |apan to join the father at Nanking, which was then the capital of China.

Here the son at the age of fifteen was placed in the Imperial University, where he was known by his school-mates as a heroic person rather than a scholar.

Upon reaching the age of twenty-two, accompanied by his father, Tei-seiko was presented to the Chinese Emperor who, pleased with the young man's appearance as well no doubt as desirous of granting a favor to the father, conferred upon him the great honor of bearing the name Koxinga, — the honorable gentleman who bears the same family name as the Emperor. He was then appointed commander of the Central Body Guard and was ennobled

1. In the small fishing village of Shih-tsing, near Anhai in the Chinehoo prefecture, the ancestral temple of the Cheng family still exists, and we are told that some twenty years ago there was to be seen there a portrait of Koxinga, dressed as a literary graduate. Koxinga's father was born in a small hovel of the village, and it is claimed that Koxinga's body, which was removed from Formosa, is buried on a mountain near by. Many relatives of the family reside in the vicinity.

2. The descendants of Shichizaemon served the government for many years as interpreters of Chinese, and there reside to this day in Nagasaki certain Japanese who point with pride to him as their ancestor.

as a count. This was ;it the beginning of the Tartar invasion, and soon after, the emperor, unable to hold the capital, was driven out, and travelled as a wanderer to Foochow.

Koxinga's father continued loyally to oppose the Tartars, at least in outer appearance, although it is claimed by some historians that at the same time he aided the Tartars by furnishing- them such intelligence as he thought would be for his own advantage. At all events, after the Tartars had made frequent overtures to both father and son the father alone weakened, and either suffered the Tartars to come into the three provinces, the only territory they had not already captured, or after useless fighting, surrendered to them.1 Whether from fear or confidence, the Tartars made him king of Pingan in South China, and loaded him with fine presents. It looks as though it was fear which actuated them, for we learn that having decoyed him out of the city and away from the haven where his fleet was anchored they seized and carried him to Peking, where he was made prisoner and loaded with chains.

The son, now more determined than ever, betook himself to flight. The mother wished to join him, but before she could leave her palace, it was suddenly surrounded by Tartars, and rather than surrender, the brave woman committed suicide. It was then that Koxinga. who, although the recipient of military honors, had served as a civil officer, visited the Temple of Confucius, and casting his scholastic garments into a fire, with much prayer and lamentation resolved to spend the rest of his days in armed opposition to the Tartar invaders. There were many stout loyalists with him, who, in a similar manner, pledged their allegiance to Koxinga and his cause, so that he was possessed of ninety learned men at once who were suitable for respon-sible offices under his command.

About this time the Emperor of the Ming dynast)- died at Foo-chow and was buried without the pomp and ceremony to which his rank entitled him. Soon after, Koxinga and his followers in two large war vessels went to Namoa (on the coast near Amoy), where he assembled several thousand soldiers under his standard. He styled himself "Count Koxinga, Com-mander-in-Chief," and established his headquarters on the island of Koro (Kulangsu) which is separated from Amoy by a narrow strait. This district still recognized the old dynasty, and several parties of Tartars who attempted to fortify themselves within its borders were attacked by Koxinga and in ever)' instance were defeated and driven thence. Hut the first of many great victories was the defeat of a strong force at Tonan, which v as considered so creditable an accomplishment that the rank of Duke was bestowed upon him. He also soon drove the Portuguese from Amoy and occupied that quarter with his troops. These successes brought to his standard pirates from all over the China seas, and his power was fast becoming as formidable as that of his father before him.

Such a menace to the Tartar government brought from them splendid offers of reward, if he would surrender, but these only increased his resolution.

X. Historical accounts greatly differ on this jioint.

He was soon able to point to seventy-two military stations which he had established in different parts of the provinces, and he threatened the capital itself. The Tartars, now greatly angered at the young commander's obstinacy, took revenge on the father for the doings of the son by throwing him into a vile dungeon and adding fifteen chains to those that were already laid upon him. But Koxinga was not to be stayed. Regardless of this, and planning the complete extirpation of the Tartars, he implored aid from the Japanese Shoguns, for with their assistance he believed success would be assured.

Not succeeding in this, Koxinga planned to move on to the capital, Nanking, alone. With this end in view, he reorganized his naval force, but while on his way with an expedition to Chekiang Province, a great storm arose and many of his ships were sunk, drowning eight thousand of his soldiers, amongst them his own son. Although in despair at this calamity, it did not delay him long, for his ships were soon repaired, and we find him the next year with a new expedition ascending the Yang-tse-kiang river to attack Nanking. His force, Chinese history informs us, consisted of fifty thousand cavalry and seventy thousand infantry. Of the latter, ten thousand were known as the " iron men," they being encased in heavy armour decorated witd red spots like the leopard, and were always placed in the front rank that they might cut off the feet of the Tartar ' horses.

Koxinga, though opposed along the way, advanced steadily, gaining villages day by day, but having reached the city of Ching Kiang, a more serious obstacle was met with, in a fort built in the river. It is described as consisting of timbers covered with earth, surrounded with walls built in some places so high that they stood thirty feet above the water, and mounted upon them were yuns and cross bows. The fortification was ten miles long, and horses could with safety travel over the whole surface.

Among the lorces sent to oppose Koxinga at this point, were main-Tartar generals who had become renowned for their achievements while battling against the armies of the old dynast)-. But the young commander was equal to them all, and after a five days' struggle, during which time he lost not a single boat, the Tartars retreated towards the capital. Koxinga was now able to advance and secured several important stations. The lartars, thoroughly alarmed, called for numerous reinforcements, which were speedily sent them, there being among the number large bands of warriors in iron armour which, it is said, glistened brilliantly in the sun. These haughty warriors sent this word to Koxinga and his men in a contemptuous manner, " Pirates are unworthy of our swords," but when they appeared in gorgeous battle array to fight with the "pirates," Koxinga fought so well that after three days the Tartars found that they were no match for him and retreated with great haste.

1. Bicci the missionary who was an eyewitness states " Never before or since was a mora powerful and mighty fleet seen in the waters of this empire than that of Koxinga numbering more, than 3,0 '" junks, which he had ordered to rendezvous in the bays and rivers round Amoy, The sight of them inspired one with awe. This squadron did not include the various fleets he had scattered along the neighboring coasts. — China Review.

The young commander then divided his forces into five divisions, carry-ing colors of red, white, black, blue, and yellow. One division was armed with [apanese muskets, another with large spears, while there were corps of trumpeters, hearers of lire signals, color-hearers who bore flags representing

centipedes, etc., etc. All the forces were well drilled and disciplined, and the cavalry charges of the well mounted Tartars caused no confusion in the ranks.

At last, in the year 1658, the capital, Nanking, was reached and the retreating Tartars sought safety behind its walls.

Plans were now formed for the attack upon the city and the positions told off to the different divisions, but discontent and dissension arose among his officers, causing great confusion and resulting in defeat just as victor) was within his grasp. Stricken with grief he was obliged to return to Amoy, and with demoralization among his troops his fond hopes were doomed to disappointment.

The Tartars took advantage of Koxinga's discomfiture and soon appear-ed oft Amoy with a powerful squadron containing, according to Riccio, some eight hundred large junks. Although Koxinga, so great had keen his losses, was only able to muster some four hundred junks he determined to attack his enemies. The battle that ensued was both on land and water. Koxinga com-manded the naval force and gained the victory, until finally the Tartar commander, learning of the total defeat of his land force which had attempted the capture of the- fortress of Kokia, at once put out to sea and refused further combat. This was on June 17th, 1660, and Riccio, the missionary, states that so great was the loss that for many weeks after, putrid corpses anil tangled wreckage strewed the shores of Amoy ami Quemoy.

When the news of this crushing defeat reached Peking, the Emperor, despairing of conquering Koxinga by ordinary military methods, decided to force him to submission by cutting off his supplies. The Chinese inland had yielded to the Tartars, and in token of submission had shaved their heads. All these people living within four leagues of the sea, from Canton to Nanking, were by imperial decree commanded to retire inland and to submit to having all their dwellings and fields destroyed. Regardless of the supplications and tears of the many millions of inhabitants, the order was carried into force, and to prevent the villages from being rebuilt, forts were erected at a distance of every three miles each being garrisoned with 100 men, who put to death all the unfortunate beings whom they happened to find in this belt with its twelve mile radius. The Chinese were crowded into the interior ami their distress was indescribable, while Koxinga now deprived of provi-sions was subject to great inconvenience and forced to resort to worse piracy than ever.

Koxinga now found himself in such a perilous position that he began to look about for safer quarters. In this state of affairs the large and fertile island of Pormosa attracted his attention, and he commenced secret prepara-tions with the hope of gaining the beautiful isle for his own.

1 he attack on Zelandia by Koxinga.

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The Dutch possessions in Kelung in I664.

1 From engravings in '-Verwaerloosde Formosa" I675 Amsterdam.

FOR.Musv UNDER THE DUTCH. 35

The extensive preparations for war made by Koxinga at Amoy and Quemoy made it very evident to the J )titch that the " Beautiful Isle " was

the goal in view. That Koxinga had held secret correspondence with the Formosan Chinese the Dutch wen; well aware of, and consequently they strengthened the garrison of Fort Zelandia and increased their vigilance over the Chinese population. New arrivals from the mainland were closely inspected and on the least suspicion, the unfortunate emigrant was thrown into prison and cruelly tortured in hopes of gaining information as to Koxinga' s plans.

Previous to this, in 1657, the Dutch had been somewhat alarmed as to Koxinga's intentions, and messengers had been sent to Amoy to deliver to the

young chief several valuable presents and to inquire if he had warlike designs against the company. The messenger was kindly treated and returned to Formosa widi the assurance that there was no truth in the rumor. To quiet the fears of the company Koxinga endeavored to strengthen the com-mercial ties between himself and them. In 1658-9, junks to a number never before seen in the port of Taiwan arrived from Amoy, and exports rose to a height never before equalled.

On die return of Koxinga from his futile expedition against Nanking the Formosan Governor, Coyett, made an earnest request for help from Batavia. Accordingly, in 1660, twelve ships with large reinforcements were despatched from Batavia, with orders that, if the alarm in Formosa proved groundless, the fleet should proceed against Macao. The garrison at Taiwan now consisted ot 1,500 men, a force which the admiral thought invincible against an)' number of Chinese troops. A decisive answer was now demanded of Koxinga to the question whether he was for peace or war, to which the artful chief replied by letter that he had not the least thought of war against the company.

Regardless of this he continued to increase his forces in Amoy, and the governor's suspicions were not allayed. Admiral Yander Laan, how-ever, was of a different opinion. To him the fears of the governor and council seemed without reason. The admiral had received orders from Batavia to remain in Formosa if necessary, but if it were found that his presence was not required he was to proceed and attack Macao. The latter course appeared to the admiral more likely to bring him greater renown, and after a quarrel with the Formosan governor and his associates he left the island, and after a futile attack on Macao sailed for Batavia, leaving only three ships and one yacht to protect Taiwan.

Upon arriving the admiral accused the governor of unreasonable ap-prehension, and the council, wearied with the expenses and with the false alarms of the governor for several years, suspended him from office and ordered him to Batavia to defend himself. Hermanns Clenk, his successor, sailed for Formosa in June 1661. Meanwhile we find Koxinga in Amoy maturing his plans which had for long been in preparation.

In 1661 Koxinga sent a message to Japan soliciting aid from the Sho-

gun, ostensibly to battle with the Tartars. Ten years before he had received

some assistance from the same source in the shape of supplies : tin, copper, and an apparatus lor constructing armor, but on the present occasion the Japanese refused even to consider his request. Among Koxinga's followers then- was a great diversity of opinion as to the advisability of attacking the Dutch. Some feared the Dutch were too strongly fortified to lie driven out, while others were confident that by skilful generalship the island could be occupied, even though the soldiers of Koxinga were comparatively poorly armed and though the Dutch warships were vastly superior to their own.

At this stage of affairs, a Chinese who had formerly been employed by the Dutch as interpreter arrived on the scene and having obtained an interview with Koxinga, laid before die chief a minute description of that portion of the island occupied by the foreigners with a carefully drawn map to illustrate the topography, and expressed himself as confident that Koxinga could drive out the present occupants.

The chief then discussed the question full)-, and fearing that his plans would become prematurely public, he confined the interpreter to a single room. Spies were then despatched to Formosa who, on returning, confirmed the in-terpreter's assertions in ever)' particular. Koxinga now assembled his offi-cers and announced to them that he had determined upon the expedition against the Dutch and ordered his followers to make immediate preparations accordingly. At this time the Dutch fleet which Coyett had desired to re-main at Formosa had just departed from Taiwan disgusted with the thought that the Formosan governor had been frightened by baseless rumors and in-tending to report accordingly to die council at Batavia. But in accordance with Governor Coyett's fears, no sooner had the fleet departed than Koxinga sailed from Amoy. Koxinga did not mean to burn his bridyes behind him, and accordingly left a large force strongly fortified on the borders of his terri-tory, his son Cheng Ching (Teikei) now twenty years old, being in command of Amoy.

The Formosan expedition consisted of 25,000 of his best troops in a great number of war junks, with Koxinga as commander-in-chief and 26 generals as assistants. Arriving at the Pescadores he there completed his plans, gath-ering information as to the best means of attack, and on a favorable da)- he sailed with all his forces. In the vicinity' of the island soundings were made and observations taken as to the current.

Running to the north of the port of Taiwan the vessels were brought in close to shore, soundings giving but ten feet of water. Sails were then low-ered and the vessels proceeded slowly to the south skirting the coast, until they reached a favorable spot, about four miles to the north of Zelandia, and there with much firing of guns and beating of drums the force landed without difficulty, while thousands of their countrymen who flocked to the scene tend-ered them ever)' assistance.

Only four Dutch ships were in the harbor at the time and the direction of the wind was such that they could not leave their anchorage to battle with Koxinga. Meanwhile, in two hours' time, several thousands of Chinese had been landed. Numerous junks cleared for action were at once stationed be-

tween Fort Zelandia and Fort Provintia which stood on opposite sides of the harbor, while Koxinga with a large force occupied a position which would enable him to cut off land communication between the two forts.

Captain Pedel, the commander of the Dutch naval force, decided that as he was unable to oppose the invaders by sea, his men would be profitably em-ployed on shore, and accordingly marched with 240 men in hopes of dislodg-ing the enemy, and preventing the further landing of men. Then occurred the first engagement. By the time the Dutch troops came up 4,000 Chinese had already occupied the place ; but confident that the enemy would not stand fire, the Dutch immediately attacked them. Instead of giving way, the Chinese returned the fire with musketry and arrows, and the Dutch, finding they were also being attacked on the Hank, threw down their arms and fled, leaving the captain and 118 men dead on the field. One half only of their company reached the fort alive. A second party of 200 men under the command of Captain Aeldorp likewise advanced against the enemy, but returned without accomplishing any good or suffering much loss.

At the time the European settlers numbered about 600 and the garrison about 2,200 men.

The Dutch do not appear to have made the most of the force at their disposal.

Equally ineffective seemed the four Dutch ships, for although they did make an attack on the Chinese junks and destroy several, one of their own squadron was burnt by Chinese fire boats and the rest escaped from the harbor, two to return, while the third sailed for Batavia, not reaching her desti-nation until after some fifty days owing to the south monsoon. Xo further opposition was for the time encountered. The remainder of Koxinga's men were safely landed and in a few hours had cut off all communication between the forts and the open country. The Chinese were now securely placed, and earthworks had been erected overlooking the plain.

Koxinga's soldiers were armed with several different kinds of weapons, but the greatest dependence was put on the cross-bows, the arrows for which were carried on the backs of the men; other corps were armed with cimiters and targets, two-handed swords three to four feet long, and pikes with iron pointed heads. The army also included two companies of blacks provided with muskets, in the use of which the)' were very proficient.

CHAPTER III (PART 2 OF 3)

Koxinga possessed no cavalry, but supplied their want to a certain extent with fleet runners who were protected by shields besides light armor. So swift and courageous were these warriors that it is said they dared charge even into the very arms of the enemy regardless of their number, and their fierce attacks gained them the cognomen of " mad dogs" from the Dutch.

Koxinga's position now being secure, he sent messengers to the two Dutch forts, summoning the garrisons to surrender, threatening to put all to fire and sword if they refused, adding: "This island was the dominion of my father and should descend to none other than myself. Foreigners must go."

After a consultation it was agreed to send deputies to Koxinga. offering to surrender Fort Provintia, thus permitting the Dutch to concentrate their

8/.2o0

forces at Zelandia. These deputies went to his camp, then consisting <>t about 12,000 men, who were besieging Fort Provintia.

The Dutchmen were conducted into a spacious tent where they awaited the leisure of Koxinga, who at the time was employed in combing his long

black shining hair of which he was very proud. " This done, they were introduced into his tent, all hung with blue; he himself was seated in an elbow chair behind a four square table ; round about him attended all the chief commanders, clad in long robes, without arms, and in great silence with most awful countenances."

Koxinga listened quietly to their offer, but in answer replied that Formosa had always belonged to China, and now that the Chinese wanted it the foreigners must quit die island immediately. If this was not acceptable let them hoist the red flag. Next morning Fort Provintia surrendered with all its garrison and arms and the red flag of defiance waxed over Fort Zelandia.

To better defend themselves against the enemy all the men capable of bearing arms were assembled at the remaining fort, and the city was set on fire.

The intention was to deprive the Chinese of shelter in the vicinity of the fort, but although the fire was partially effectual, the Chinese were still able to preserve many of the buildings. Koxinga then ordered his artillery to ad-vance and with twenty-eight cannon to storm the fort ; but so strong was the fire from the Dutch that the streets were filled with the slain, and the besieged, making a successful charge, were able to spike the enemies' guns.

Koxinga seeing that his attack on the formidable Zelandia would not succeed in driving out the J Hitch, instituted a close blockade, knowing that hunger and want must come at last.

Still annoyed at the obstinacy of his foes he vented his rage on the open country, inflicting much suffering upon such foreigners and their sympathizers as he could la)- his hands on. It was useless for the Dutch to strengthen their position, as this led to the blockade being made more effective, while the foreigners scattered through the country were subject to greater suffering and even death.

The ministers, school-masters, and prisoners were especially singled out for punishment, it having been proclaimed that they had been secretly en-couraging the native Christians to rise and kill the Chinese living among them. Some were crucified by the Chinese on the crosses erected in the very villages where the)1 had been pursuing their gracious work, while all were subjected to great indignities.

The following extracts translated from die day-journal of Fort Zelandia tell the pathetic tale in their own words.1

Tuesday, 17th May, 1661. — Several inhabitants, as well as their elders, dwelling in the mountains and plains, yea, more or less all the people of the south, have surrendered to Koxinga; eaeh of the elders having received as gifts a light-colored silk robe, a cap surmounted with a gilt knob, and a pair of Chinese boots. These fellows now speak with much disdain of the true Christian faith, which we have endeavored to plant in their hearts, and are delighted that they have been exempted from attending the schools. Everywhere they have destroyed the books and utensils, and have again introduced tin1 abominable usages and customs of heathenism. On the report being spread that Koxinga had arrived,

1. Translation as appearing in Missionary Success in Formosa, Kev. William Campbell. The reader will find many interesting translations regarding the siege in the first volume of this valuable work, of which a portion of the remainder of this chapter is an extract.

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH.

they murdered one of our Dutch people ; and, after having struck off the head, they danced around it with great joy and merriment, just as they formerly did with their vanquished enemies. All this a certain Stephen Yansz had himself been witness of in the south.

. r- $ # * V * * * *

" In the army, it was reported that Soulang had been taken and the inhabitants carried away ; and that the clergymen, Hambroek and Winshem, without the one knowing the fate of the other, had fled to Baklaan.

" Tuesday 34th May. — At five or half-past five in the afternoon a flag of truce was displayed by the enemy, and the Eev. A. Hambroek, accompanied by one Ossewayer, a Chinese Mandarin named Sangae, and the interpreters Joueko and Ouhincko, — the three first on horseback, the others on foot — were seen approaching from the ' Pine Apples ' to the foot of the redoubt.

" When these persons were asked what the object of their coming was, they replied that they were the bearers of a letter from Koxinga.

"Thereupon, it was agreed that Mr. Hambroek alone, or in company with Ossewayer, should be allowed to enter the Castle, and that the Ensign Claermont should be sent to politely inform the Mandarin that, while the contents of Koxinga's letter were being taken into consideration, and an answer was being prepared, we requested him to remain with the interpreters before the fortress, either in a house or wherever else he chose. To this request the Mandarin complied, Ossewayer accompany-ing him.

" On Mr. Hambroek entering the Castle, he handed to the Governor the letter which Koxinga had charged him to deliver.

" The Governor then called all the members of the Council together, and, in their presence, he opened and read the letter. It contained the following, as may be seen from the annexed : — •

" Translation of a letter written by Pompoan to Mr. Frederick Coyett, Governor in Tayouan.

' The Teybingh-Sjautoo-Teysiang-kon, Kok-Seng seuds this letter to Governor Coyett, in Tayouan.

' Ton Dutch people, a few hundreds in number, how can you carry on war against us, who are so powerful by our numbers ? Eeally, it is as if you were bereft of your senses, and that you had no understanding.

' I, Ponirioan, say that it is the will of God that all should live and remain preserved, without perishing. I am, therefore, well inclined that men should remain alive; for which reason I have sent you so many letters. You people oueht well to consider how very important a matter it is that the lives of your wives and children should be spared and all your possessions preserved.

'I now send you my Mandarin, named Sangae, also the Eev. Mr. Hambroek and the interpreters Ouhincko and Joueko, with salutations to the Governor; offering him, at the same time, peace, on the conditions which will now be mentioned. I beg you duly to consider what I say.

' First, If you surrender the fortress before my cannons have made their effect felt on its walls then I shall treat you in the same way as I treated the Commander of the Fort Provintia, named Valentyn ; that is. I will spare your lives, and if any one has anything to ask or desire, I will grant it as I granted it to him. I speak the truth, and will not deceive you.

* Secondly, If. even after my cannon have battered voir walls, the Governor and some others, great as well as small, shall hoist the white flag on the Fort and come out to me, saying. Peace ! then I shall immediately issue the order, "Cease firing, it is enough!" so that you may feel confident in my word. And when afterwards, your commanders great and small (sic), come to be accompanied by their wives and children, I shall give immediate command to bxing all my cannon on board my ships, on being convinced that you people seriously wish to have peace.

' By this command, the Governor and his people will see that I desire peace, and they will, there-fore, have every reason to trust me.

' Another word ■. — After peace has been concluded, your soldiers will require immediately to leave the Fortress, that my soldiers may enter, with the object of taking care of it and of all the houses within its walls. I shall maintain such a degree of order that not the "tiniest blade of grass or even a hair of your possessions " shall be hurt. I will also give permission for some slaves, male and female, to remain within the houses to take care of the things ; and further, every person who wishes t" live in his own house at Sakam1 or Tayouan will be allowed to leave the place and to take his money and possessions with him.

' One word more : — It is the usage of the Chinese to grant everything that has been asked of them; but the fortress we cannot leave to you, as we attach very great importance to it. All that you people desire, you can get, with the exception of two days interval to carry away your possessions, as the inhabitants of Sakam had ; this being withheld because you people have delayed so long to come to a decision, whereas the people of Sakam surrendered before they felt the effect of my cannons. After waiting such a long time, therefore, you folk shall not have one hour's delay given you; for after my cannons have made a breach in your walls, you will have to quit instantly.

' Finally, I know it is the duty of the Dutch, who have come such a long way for the carrying on of trade, to endeavor to keep their fortress, and this even pleases me ; as I do not see anything like a fault or crime in such an endeavor, so that you have no cause of fear for bavin-.: acted thus.

1. Sakkani.

'If I speak a word, if I promise anything, tlio whole world may trust me and be certain that I shall keep my word, as formerly. I have no wish to deceive anyone. Every Dutchman in your fortress may take note of this letter \ for the contents from beginning to end are founded on truth and verity. Matters are now come to such a pass that we can cither spare or take your lives; there-fore, you must quickly decide, and if you take a long time for consideration, it is the same as if you wished to lose your lives.

' Mr. Coyett has on a former time declared that he did not understand Chinese writing, and many a letter have I written him without his having understood them. I now send you this letter by the interpreters Ouhincko and Soucko, who have read and translated it to the former Deputy-Governor, Valentyn, in order that he might have it properly written out in Dutch. May yon folk now take it quite to heart.

■ Ivdited in the fifteenth year, and on the 26th of the fourth month.' "

" On the margin was written :— Translated to the very best of my abilities, 21th May, 1661. — J. Valentyn.

" The Council then resolved to send the following letter in reply :—

* Frederick Coyett, Governor and Director of the Castles and people in the Island of Formosa sends this letter to Mr. Koxinga, encamped with his army at Boekenburgh on this place.

' Tatouan, 25th May, 1661. ' Last night, at sunset, we duly received your letter through the medium of the mandarin, Sangae, and of Eev. A. Hambroek, accompanied by Ossewayer.

' We have perfectly well understood its contents ; but we cannot give you any other answer than the one we already wrote to you on the 10th instant; namely, that we are under obligation, for the honor of our omnipotent and true God — confiding completely in His aid and assistance — and for the welfare of our country and the Directors of the Dutch India Company, to continue to defend the Castle, even at the danger and peril of our own lives.

' It was our desire to send you this answer last night ; inasmuch, however, as during that evening on which Sangae arrived, your troops in the town Zelandia were actively engaged under our eyes in throwing up works against us, and as Sangae refused to prevent their doing so, saying he was not authorised to interfere, we were prevented from executing our good intention, for the simple reason that we were busily occupied in throwing up works in our own defense. The soldiers under you can tell what answer we returned to the cannons directed against our place, and by this we abide.

' FREDERICK COYETT."

" In the meantime, Mr. Hambroek gave us some account of the vicissitudes of onr countrymen livirg in the north, having been one of them. He informed us that, as soon as the coming and arrival of the enemy had been announced, they all met at Soulang. but the bad feeling of the villagers and the vicinity of the enemy made it advisable to retire to Mattau, and latterly to Dorko. As it was considered dangerous to remain there, and as the want of provisions was beginning to be felt, they proceeded further north, to Tilosen.

" Meanwhile, the love and good will of the inhabitants had gradually decreased, which was owing to their having received a letter from the Governor of Fort Provintia, written by command of Koxinga : in which letter it was stated that, if they submitted to the authority of Koxinga, he would grant them the same terms as he had granted the garrison of that place. These terms, the inhabitants (except a few living to the north of the Zant river, probably, with the intention of proceeding later on to Kelang1 and Tamsny2), had jointly considered it to be best and most advantageous for them to accept, seeing that they all, and especially their wives and children, were now in a very lamentable state, and that there prevailed among the soldiers near them a spirit of discord and insubordination. One hundred and sixteen persons — among whom were four clergymen and five judicial officers — had joined the Dutch inhabitants in the neighborhood of Fort Provintia, all of them suffering from want of provisions, the enemy, also, being in very much the same condition.

"Eleven persons of some rank or other had left Provintia on command of Koxinga, who ordered them to appear before him at Boekenburgh. Fifteen had been ordered to come, but only eleven appeared, as Koxinga permitted four of them to remain beside the property at Provintia, thus giving heed to their representation that, if they were all to leave the place to appear before him, the people might create many disturbances and riots. When Mr. Hambroek left, these four persons were still residing there.

" Before Mr. Hambroek and the other Dutch persons retired to the north, on the report that Koxinga was about to come to this island with some inimical design, the Mattau people left on 27th April for the mountains, to punish the rebellious Duke-e-duckians, and returned with three heads which they had struck off. According to the former heathenish custom when celebrating a triumph, they began to dance round these heads and to perform other ridiculous antics; whereupon Mr. Hambroek forbade them, but they were insolent enough openly to contradict and disobey him when thus reproved for acting in their old way.

1. Kelung. 2. Tamsui.

FoRMi ISA I N'DEK rill. DUTCH. ) I

"The chattels of the judicatory officials nil .if the i lergymen— w hich they left behind them when

Seeing from th" respective villages, and which were found by the enemy latei -had been sealed,

and were now guarded by the Chinese whom Koxinga had appointed for this service. Mr. bocxand

Hi.- Rev. Mr. Leonardus had i eived a part of their po through the written medium of

secretary of tin' mandarin t" whose charge the fortress of frovintia is intrusted Mr. Hambroek has :il.-. . received a promise that his possessions «iil be restored to him. tie further t..l<l ns that, in consequence oi the reiterated requests addressed t" him; Kox uga had granted their petition by allow-ing them to ad freely even in mutt its pertaining t" religion.

" Wednesday, 25th May. — II having meanwhile bee four o'clock in the al the friends

who arrived yesterday, namely, Mr. Bambroeli and Mi. Ossewayer, took their ti 1,111^ with

ihem the letter which we bad written yesterday to t he mandai in Koxinga,

"Mr. Hambroek came inro tl astle, being forced to leave his wife and children behind him as

ii.-ii-.--. which sufficiently proved that, if In- failed in his negotiations, he had nothing hue death to expect from the chieftain. Vet he was so far from persuading the garrison to surrender that he en-couraged them t" a brave defeuce by hopes of relief, assuring them that Koxinga had 1. >>t many i I

best men and ships and begun tc be weary of the eiege. When he had ended, the co til of war left

it to his choice to stay with them or return to the camp, where he could expect nothing but pres death. Everyone entreated him t" stay. He had two daughters within the castle, who hung about bis neck, overwhelmed with grief and tears i" Bee their father ready to go where he knew he must be sacrificed by the merciless enemy. Hut he represented to thein that, having left his wife and other ■ lull iri-n in the camp as hostages, nothing but death could attend them if lie returned not ^ so unlock-ing himself from his daughters' arms, and exhorting every .me to a resolute defence, he returned to the camp, telling theui at parting that he hoped he might prove sen able to his ] if

prisonei 3,

# # * # # # •

•• These friends greatly rejoiced (as we ourselves do J al our braverj tit ry which, b

blessing of God, we had thus far achieved, hoping thai after obtaining some more victories, we mi

be speedily delivered. May the Almighty and g I God grant ih.it, to then- ami our joy, these hopes

may be realized; and may He. deliver us out of the hands of our enemy and into the welfare of the

Company '

" Koxinga received his 1 Hambroek's) answer sternly ; then causing it to be rumored a in ait that the prisoners excited the Formosans (Aborigines) to rebel against him. he ordered all the Dutch male prisoners to be slain ; this was accordingly done, some being beheaded, others killed in a more bar-barous manner, to the number of BOO, then- bodies -nipped quite naked and buried 50 and 60 in a hole; ii" r were the women and child re 11 spared, many ot them likewise being slain, though .-nine oi the iit were preserved for the use of tic commanders, and then sold to tin- common soldiers. Happy was

she that fell tu the lot .d' an uiiiu.ii 1 man, being thereby freed from vexations In tl

women, who are very jealous of their busbands. Among the slain were Messrs. Hambroek, Mus, and Wiusheiu, clergymen, and many schoolmasters, who were nil beheaded.

■■ Saturday, 13th ^tijust.— Last night we captured two boj and :•■ Chim se, and in the morning we

interrogated one of them — with the i hinamau — "ho confessed as follows: —

"That Mr. Hambroek had been his master .... . . that Van Drnyvendal and a school-master, named Frans van der Voorn with thri ther Dutchmen had been brought a pris ners from

Sinkang ; that the two first named had 1 a crucified at Sakani— the others having been liberated —

and that Mr. Hambroek, assisted by the interpreter Maurits, had procured Koxinga's permission to

offer up a prayer for them. After hanging for three days, the) were carried still alii t the ci

— to Sinkang, and here the crosses were again planted in the ground nil the sufferers died, the place ■t their execution being just before the bouse of the Governor. \t thai tun ir married Dutch

I pie were .still residing there, and tun of I h ny venda I's sons were in the hoii-c of a mandai i

Tilosell ; while his wife with her two children were living in Dillkang.

" Tuesday, ISth August. — This morning at the break of lay. a certain soldier named Hendrik Rob-hurts came swimming to the " Pine Apples." and afterwards to i he redoubt. Having been carried iuto

this place, he gave us the following account : —

" Last month, that is, in July, the interpreter Druyveudal and ayoungschoolu h been

la 1 1 in-. I lo a cross by having nails driven t h rough their hands and tin- calve- of their Ieg8, and another

nail driven into their hack-. In this sad c iition they were exhibited to public sight before the

house of the Governor, and bur own j pie had guarded these victims with bare swords, at the end

oi three or four days they expired, after meat and drink had 1 n withheld from them all that time.

the reason of then- execution is said to i„- that they were guilty of having incited the inhabitants

against the Chinese; but to their last breath they denied that l hey had ever done

"Saturday, 27th August.— In the morning at dawn Pierre Megriet, a certain Dutchman coming from Biukang, entered this place, lie reports that, after the surrender it the Fortress Proviutia, he remained there 18 days in company with several disabled persons ; and that those who enjoyed

health had immediately been sent to the villages in the .North and South, ,11 g them being the

schoolmaster, do Heems, and Ian Lambertsz. Afterwards, fourteen of the sick and disabled carried to Sinkang, that they might there he takcu care of j but before they arrived seven of his com-panions had already perished.

\-

I III ISLAND Ml FORM

•• The Chinese bad stored orach gunpowder and paddy in the Church at Sinkang.

"The Inhabitants loudly lament about the injustice the Chinese are committing in taking away from tin-in their very best lands, their rice, their cattle, and their wagons. They luid to bear this in silencej and even t" appear contented. The elders amongst them went about in Chinese lobes of great

value.

"Our people, the Dutch, uol regarding the prohibition of the Chinese, would often repair to the

village in the ho] f being able to pick up a stray article ol l I wherewith to fill their hungry

bellies, but they were very often interfered wish and wi re t Hit- made to suffer great want.

"He had a,] o seen with his own eyes two of our countrymen— although he did not know their names -crucified at Sakam ; thai is, their I minis . after having been crossed over the beads, were fixed w ith a nail to the crosB, another uail was driven through f he calves of their legs and another through their arms, [n this way these poor creatures suffered torments till after the lapse of three days i bey died. I in i that was not sufficient, aa it seemed ; tor those barbarous heathens carried them to Sinkang where they <luil and where they were buried, 1 1 1 * - Latter being more than might well have been ex-pected. The Chinese soldiers lefl the inhabitants perfectly unmolested, but the peasants often foully abused them. The Chinese forced all inhabitants who bad adopted Dutch (Christian) names to take other names acoording to the desire ol their parents or friends. Severe punishments were threatened ii i his command was not obi

irty-two of our countrymen who wer i board the vessel ' >• /> bad been all— except the purser

and In servant— taken to Sinkang with ropes around their necks, one of .them having on no other clothing save a pair of trousers, and another only a shirt. The Chinese mandarin commanded four-teen of these, poor creatures to be beheaded by the Sinkang people, who Were obliged to do so. The chiefs "1 the villages killed most of them, five more, namely, the purser called Stephen, the iireamer, bis servant, the surgeon, the mate, and another person, were carried to Sinkang. We do not know what the subsequent fate of the others was, but we trust they have been sent to the South.

"When lie was taken by sampan to Sinkang, the Deputy-Governor with his family and servant. the clergyman Leonardus with his family, the schoolmaster Jonas, all the surgeons of the villages, a.s ., the surveyors, Philip May and Joannes Btouner,with their families had been lefl behind in Sakam. while the schoolmaster ( tesewaj er had received permission to dwell without hindrance in the house of his wife's mother. The Kev. A Winshem with his wife and the schoolmaster, Samuel, were also living at Sinkang; and when he left they were dwelling all together under the roof of the mandarin who had taken up bis abode in the house of the judicatory office.

CHAPTER III (PART 3 OF 3)

"Monday, 24th October, 1661. We examined, a e id time, tin: two black boys who escaped from

i he town ..ii the 13th of this month and one "l them still persists in declaring that many of the Dutch

people— among them the Eev. Mr. Hatnbroek and Ian Hainmersan— had 1 u decapitated in Sinkang,

and thai many ethers had died of privation.

" He declares, also, that he saw 0 md some of the soldiers beheaded, that the vessel

' rcl bad been cast ashore and the crew killed in Sinkang, that all the remaining Dutch people had been killed in the villages •. while t lie schoolmasters, .Ion as. Ananias, and Philip May, only, were still living at Sakam, the Governor, the Kev. .Mr. Leonardus, and Bronner, having been carried to China."

A leu days alter his appointment by the Batavian Council, Clenk arrived

<>ll Taiwan, when, instead ofthe prosperous and peaceful colony over which lie expected soon to rule, he saw to his dismay hundreds of Chinese soldiers, a red flag floating over the principal fort, and the harbor filled with formid-able-looking Chinese craft, where formerly anchored many junks with their rich merchandise, which had made the company's fortune.

Aware that Fort Provintia had been surrendered and that fort Zelandia was beleaguered by thousands of Chinese troops, Clenk, who, though a weak and vacillating character, apparently possessed a keen sense of humor, though he could not manage to land his own soldiers and showed no anxiety to get within shooting distance of shore himself, had sufficient nerve to send ashore a document condemning poor Coyett for his groundless fears as to Chinese invasion, recalling him to Batavia without loss of lime, and ordering him to [land over his seal ol office to his newly-appointed successor (Clenk) who now presented himself to accept it. This remarkable humorist now sailed away and was not seen again ia Taiwan.

Clenk then sailed to Japan and later returned to Batavia, giving a wide

berth to the land over which he had been appointed to rule.

The Dutch, yearning to aid their suffering countrymen, despatched a large junk full of provisions, which, sharing the run of misfortunes that befell the Dutch during this period, encountered a storm when within sight of Taiwan and was driven to the southwards, eventually bringing up at Batavia.

Two days after Clenk's first departure from Batavia as the new gover-nor of Formosa, the ship Maria, which, the reader will remember, fled from Taiwan upon the first arrival of Koxinga and had a long passage owing to die south monsoon, arrived in Batavia. The Dutch authorities now obtained full information as to the Formosa difficulties, and furthermore a despatch was received from Coyett begging for reinforcements and supplies ; 1,500 soldiers, 20,000 fuses, 400 tons of rice, 500 casks of salt meat, 40 casks of Spanish wine, and 200 bottles of arrack were itemized as necessary. The governor of Batavia now bestirred himself and fitted out ten vessels with 300 soldiers to be sent to the rescue. A certain Jacob Caeuw was placed in com-mand, although he is described as being unfamiliar with both navigation and war and further discredited as being unable to speak except through his nose. In spite of all this, Commander Caeuw on appearing in Formosan waters pre-pared for action. Unfortunately the proverbial gale turned him from his purpose just as he, according to his own report, was preparing to inflict a telling blow on the enemy. A month later he returned, but Koxinga had now so strengthened his positions that it would have been folly to have attempted to dislodge him with the small number of troops at Caeuw's disposal. Indeed Fortune seemed to keep all her frowns for the Dutch and all her smiles for the Chinese general, who stumbled on a Dutch warehouse in which were 200,000 bags of rice and 1,000 pigs, just as he was becoming seriously inconvenienced for lack of supplies for his enormous force. Caeuw now ordered three of his ships to take the offensive against the Chinese fleet.

But fate seemed against the Dutch in all they undertook. Two of the vessels ran on a sand-bank, thus falling an easy prey to the Chinese; the larger one was destroyed by a single shot which struck the powder magazine. All except one officer and five seamen, however, saved their lives by swimming. The third ship with its crew of 118 men was also captured by the enemy. Still with all his success Koxinga was unable to make an impres-sion upon the solid Fort Zelandia, and furthermore, owing to the short range of his guns, he could not prevent small boats from the Dutch fleet communi-cating with the fort. Still the besieged did not gain much by this, inasmuch as Koxinga had command of the plain, and his arm}-, which with local levies now numbered nearly a hundred thousand men, could not have been dislodged by a force many times larger than the Dutch garrison. As the outlook was not bright and supplies not over-abundant, the women and children and other non-combatants were placed in charge of Commander Caeuw to be carried to Batavia when he should see fit.

Extract from the " Day Journal" of Caeuw, commander of tho fleet and reinforcements. "2Ht October, 1661. — This afternoon, two little Maul; boys deserted the town and made their appearance at tin.' Castle. One of them was a slave of the Bab-factor Sfichiel Italy, and the other was

free born, but bad boon serving as a slave in the house of the mandarin Heopontok, Governor of the town. They told us as a fact — they themselves having been witnesses thereof — that Koxinga, enraged because bis troops were daily diminishing in number, and especially because so many of his men bad been killed and wounded on the 10th of last month, when our vessels appeared before the batteries of the enemy, first fed and regaled, and then beheaded, all the Dutch soldiers in his power; not only those who surrendered themselves after the capture of Fort Provintia, but those also who were scattered throughout the country at the various stations. The clergymen Hambroek. M us, and Winshem ; the former secretary of the Court of Justice; Ossewayer, former judicatory officer in Soulang; Gillis Bocx and several inhabitants of Sakam, having been previously regaled in the same way, were afterwards beheaded; but the clergyman Leouardus, and the former unworthy Deputy-Governor of Provintia with bis wife and five children, bad been sent to China. The half-sister of Mr. I.eonardus' wife, a girl of sixteen and the offspring of a Quinan father and a Japanese mother, was married to a Tartar mandarin, and was now living at Sakam, where she had not only adopted the Chinese manner of dress, but had also bandaged her feet. The daughter of the Rev. A. Hambroek, a very sweet and pleasing maiden, Koxinga took to be one of his concubines, and she had, consequently, been placed in his harem. All the remaining Dutch women were kept under guard in Castle Provintia.

" It afterwards appeared, when these boys were put to torture (sic), that they had been sent to spy out the Castle. They persisted, however, in declaring that they had spoken the truth.

# # t. * * * * * * *

"20th November. — The catechist, Daniel Mendrickx, whose name has been often mentioned! accompanied this expedition to the south, as bis great knowledge of the Formosa language and bis familiar intercourse with the natives, rendered his services very valuable.

" On reaching the island of Pangsuy, he ventured — perhaps with overweening confidence in himself — too far away from the others, and was suddenly surrounded by a great number of armed natives, who, after killing him, carried away in triumph his bead, arms, legs, and other members, even bis entrails, leaving the mutilated trunk behind."

* # * * * '.;: T. * *. *

Subsequently Koxinga relaxed hostilities for a short period, no doubt feeling that time would gain him the fort without the sacrifice of many of his men. The spirits of the Dutch rose accordingly, as they trusted that the Batavian Government would send reinforcements in numbers sufficient to enable the Fort Zelandia garrison to oppose Koxinga on somewhat more equal terms.

Meanwhile the viceroy of Fokien had proposed that if the Dutch fleet would assist him in expelling the remnants of Koxinga's force from Amoy and its vicinity, he in turn would aid the Dutch in Formosa to the full extent of his power. The Dutch governor consented to this, and five ships were accordingly despatched to the viceroy's aid, but three were lost in a storm and the other two returned to Batavia where Caeuw, the commander, was severely censured and heavily fined for having left the China seas without even paying his respects to the viceroy, who was daily waiting his arrival at Foochow in accordance with the promises made by the Formosa authorities.

Koxinga was naturally pleased at this, while the besieged garrison grew so disheartened that they despaired of holding out much longer. Koxinga, now impatient at the long delay, prepared for decisive action. Opportunely a deserter from the Dutch offered to take service under Koxinga's banner. His assistance was availed of and having thus obtained information as to where best to press the attack the Chinese assailed the fort from three near batteries. The Dutch opposed them bravely, but nevertheless they succeeded in making . a breach, and gaining one of the redoubts they caused great annoyance to the' Dutch and made ready for a general assault.

On this the besieged began to deliberate and the majority of the council decided that further opposition was hopeless. Governor Coyett yielded his opinion as to the advisability of surrendering, and in a message to Koxinga

;

FORMOSA UNDER THE DUTCH.

declared that he would hand over the fort, and the following conditions were eventually agreed upon :

i. All hostilities to cease and be forgotten by both sides.

2. Zelandia and its outworks, artillery, war materials, merchandise, treasure, and other state property to be given up to Koxinga.

3. Rice, bread, wine, arrack, meat, oil, vinegar, ropes, canvas, tar, anchors, gunpowder, bullets, and fuses may be taken by the Dutch ships now in harbor.

4. All private movable property may be taken to the ships after inspection.

5. Twenty-eight of the councillors may each take two hundred rix-dollars, and twenty other civilians may take altogether one thousand rix-dollars.

6. The Dutch soldiers may retire with loaded rifles, flying banners, burn-ing lint, and may embark to the accompaniment of beating drums.

7. The names and particulars regarding all Chinese debtors or lease-holders shall be extracted from the company's books and be handed over to

Koxinga.

8. All papers and books belonging to the government maybe taken to Batavia.

9. All prisoners to be returned within eight or ten days and those in China as soon as possible. All those not imprisoned shall be allowed to go to the company's ships in safety.

10. Koxinga will return the four ships' boats which he had captured.

11. Koxinga will provide sufficient boats to take the Dutch and their goods off to the ships.

12. All vegetables, cattle and other beasts, and such like shall be supplied to the Dutch at proper prices.

13. While the Dutch remain no Chinese soldiers will be allowed to enter the castle (Zelandia) or go further than they now are.

14. As soon as the agreement is signed two out of the Councillors from each side shall be exchanged as hostages.

15. Those watchmen who guard the godowns shall stay two or three days after the Dutch civilians and soldiers have been taken to the ships. They will then be taken on board together with the hostages.

16. Koxinga will give the military mandarin, Moor Ongkun, and Ptmpan Jamooje, political councillor, as hostages, and the Dutch will send Jan Oitzens Van Waveren, second officer in the government, and St. David Harthouwer as hostages, both parties to remain until all the conditions of this agreement have been faithfully executed.

17. Chinese prisoners will be exchanged for Dutch prisoners.

18. Misunderstadings or anything else arising of great importance shall be settled by mutual agreement.

The Dutch could scared)- have expected more of Koxinga considering

their own actions when playing the role of conquerors a few years before. Koxinga permitted the Dutch to take with them their own personal property and embark under their own flag for Hatavia, — a great contrast to the treatment the poor Chinese in the Pescadores received at the hands of the Dutch when the islands were first occupied by them. The Dutch artillery, stores, merchandise, and other property falling into the hands of Koxinga was valued at $8,000,000.

The events of the siege are concisely reviewed in the following quaint but pathetic letter written by Rev. Joannes Kruyf to Rev. Baldaeus, Ceylon.

" Dated at Negapatam, 13th of October, 1062.

" To give you a particular account of the late miserable state of the Isle of Formosa is both beyond the compass of a letter and my present strength ; and though I tremble at the very thoughts of it, yet will I mention the ehiefest transactions : The first assault of the furious Chinese* was made against the Castle of Baccam, whereabouts, after they hud cut some of our soldiers in pieces, they took my eldest sou and my wife's brother, who tho' very young, had one of his arms cut off.

"The next day our ship, called the Hector, being engaged with a vast, number of the Chinese Jones', was blown up, and in her some of our best soldiers, among whom was also my father-in-law, Thomas Pedel. The fort of Saccam being, after a defense of a few days, forced to surrender for want of fresh water and other necessaries, the minister, officers, schoolmasters, soldiers, and in general, all the inhabitants of the flat country, were forced to make the best terms they could for themselves. The Squadron of Ships commanded by Mr. Kauw (after it had for a small time rejoiced our drooping spirits) being dispersed by tempests, and the ship the Urck forced upon the sands and taken by tho enemy, the same was neither seen nor heard of in five or six weeks after.

"To be short, the country being overrun by the Chineses, our soldiers everywhere routed, Koukereu laid in ashes in sight of our fort; such of our countrymen as had not secured themselves by a timely flight, fell into the hands of the merciless enemies, who sacrificed the Reverend Mr. Hambroek with his son, and divers others in Tilocen, to their fury : As also Mr. Peter Hue, Minister of Favorlan<r, and Mr. Arnold Winsheim, Minister of Sirkan, who had their heads cut off, and their wives with many others carried into slavery. By this, there being great want of necessaries in the Fortress, the soldiers died daily of the bloody flux, scurvy, and dropsy : So that in nine months time, having lost above 1000 men, both by famine and the sword, we were forced (for the preservation of our lives) to capitulate.

" Who can without tears remember the unexpected destruction and ruin of so many families, and of near thirty ministers, partly in their lives, partly in their fortunes (among whom I had my share, having lost all I had gathered in fifteen years' time), the loss and dishonor of the Company, with

unspeakable miseries All which we ought to look upon as the effects of God's

just indignation, on account of our manifold sins."

Poor Coyett and the members of his Formosan Council, who appear to have been painstaking and conscientious, after all their suffering and anxiety during their last year in Formosa were on their arrival at Batavia imprisoned and their possessions confiscated, while Coyett was banished for life to one of the Banda islands.

One cannot review the trying labors of the governor and his little band of faithful followers in Formosa without being filled with indignation against the arrogant Dutch authorities who, ignorant of the conditions existing in the island and no doubt hoping to hide their own incompetence, thus made scapegoats of the unfortunate Formosan officers. Had these conceited grandees condescended to act on the suggestions of a petty colonial officer, the island of Formosa might have remained a Dutch possession to the present . day.

That great injustice had been done to Coyett was at length recognized, and the Prince of Orange recalled him from banishment to spend his few

1. Junks.

!-ORM'.'.>A i VDKK THE

remaining years in his native land a free man. This, however, was but a

scanty reward for the services rendered to his country.

Thus, in the year 1662, after thirty years' continuance, Dutch authority

in Formosa ceased ; for, although Kelung was recaptured by Admiral Bort

in 1664, h was again abandoned in May, 1668, as no longer profitable,1 and

the Dutch territorial possessions in the China seas ended.

Note. — The following is a lief of the Dutch clergymen who served in Formosa, with (so far recorded, the period of their arrival in the island, and the date of their departure or death.

rgius Candidius

Bobertus Junius

Georgius Candidius

Assuerus Hoosgeteyn

Joannes Linbeborn

Gerardus Leeuvi ius

Joannes Schotanus

Joannes Bavins

Bobertus Junius

N. Mirkinius

Simon van Breen

Joannes llappartus

Daniel Gravius

J&cobus Vertrecht

\ utonius Hambroek

Gilbertus Bappartius

• Dec 1 lis :

But little is left now in the island to mark the Dutch < a. The splendid fori d T.uusui,

the ruins ot the two torts in the south, and a few traces of other works are the only remains.

Of the thirty years' labor of the nii-sionaries nil signs seem swept away No evidence of their Christian teachings are to be found to-day even among such tribes as the Dutch i mccessful

with, and whose converted members could be counted by thousands, Yet it is certain that radical changes for the better have been made in the customs of the savages of the plains, though to what extent these improvements are due to Dutch teachings and to what extent to outside conditions, as for instance the large immigration of Chinese, of course no one can say. Upon the arrival of the

Dutch in Formosa, the savages aipying the plains were addicted to head-hunting just as the hill

savages of the island are at present. To understand the horror of this practice the reader must remember that it was not resorted to as a matter of revenge or necessarily of hatred. While super-stition is mingled with it to a great extent, and the severed head is looked upon as a sort of fetich, the Custom is no doubt most highly valued for the opportunity it allows the warlike buck to exhibit his prowess and thus to gain power and influence in the tribe. He who has taken a bead is exalted above those who have not, and of course the more heads are taken the greater is the reputation of the slaver, who becomes a fanatic and a murderer for no other reason than this. The Dutch were successful in inducing most of the natives resident in the plains to do away with this horrible custom, and although seme ot them were later forced into the hills by the incoming Chinese, neither those that remained nor their descendants returned to that most barbarous of practices head-hunting.

Furthermore, we learn that upon the arrival of the Dutch they found otle customs in

vogue among the natives; for example, men and women would not labor together] a husband did not live permanently with his wife until his 50th year, and it was a great disgrace for her to bring forth a child before she was i!7 years old. When a woman of younger years was discovered with child, a priestess was called who kneaded the body of the mother until the unborn child was killed, thus causing abortion and inflicting upon the mother the most extreme torture. Candidius writes of one woman who had had sixteen children killed ill this way.

from

till

from

till

Joannes Cruyf

166::

Butger Tesschemaker ...

&!

Joannes Ludgens

§j

Guilielmue Brakel

| Z 3

< lilbertus Sappartius ...

i - s

Joannes Bakker

16:.iS

Ahrahamns Dapper

~"-

1647*

Bob rtus Sassenius

1654,

<■-

Hi 11

us Masius

Pel ius Mus

1662+

Joannes < 'ampins

1662+

Bermannus Buschhof ...

Arnoldus a Wlnseni

1662+

L647

Joannes de Leonardis ... .

.. ..

PUS

1661+

Jacobus Ainpzingiiis

1662+

IGoJ

Gulielmus Vinderus

lboU*

t beheaded by the Kaxinga party.

1. It is interesting in connection with the above event to note that there exists en Palm Island near Kelung a cave accessible to travellers at the present day winch contains cut in the solid rock walls the names of several persons over dates which run back to the period of the Dutch occupation. The inscriptions so far as they can bo deciphered are as follows : —

1664 C. K. Hans B> : +

Jacob Sen: Botenporg H. I. S.

1661-1007 1667 ' K. li.

Jacob Bi Jan Dannls 1007

N l, OLAVi - GRO 100S

anno christi

Mil. [SI \Mi Of I ' >RM( iSA.

Burial rites were also very offensive, the corpse being grilled over ;i fire before interment.

The missionary Junius Btates in :i letter, written in 1644, referring i" one of the Dutch townships, "We now daily see young people there ""t only marrying according to Christian rites, but going together i 1 1 1 • • the fields, and, not only bringing children into the world, but even living together; while formerly they would rather have died than liv._-.l thus." So far as is known, the old customs have never again been practised Bince the departure of the Dutch.

If these reforms, i- well as the abolition of head-hunting among the savages of the plain, were the result — and it is pleasant aud not unreasonable to believe thai they were— of the labor of the Dutch

missionaries, these good men have I n abundantly rewarded for their work extending over the third

of a century, during which, at the risk of many hardships, even of death itself, they taught the natives about the true God.

As to the work of Dutch schools .ill traces have likewise disappeared. < lonsidering the number of

natives who were taught the Dutch language we might reasonably exj t to find some Dutch words

incorporated in their present i ch. Ethnology teaches us thai i pies associating with each other

even for a short period are quick to enlarge their vocabulary by adopting useful words, 1 1 [nil alents

of which their own language does no! possess. But the pre exception, for though

the Dutch introduced much that was new to the Formosans, and to describe which the native tongue possessed no terms, no Dutch words exist in the savage dialects as -p >ken in the island to-day, at least

jo far as is shown by the vocabularies which have as yet 1 n compiled. Interesting relics have,

however, been handed down to us in the shape of land contracts, etc., in the native language, bnl written in roman characters as taught by the Dutch. Some of these documents are dated as late as 1801, which Bhows that the natives appreciated tli'1 value of roman characters and used them among themselves for some hundred and fifty years after the departure of the Dutch.1

1. ]:•■•.'. Wm. Campbell ol the English Presbyterian mission, Tainanfu, has given us much exact information as to the scope of the labors of the Dutch mi- Besides his work •• Missionary

est in the Island of I previously referred to, he haB produced two books which will be of

great interest to linguists and students, and of possible value t issionaries who may engage in work

among the savages. The first publication issued, •■ St. Matthew in Formosan " consists of the gospel of St. Matthew in Formosan (Sinkang dialect] with corresponding versions in Dutch and English, edited from Gravins's edition of 1661 The second publication, be ide a cholarly preface/consists of the articles of Christian Instruction in Favorlang— Fortnosan, Dutch and English, from Vertrecl

uiauii8cript of 1650, with Psali azar'ts pretended I dialogue bel ween a Japan and -i Formosan, and

Uappart'a Favorlang Vocabulary.

Both ' St. Malt) ' " and "Tin I IMet in FWmosun" are published by Kegan Paul,

Trench, Ti iibner & ' " . Ld., London.

CHAPTER IV (PART 1 OF 2)

FORMOSA THE KINGDOM OF KOXINGA.

1662 -1683.

Koxinga establishes his court — Knxinga's tour of inspection — The advance of agriculture — Designs on the Philippines — Mission of Riccio — Massacre of Chinese in Manila — Illness and death of Koxinga — The character of Koxinga — Cheng Chiiiti his smi succeeds — Overtures from tin- Tartars — Client) Ching arrives in Formosa — His administration — A Dutch expedition appears — Dutch and Tartars combined attack Cheng Ching — The Dutch embassy — Humiliating performances — Manufacture of sugar and salt introduced — Schools established — Riccio visits Formosa: — Commercial envoy to Philippines — Life of Riccio — English factory in Formosa — Remit mi mainland — Cheng Ching to the front — Defeat of Fokien King — Death of Chen;/ Ching — Cheng Ko-tsang — Cheng Ko-shwang, the third king — Mainland possessions lost — Imperialists occupy Pescadores — Boy king surrenders — Formosan independence ended — Life of Riccio.

Now in undisputed possession, Koxinga constituted himself sovereign of the island, assumed a princely style, and established his palace and court at Zelandia,1 which then took the name of Anping-Chin (the City of Peace). The capital of the island was fixed at the neighboring village of Sakkam, to which was given the name of Ch'eng-tien-fou (Sho-ten-fu) and which was later known as Taiwanfu.

Chinese laws, customs, and forms of government were introduced, and all traces of the Dutch administration were obliterated. Some Dutch people remained unwilling residents in the island, however — women, children, and priests, whom Koxinga detained as prisoners.

The new ruler appears to have been as eminently fitted for diplomacy as he had been for the life of a rover of the seas. He placed his son Cheng Ching (Teikei)'-' in command of his possessions at Amoy and tin; vicinity, and appointed able officers over his departments in Formosa and the Pescadores.

1. The present village of Anping.

2. This young man appears to have been as heavily burdened with names as his eminent grand-father. Chang Ching, Ching-Keng-mai, Cheng Ching, Cheng King, Tcheng King, are but a few of the appellations bestowed upon him by foreign writers of to-day.

With Formosa, the Pescadores, and Amoy in his power Koxinga had supreme control of the China seas. Still he devoted his time to the welfare of the island and refrained from attacking his Tartar enemies on the mainland until his position was well established in Formosa. After having appointed one of his trusted subjects as governor of Taiwan district, Koxinga started on a tour of inspection in order to see with his own eyes the extent and condition of his new domain. A body-guard of 300 artillerymen, 300 shield-bearers, and 300 archers- accompanied the first king of Formosa when he travelled in state.

From Taiwan the expedition proceeded northwards. Sinkang, Bacca" luang, Soulang, and Mattau were successively visited, and Koxinga never failed to treat the inhabitants with kindness and consideration, and further won their good-will by distributing tobacco and clothes among them. So pleased were the natives with this unusual treatment that they spread the news far and wide of the goodness of the new ruler, and their kinsmen warmly welcomed him whenever he appeared among them. It is recorded that Koxinga noted with interest the ingenious construction of the bamboo houses of the savages and furthermore observed in the savage districts much fertile land that he might appropriate on some future day should his people require it. Koxinga and his party proceeded even to Tamsui and other ports of the far north, and the long stretches of fertile land still uncultivated impressed him more than anything else that he saw.

At the close of his journey he called together his officers, both civil and military, and addressed them as follows: "In order to establish our rule over this island, we must have food for our subjects. With insufficient food in a house even a family, in spite of the ties which bind them together, finds it difficult to live happily. So in this island, notwithstanding the patriotic spirit of our subjects we cannot hope for tranquillity unless we can provide them with the necessaries of life. Again with very few of our subjects engaged in agriculture we are not provided with the most necessary of all munitions of war, — abundant food to support us while fighting the enemy. Hence our soldiers, whose occupation is to guard us against our foes, should prepare for battle by engaging during times of peace in agriculture."

Accordingly plots of land were distributed among the soldiers, who were forced to spend much of their time in these fields of peace, " to our great benefit, for having no idle moments they will have but little time for trouble."

No efforts were spared to encourage agriculture and other peaceful pursuits. .Proclamations were published throughout the island that service in the fields was obligator)'. Inducements were held out to Chinese to settle in the island, and to agriculturalists very liberal treatment was accorded. To parties of emigrants who combined together and established farming settle-ments, all the land which they could cultivate was given. They were free from taxation for three years, after which a land tax was imposed. But if the farmers were able to pay the tax or a portion of it previous to the expiration of the three years a reduction was made in the future assessment.

FORMOSA THE KINGDOM OF KOXINGA. 5 1

They had, however, to submit to military training and to join the army should necessity arise.

With such wise laws providing alike for the prosperity and defence o' the island, it was not strange that Chinese from the mainland should flock to the banner ot the new ruler in great numbers, and that the island should assume a new aspect. Settlements sprang up along the coast, and the new-arrivals lost no time in breaking the soil over wide districts, pleased to have their labors under such generous protection as that given by Koxinga.

Contented with the result of his administration and emboldened by the sight of his numerous warriors daily increasing in number and efficiency, and the wide stretching fields producing an abundance of supplies, Koxinga began to think of enlarging his possessions.

With such an aim in view it was not strange that the rich cluster of islands known as the Philippines, the most northern of which lay but a few hours sail to the south of his domain, should prove most tempting to him.

Koxinga, as shrewd as he was bold, had formed the acquaintance of an Italian Dominican missionary named Vittorio Riccio, who had been in charge of a mission in Amoy, and whom he treated with the greatest kindness and eventually made a mandarin. With his thoughts intent on the Philippines, Koxinga skilfully turned Riccio's friendship to good account by sending him to Manila in 1662 as ambassador to the Spanish governor. The purport of the despatches he bore was that the governor should pa)- tribute to Koxinga, or his colony would be attacked. A European friar converted into an ambassador for a Chinese pirate was something of a novelty. At all events, the reception accorded him left nothing to be desired; for as he rode through the streets in full uniform, troops were drawn up and saluted him as he passed. Chinese were then living at the capital in considerable numbers, and as they were known to have received at the same time letters from Formosa the Spanish authorities at once accused them ot conniving at rebellion. They were a power to be recognized, however, and consequently the -Spanish made their preparations secretly, and to insure success went even so far as to demolish outlying forts, so that the majority of the troops might be assembled at Manila. In this way 8,000 infantry and 100 cavalry were ready for the fray, and after having raised fortifications, constructed redoubts for the treasury funds, and secured their armament, the Spaniards incited the Chinese to rebel so diat a pretext might be afforded for their massacre.

" Two junk masters were seized, and the Chinese population was menaced ; whereupon they prepared to defend themselves, and then opened the cam-paign for which the government was secretly longing, by killing a Spaniard in the market place. Suddenly an artillery fire was opened on the Parian, and many of the peaceful Chinese traders in their terror hanged themselves ; many were drowned in the attempt to reach their canoes in order to get away to sea ; some few did safely arrive in Formosa and joined Keuseng s (Koxinga's) camp, whilst others took to the mountains. Fight or nine thou-sand Chinese remained quiet, but ready for an)- emergency, when the)- were

52 TI1F. ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

suddenly attacked by Spaniards and natives. The confusion was general, and as the Chinese seemed to be gaining ground the governor sent the Ambassador Riccio and a certain Fray Jose de Madrid to parley with them. The Chinese accepted the terms offered by Riccio, who returned to the governor leaving Fray Jose with the rebels ; but when Riccio went back with a general pardon and a promise to restore the two junk masters, he found that the malcontents had beheaded the priest. A general carnage of the Mongols followed and Juan de la Concepcion says in his historical work on the Philippines that the original intention of the Spaniards was to kill every Chinaman, but that they desisted in view of the inconvenience which would have ensued from the want of tradesmen and mechanics. Therefore they made a virtue of necessity and graciously pardoned in the name of His Catholic Majesty all who laid down their arms." '

Koxinga, on hearing of the event from returning Chinese who were fortunate enough to escape in boats, lost no time in organising a large expedi-tion with which he hoped to wreak full vengeance on the Spanish. 'I he Spanish forces in Manila were not superior in strength to those that the Dutch had possessed in Formosa, and it is not unlikely that Koxinga would have had like success, had he landed his party in the Philippines. Put while ener-getically engaged in the work of preparation he was attacked by a dangerous illness which put an end to his ambitious plans.

On May ist, 1662, Koxinga was suffering from a severe cold. Never-theless he ascended die stairs to the upper balcony of his palace and there with a ylass searched the seas towards the Pescadores looking for the arrival of some vessels expected. Eight days later he again ascended the stairs and as before made careful observations with his glass. With the help of his faithful aides he then descended to his stud)-. His cold had now developed into a disease, of what nature Chinese history does not acquaint us, and Koxinga was much weakened by its ravages. Here he changed his dress for his ceremonial robes, and then with much solemnity he took up the sacred testa-ment of the first Ming Emperor and bowing reverently before it, sat down with the precious document in his hands. His grief now overpowered him, and looking towards his courtiers he cried, " How can I meet my Emperor in Heaven with my mission unfulfilled?" Then bowing forward and covering his face with his hands the defender of the Mings breathed his last.

His death at die earl)- age of thirty-nine cast a deep gloom over the island, and the grand funeral which followed was attended by thousands of weeping mourners.

Koxinga was perhaps the most remarkable character that modern history exhibits in the Orient. Of all the band of adventurous rovers that sailed the China seas diere was none to compare in courage, enterprise, and ability with this young chief. Born in Japan of a Japanese modier and a Chinese father, we may believe he inherited courage and soldierly ability from the former and craft and diplomacy from the latter. At all events he possessed these attributes to a high degree, and was as successful in one as in the

1. Foreman's " Philippine Islands."

other. Holding one of the highest military commands in China at the age of twenty-two and dying while still under forty, his greatest exploits were accomplished during that period of life when others are ordinarily engaged in study and in preparation for the great deeds they hope to accomplish when they have arrived at perfect maturity. That his abilities were great is attested by his followers, — a motley congregation, for all those who were oppressed or discontented found shelter under his banner, and it is a strong proof of his powers that thousands of men twice and even thrice his age were content to obey the authoritative commands of a youth who was not always gentle in his infliction of discipline.

Koxinga was not a vulgar pirate. He did not war for personal profit. The cause of his ancestors was ever present with him, anil his possessions in both China and Formosa were a welcome refuge to all Ming loyalists, while his life's work was to restore the lost empire. But he was even more than a mere warrior: he was a man of iron will, of terrible fiery earnestness. The death penalty which he inflicted upon an offending soldier he sought to inflict also upon his own son for his misdeeds. And yet he was not cruel ; at least not so as compared with those Europeans who at the same period were from time to time engaged in warlike exploits. The Crusades, the persecution of the Huguenots, the Spanish campaigns in the Netherlands, the conquests of Mexico and Peru, and even the Dutch in the Pescadores exhibit deeds of cruelty which exceed anything laid to the charge of Koxinga. Still it has pleased most modern writers to describe him as an atrociously cruel and dastardly pirate. It would appear that they have either judged him by the standard expected to-day, which is unjust, or from the descriptions of him given by the Dutch, no safe authority inasmuch as the latter were naturally-prejudiced observers. Koxinga came to Formosa as a declared foe of the Dutch, and for months carried on a life and deadi strucra-le with them. Euro-pean history of the period teaches us that it was not the custom of commanders to treat avowed friends of the enemv with kindness. And Koxinga was no exception. Five Dutch clergymen were killed by his followers with or without his direct orders. Koxinga was not opposed to the teachings of Christianity per sc, as die writings of Riccio show, and if in obedience to direct commands from the chief the unfortunate missionaries were executed, their fate was due rather to their nationality than their occupadon. The same principle applies to the native Christians referred to a bove, who were slain rather as traitors than as Christians. Against this we have the fact that die Dutch, numbering about one thousand, were allowed to depart in their own vessels, and that, contrary to all usages of war even in our own times, the)' were permitted to earn- their private property with them. About one hundred prisoners were reserved as hostages. Surely there was no cruelty in that. And die same Dutch who complain of the extreme barbarity of Koxinga record in their own annals the murder of 1,300 out of 1,500 Chinese sailors who were forced by the Dutch to labor in the Pescadores and were literally- starved to deadi ; and also the fact that hundreds of innocent natives were shipped in chains to foreign lands where, if they survived the cruel journey, they were sold into

slavery. When we contrast Koxinga's conduct towards the Dutch with that of the Dutch and the Spanish towards the Chinese our sympathies are all for the former. His mission demanding tribute of the Spaniards in Manila is evidence that he gave himself but little trouble respecting the justice of his undertakings, but neither did the European governments at that period.

In whatever light we view him, it appears that he was not inferior to the European commanders of his time, and he was so far superior to such com-manders in the Orient that his conduct, compared with theirs, entitles him to the admiration of unbiassed critics.

In his private life he was frugal and modest in his wants. He was proud of the authority vested in him, but does not appear to have used that authority tyrannically ; otherwise he could not have secured and preserved the willing loyalty that his immediate followers yielded him. He trained his subjects in various industries, and enforced agricultural labor on his officers and men. Even his own family were not exempt. His wives and their female companions were forced to weave and spin, and the products of their toil were placed on the market along with those of more humble hands.

Possessed of an immense amount of energy, determination, and natural ability, Koxinga with his own hands carved out a kingdom for himself and provided a safe refuge for all loyal followers of the Ming dynasty, against which the haughty Emperor of China, with his boasted nine countries, could not prevail. Truly this was the work of no ordinary man !

When the report of Koxinga's death reached Amoy, there was much sorrow among his faithful subjects there. The mainland followers of the dead ruler proclaimed Cheng Ching, his eldest son, the second King of Formosa, and his formal acceptance of this high dignity was celebrated with great ceremony. Meanwhile, in Formosa, the brother of Koxinga had been placed on the throne in the belief that Koxinga, who had quarrelled with Cheng Ching had intended that his son should not be his successor.

Cheng Ching, although generous and kind-hearted, appears to have thought more of pleasure than of warfare or diplomacy, and devoted his younger days wholly to a very extensive sowing of wild oats.

To his father — a courageous warrior who had dedicated his life to the punishment of his Tartar enemies, — this son appeared as a worthless scamp who gave but little thought to his father's cause, and much to the foibles of life. A strict disciplinarian, Koxinga was prepared to punish him for his misdeeds as he would have punished the lowest soldier in his army.

Cheng Ching had married a quiet, homely woman, but not .finding her to his taste he spent his time with concubines. Furthermore, the young prince fell in love with a woman who had formerly been nurse to his youngest brother. Upon her he showered attentions, neglecting his true wife as well as the duties of his office. Koxinga was greatly enraged at the misconduct of his son, and upon the birth of a child to the young couple, according to Formosan reports, he sent a messenger across from the island with orders to kill the son, the

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FORMOSA THE KINGDOM 01 KOXINGA. 55

mistress, and the newly-born babe. The illegitimate child was accordingly

disposed of, but the messenger returned without having accomplished the rest of his mission. Koxinga, still determined that his unworthy son should not survive him, sent a second and third messenger to Amoy, but both fell into the hands of Cheng Ching, and the relentless parent was thus balked in his severe designs.

With the death of Koxinga the Tartar government bestirred themselves, believing that the opportunity for disposing of the last adherent of the Ming dynast)' was at hand. Overtures were accordingly made to Cheng Ching, who was not unwilling to consider them, although he determined not to yield if the imperial authorities should insist on his shaving his head ; a humiliating token of submission. Reports' reached Cheng Ching that a strong force was preparing to march against him, while the Dutch had again appeared in the China seas, apparently with the intention of recovering their lost territory.

The Tartar government again sent a messenger to Cheng Ching informing him that, as the Imperial Government lacked suitable officers, they would gladly grant him position and wealth if he would surrender, shave his head, and grow a queue.

Cheng Ching treated the messenger with great kindness and announced his willingness to accept the conditions, but begged that the high authorities be informed that he did not like the idea of shaving his head. The messenger, highly elated at the apparent success of his mission, returned and reported so favorably to his superiors that all warlike preparations against Cheng Ching were discontinued. The shrewd young prince, pleased with the success of his ruse, for such it was, was enabled to gather his followers about him and complete the extensive preparations necessaiy for his removal to Formosa. He left a strong garrison of trust)' subjects in Amoy and with the rest of his force he departed, stopping first at the Pescadores, where he reconstructed the local government and placed a loyal officer in command. He sent an officer to Formosa to announce that he was about to come to the island to take up the reins of government.

This created some little consternation among the authorities in Formosa, who had, as mentioned above, proclaimed the brother of Koxinga as ruler of the new Kingdom of Formosa.

A message was accordingly sent to Cheng Ching informing him that while his father's officers recognized that it was customary for the son to succeed the father, in the present instance he had by his misbehavior forfeited all his rights ; that his father's death had been hastened by his untilial con-duct ; and that the brother of Koxinga was a loyal and generous man whom all respected and was, therefore, fitted to govern the island.

Cheng Ching now believed he was justified in gaining his rights by force, inasmuch as he had given his father's officers the opportunity of admitting him peaceably, and the)- had refused. Accordingly his forces sailed from the Pescadores and landed in Formosa.

56 THE ISLAND OF FORMOsV.

Their disembarkation was strongly opposed, but they fought so fiercely that the)' were not only able to hold their ground, but succeeded in killing the hostile general in command. One of Cheng dung's officers, availing himself of a momentary lull in the fighting, advanced towards the Formosans and cried in a loud voice: "Here is ChSng Ching. The commander of your forces lies dead. Let us all join the standard of the true son of our late beloved King!" Many of the island officers, moved by this appeal, left their ranks and joined the forces of Cheng Ching, by whom they were very kindly treated.

Koxinga's brother was then invited to visit his nephew's camp. This man, who appears to have been a truly generous character, accepted the invitation, and on meeting Cheng Ching embraced him affectionately and declared that their separation was due to mischievous plotting on the part of certain ambitious officers who had hoped to ensure the permanency of their own positions by so acting. In consequence of this declaration on the part of the uncle the leaders of the other party were executed, and all opposition to Cheng Ching was at an end.

Cheng Ching was now declared the rightful successor of Koxinga to the throne of Formosa, and established his court at Zelandia as his father had done.

Cheng Ching devoted himself to strengthening the fortifications of the island, and when this had been accomplished to his satisfaction, he placed trusted officers in command and then departed for Amoy to look after his possessions there. Arriving at his destination he found that the imperial government had been endeavoring to undermine his influence during his absence. The young ruler took strict measures to restore his authority, and executed all who had listened to the honeyed promises of the Tartars.

CHAPTER IV (PART 2 OF 2)

Previously to this the council at Batavia had, in 1662, equipped twelve vessels, which the)- placed under the command of Admiral Bort with orders to again attempt the restoration of Dutch influence in Formosa. Arriving in the China seas the Meet eventually anchored at the mouth cf the River Min, where deputies from the governor came aboard and induced the admiral to send two of his officers to arrange with the Chinese concerning combined operations against Koxinga's followers. The negotiations, however, resulted in no advantage to the Dutch, and Bort, rather than return without having fired a gun, commenced a series of attacks on the fleet and garrisons of Koxinga, burning and destroying them in a piratical manner, which was alike ineffectual either in weakening Koxinga's position in Formosa or forcing the Chinese into trade.

Bort returned to Batavia with his fleet in 1663, and was again des-patched the same year with a stronger force, consisting of 16 ships, 1,386 sailors, and 1,234 soldiers, with orders to make reprisals on both Tartars and Ming Chinese, if necessary to recover Formosa. The governor of Fokien received Admiral Bort favorably and agreed to co-operate with him in driving the Ming Chinese from Amoy and Formosa.

Cheng Ching as the successor of Koxinga was now in Amoy, as pre-viously stated. Aware that the Tartars and Dutch were about to attack him

he made active preparations to strengthen his position in Amoy. Upon the arrival of his opponents, he strongly defended his position, but after several skirmishes in which he was defeated, he despaired of victory and together with his family retired to Formosa. Amoy now fell into the hands of the Tartars and the subjection of the whole province to Manchu rule- was thus effected.

As a reward to the Dutch for their assistance 'in winning for the Tartars a district which years of diplomacy and war had failed to give them, the latter now proceeded to fulfil their promises of aiding their foreign allies to recover Formosa by lending them two junks ; a piece of news which is said to have made the Formosan king laugh when it was reported to him.

Cheng Ching now sent word to the Dutch that there were residing in the island the widow of Jacobus Yalentyn (a former magistrate in the Dutch service), the clergyman Leonardus and his wife, and many other Dutch prisoners, about a hundred in all. He offered to release them and further-more to permit the Dutch to trade in Formosa, for which purpose a place of residence would be given them, either at Tamsui on the north coast, or on the island of Kelung in its vicinity. He urged the foreigners to believe in his sincerity and no longer to trust to the false promises of the Tartars. If only for the sake of their suffering countrymen one would have thought that the Dutch would have agreed to Cheng Ching's generous proposals. But it was not so. They continued to confide in the Tartars. After useless delay, the whole fleet sailed for Formosa, where the commander spent a considerable time in fruit-less negotiations. While on this expedition Bort recaptured Kelung, as previously mentioned, left Captain de Bitter with 200 men in charge, and then returned to Batavia. Kelung did not prove a profitable possession, and it was consequently abandoned five years later.

The Dutch Council, chagrined at these results, fitted out no more expedi-tions, preferring to adopt the less expensive plan of sending an embassy to communicate with die Celestial Empire and again petition for trade and permission to erect factories on the mainland. The embassy reached Foochow in 1664, and Peking a year later. " The same succession of pros-trations before an empty throne, followed by state banquets, and accompanied by the presentation and conferring of presents, characterized the reception of this embassy as it had all its predecessors. It ended with a similar farce, alike pleasing to the haughty court which received it, and unworthy the Christian nation which gave it; and the only result of this grand expedition was a sealed letter, of the contents of which they were wholly ignorant, but which did not, in fact, grant any of the privileges they so anxiously solicited. They had, by their performance of the act of prostration, caused their nation to be enrolled among the tributaries of the Grand Khan, and then were dismissed as loyal subjects should be, at the will of their liege lord, with what he chose to give them. It was a fitting end to a career begun in rapine and aggression toward the Chinese, who had never provoked them."

1. " Williams— The Middle Kingdom "—page MS Vol. II.

Cheng Ching now gave liis attention to promoting the prosperity of Formosa, which he divided into prefectures, and established a good adminis-tration over all. A worthy governor was placed in charge of the Pescadores,

the defences of the island were greatly strengthened, and the garrisons largely increased to prevent invasion.

Cheng Ching showed his loyalty to his father's cause by erecting a palace, which was placed at the service of the princes of the Ming dynasty. Like his father, he encouraged agriculture by presenting large tracts of uncultivated land to arriving immigrants and inducing his soldiers to employ their idle days by working in the fields. He planted sugar cane and introduced the manufacture of sugar. He studied the method of producing salt from sea water and induced his subjects to manufacture this necessary commodity.

With the responsibilities thrown upon him as ruler of his father's domains, Cheng Ching seems to have banished all thoughts of those reckless pleasures which marked his early career and to have devoted himself to the welfare of his people and his land. Although still a young man, so much ability did he exhibit that within a few years he had fostered such a diversity of industries that the inhabitants could live in comfort, and were independent of any foreign productions. In honor of his eminent father the young king erected, in 1666, a splendid temple, built substantially that it might last for ages.

Having pcovided for his subjects' material wants, Cheng Ching now took measures to afford them educational benefits. By his orders schools were established and maintained by ever)' district. Examinations were held once every three years, and such scholars as reached a certain standard were admitted to a high school, from which, should the)- be so fortunate as to gra-duate, the)- were appointed officers of the government and given rank and position. Thus were laid the foundations of the educational system of the island.

He invited two men of ability to serve as advisers, and with their help he was enabled to attend closely to all details of administration. Tax regu-lations were introduced, and wine and shipping were subjected to a light impost which, with the addition of the land tax, formed the only financial burdens his subjects were asked to support.

In 1665, the Christian missionary Riccio again visited the island, and though some of the members of the court were opposed to his presence, Cheng Ching presented him with fine clothes, received him in the palace, and bade him go where he liked so long as he did not create discord.

With the Manchu government now in control of the mainland, communi" tion with Formosa was forbidden, thus causing much inconvenience both to the island and to Amoy, for the inhabitants were mutually related to each other. Hut eventually Cheng Ching with the assistance of the Amoy resi-dents carried on a secret communication, trading vessels departing from Amoy at night arrived safely in Formosa, and commerce was revived to a considerable extent. It is said that women who had been kidnapped for the purpose often formed an important part of these cargoes.

Again the Tartars endeavored to persuade Cheng Ching to shave his head and renounce his allegiance to the Imperial Government, promising that he should be recognized as hereditary governor of the island. Although the messenger was treated kindly the young king refused the offer and declared that, like his father, he would rather lose his life than sacrifice one hair of his head.

Cheng Ching feeling that some share of foreign commerce was neces-sary for the prosperity of an independent state, sent the Italian Dominican Riccio to the Philippines, to arrange a commercial treaty and re-establish friendly relations which had been broken off years before by his father. Siam, Japan, and other countries were invited to join in the Formosan trade. As to the success obtained by these negotiations we are not informed ; but the English East India Company saw fit to avail themselves of the young king's generosity, and during the latter half of the seventeenth century had an emporium established in the island.

To the researches of Rev. William Campbell we are indebted for an interesting historical episode which quaintly informs us of the acceptance of Cheng Ching's offer by the English. It is a letter addressed to the " King ofTywan," its opening sentences running thus:

" Charles, by the grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, ami Ireland; having most graciously licensed severall of his Merchants to trade into all the habitable partes of the World, amongst whom Sir Wm. Thompson, with some other Merchants, are, by the said most gracious King, authorized Governors of the Merchants to trade into these Eastern parts. Now for the directing and overseeing their Affaires at Bantam and partes adjacent, they have appointed nice (Henry Dacre&), Agent. The said Henry Dacres, therefore, on behalf of the said Sir Wm. Thompson, Governor, semis greeteing unto your most Excellent Majesty ; and having seen your most gracious Letter directed to all .Merchants in General), inviting them to trade into the partes under your Majestio's Jurisdictions, has, without delay, sent this small Ship and Sloope with Mr. Ellis Crispe, Capt., to acquaint us with the Merchandize desireable to bee Imported, and of Merchandize proper for us to Exporte. and when wee shall bee acquainted therewith by him, and have the permission of Friendship and Affection of your Majesty (which wee moste humbly desire) wee shall requeste the said Sir Wm. Thompson's leave to solicite your Majesty ; and because we would have your Majesty know that wee are Englishmen, and a distinct Nation from Hollanders (some people of which Nation about ten years since were driven out of your Land by his Majesty your Renowned Father), we have sent on this our Shipp Capt. Sooke, with eight other Chinamen, who have for long time traded and been acquainted with us and our Nation."

A long table of conditions for the settlement of the factory follows, while other letters which our authority inspected reported a favorable com-mencement having been made. As to particulars of this establishment, however, we are not informed, though it does not appear to have resulted in much advantage if we may judge by the following peremptory command from the Court of Directors to the Company's representatives at Bantam, under date of February 28th, 1682 : —

"As to the Trade of Tywan, we hereby expressly require you, that if

you have made no better earnings of it before this comes to your hands, you do order our Factors to desert the Place, and bring off what they can with them. To which purpose we have written a menacing Fetter to the King, and probably ma)- send a Ship to be with you in March or April next, to go down to Tywan to fetch off our Servants ; and after that to use some forcible means for our satisfaction of the debt he owes us."

Trouble again occurred on the mainland, and in 107; the provinces of Kwang-tung and Fokien revolted against the Manchu Emperor Kang-he.

Cheng Ching, always ready to inflict a wound on the Tartars, resolved to join the king of Fokien. Accordingly he fitted out an expedition and landed near Amoy, encamping at Chinchoo. Jealousy arose between the two high commanders, and it is said that the king of Fokien refused to acknowledge Cheng Ching as a sovereign prince. At all events the Formosan king seems to have turned his forces against the Fokien chief with the result that the latter's power was so far destroyed that upon the appearance of the Imperial army he was forced to submit to the emperor and receive the tonsure. The surrendered soldiers were now combined with the Imperial army and this large force marched against Cheng Ching, who retreated to Amoy.

In 1679 we find Cheng Ching again on the offensive, laying siege with 20,000 men to the principal strongholds of the Imperialists in Chowchoo and Chinchoo. The garrisons could not be reduced, however, and in a few months a large army of Imperialists approached Cheng Ching' s forces from three directions, compelling the Formosan king to retire to Haiching (Kaicho) near Amoy. Here he erected strong fortifications with walls and trenches and prepared to offer a stout resistance to the Imperial troops. A high official was despatched to command the Tartar expedition against Cheng Ching. After numerous battles the Amoy fortifications were at length captured and the Formosan king returned to Formosa, never again to attempt the restoration of the Ming dynasty in China.

Cheng Ching with his kingdom in a prosperous condition and having abandoned warlike expeditions against the Tartars, devoted his last days! to teaching Cheng Ko-tsang (Teikokuzo), an illegitimate son of whom he was very fond, the duties of the high office which at his father's death would descend to him.

In 1682 Cheng Ching died at the age of 39 respected and honored by all his subjects, a powerful enemy of the Tartars for nineteen years, having begun his career, which included many battles great and small, by his father's side when but a lad.

Cheng Ko-tsang, who, although young in years, lad developed into a character greatly resembling his grandfather Koxinga, was the son selected by Cheng Ching to be his successor. But scarcely had the father breathed his last when the young heir was made the subject of an infamous plot to deprive him of his rights. Cheng Ching' s mother declared that the throne should not go to Cheng Ko-tsang, claiming that the youth was not a true son of the dead king, but the child of other parents, who in infancy had been presented to the king by his favorite concubine as his own son. Several influential officers were induced to accept this explanation, and Cheng Ko-tsang was secretly strangled in his palace at the instigation of the so-called true sons and their grandmother.

Cheng Ko-shwang (Teikokuso), the eldest of the surviving sons, aged twelve years, now came to the throne and entered upon a troublesome career.

In the next year the Tartar governor of Fokien intrigued against the young king and used his influence with the loyalists to betray him. The plot was, however, discovered and the ringleader was punished with death.

Formosa THE KINGDOM OF KOXINGA. 6 1

A few months later a successful attack was made l>y the Tartar army on Tung-sang, the only spot then held by the Formosans on the mainland. Flushed with this success, the governor with a fleet of ships now attacked the garrison at the Pescadores and after a short engagement occupied this most important position.

These victories were a hard blow to the young ruler, who considered the Pescadores as the entrance to his kingdom. He accordingly proposed to his officers that they should retire from Formosa and occupy Luzon island to the south. Some preparations were actually made, and maps and a complete description ot the new land obtained, but his subjects generally gave evidence of so much opposition to the plan that the boy king was obliged to abandon it.

It was now suggested by one of the officers that the island should be surrendered to the Peking government while there was jet time to hope for mercy. A message was accordingly sent to the Imperial commander at the Pescadores offering to hand over the island, shave their heads, and become subjects of the emperor, but asking that the officers should be left in com-mand of the island holding themselves subject to Imperial orders. The Imperialists rejected this offer and sent back an intimation to the young king that now that Formosa was already practically conquered it was too late to send in proposals of conditional surrender.

Several islands near Formosa were now captured by the Imperialists. The Fokien governor proclaimed a general amnesty to all who would submit to the emperor, and this promise had the desired effect both of inducing many Formosan emigrants to return to China, and of weakening the enemy upon the island.

The young king now sent a letter of unconditional surrender to the Pescadores commandant who forwarded it to Peking. The following is an extract from it: "When kneeling at the feet of Your Majesty, I look upon China's greatness which has existed in unbroken brilliancy for ages, I cannot do otherwise than acknowledge that it is the will of Heaven which has vested you with supreme power to govern the nine countries." An Imperial officer, Wu Chi-cho (Gokeishaku), was sent from Peking to take over the island. The boy king welcomed him cordially, and on Jul)- 19th, 1 683, with much ceremony delivered to him the official records, etc., and by procla-mation notified the people of Formosa of the conditions of surrender. Cheng Ko-shwang now shaved his head in accordance with Manchu customs and directed his former followers to do the same.

Thus for thirty-eight years after the fall of its last emperor the old Ming dynasty was recognized in Formosa, and the brave warrior Koxinga may well have turned over in his grave and hurled bitter reproaches on his weak, defenceless grandson.

Cheng Ko-shwang was now ordered to visit Peking. This was but little to the young ex-king's liking, and in order to avoid it if possible he forwarded his seals of office to Peking ami petitioned that as he was not accustomed to the harsh northern winds, he might be excused from making the long journey

62 THE ISLAM) OF FORMOSA.

to the capital and be instead permitted to reside at Fokien, the home of his •ancestors. The emperor was obdurate, however, ami the hoy was obliged to obey the authoritative command. To the credit of the Peking government

and no doubt to the surprise of Cheng Ko-shwang, instead of punishment he

was the recipient of kind treatment from the Imperial authorities, and the hereditary title of Hai-ching kung or " Sea-quelling Duke " was bestowed upon him, — a title which his descendants still bear.

Thus ended the rule of the Koxinga family, and the " Beautiful Isle " now became a Chinese possession.

Note — The Italian Dominican friar, Vittoi'io Riccio, referred to above, was so much concerned with the history of Formosa that we consider a few lines in reference to his interesting career not out of place here.

Ki.rio was born in Florence. In 1648 he arrived in the Philippines, where he ministered to the

spiritual wants of the Chinese until 1655, when he was sent to China. He was then ordered to Amoy where he erected a church and made many converts. The good father here noted the cruel Chinese custom of throwing away sick and deformed infants to meet a cruel death. He accordingly opened his house to these waifs and by publishing throughout the settlement his desire to care for this class, many lives were saved.

Cheng Chine, the wild, debauched son of Koxinga, gave Riccio much trouble, and did not hesitate even to send soldiers to assault him, who robbed him of all his possessions. Koxinga, however, had w..n the regard of the friar on account of the kind and generous treatment which the latter received at the hands of this great chief. Koxinga was now on his famous expedition against Nanking. Hut eventually defeated, he returned to Amoy where, in .lime, 1660, he fought a desperate battle both by land and sea against the Tartars, who had followed up their successes to this point. Father Riccio, much concerned, was repeating the rosary with his converts, imploring the aid of Heaven for the success of Koxinga " who had shown himself so favorable to Christians." The prayers of the Father were answered and his champion was victorious. Then followed the events leading up to the occupation of Formosa by Koxinga and the departure of the Dutch. Riccio was now, much against his will, obliged to enter the service of the Formosan ruler, by whom he was sent to Manila as ambas-sador. He accordingly visited the Philippine capital, but was naturally unsuccessful in obtaining submission to Koxinga, which was the object of his mission. It speaks well for Riccio that instead of remaining in Manila, where his safety was assured, he returned to China to deliver the answer to Koxinga. Forced by storm into Amoy he was immediately placed under arrest, but through the assistance of an influential Christian native he was released after eight days' confinement. Although Koxinga was now dead, several of his lieutenants were intent upon carrying out the hostile plans against Manila which their late chief had formulated. But the wise Father Riccio succeeded in persuading them that the greater advantages of couimerco with the Philippines could not be obtained if hostilities were commenced. Wrath against the Spanish gave way to interest, and eventually Cheng Ching decided to avail himself of the suggestions of Riccio and accordingly despatched him again to the Philippines, but this time on the peaceful mission of inviting commercial intercourse. After fifteen days' journey Father Riccio arrived in Manila, where he was very warmly received and his mission brought to a successful termination. He now embarked on his return trip to China, but upon arriving at Amoy he found the Tartars in possession. He was very cruelly treated and even his life was threatened by these people, who regarded him as a friend of the Ming Chinese. There occurred about this time a great inundation at Amoy in which at least ten thousand people perished. Riccio saved himself by tearing his clothing in strips and with these binding together a number of timbers found in a temple where he had taken refuge, and thus constructed a raft upon which he kept himself afloat, although he nearly perished from hunger, having been three days without food. Towards the end of 166i all foreign missionaries in China were subject to great persecution and were later ordered to Peking. Father Riccio fearing that, as he was the known friend of Koxinga, he ■would be treated very severely, escaped to Foochow, where he remained in hiding until he had an opportunity of fleeing to Formosa. From Formosa he returned, in 1666, to Manila where, instead of finding the home he expected, he was imprisoned on suspicion of disloyalty and later was banished to the then desolate province of Laguna. His innocence was later established and he was permitted to return to Manila. His virtues then received due reward and he filled many high posts, including that of the vicar of the Formosan mission and of meridional China. He wrote several famous religious works, and the history of his life now remains in manuscript in the archives of the Dominican Order at Manila. In 1685, after a long and severe sickness, Riccio died respected and honored by all who knew him.

CHAPTER V (PART 1 OF 3)

FORMOSA A CHINESE POSSESSION.

16S3 - 1800.

Formosa becomes a prefecture of Fokien — Tainan adopted as name — Administrative Divisions — Rebellion of 1701 — A miracle maker — Liu Choiv chosen leader — Tlie Imperial camp attacked — Rebels defeated — Liu Char executed — Luchotc the Chinese statesman — 18th century prosperity — Character of population — Tliree divisions if inhabitants — Hal, Lax ami Puntis — Cliinese officials in Formosa — Universal corruption — Jesuit map makers visit the island — Little Loochoo island — Government of Aborigines — Cruel treatment by interpreters — Passport Regulations — Viceroy <f Fokien — Camphor monopoly — Death penalty for cutting tree* — Tim hundred Chinese decapitated — Rebellion of 1722 — Choo Tihkwei as

ditch feeder — < inreru incut tTOOpS — Prices for rebel heads — Capital captured by

rebels — Choo Yihkivei as Emperor — Ileitis defeated — A scene of misery— .V prefecture: Chang wha and division Tamsui — Luchow describes and prescribes for Formosan trotibles — Rebellion of 1731 — Rebellion of 1770 — Hong Chan its leader — Rebels defeated — C'tatnt Benyowsky — Great storm of 1782 — Great rebellion of Tctifni secret society — (jnarrel with rival society — Slaughter of Imperialists — Changwha and Kagi captured — New era introduced — Fang-shan added to rebel victories — Extensive Imperial force arrives from China — A high commissioner's success — Victory by Imperialists — Rebellion put down — Capture of the leader — 'The emperor expresses dissatisfaction with Formosan officials — M. de Grammont's letter — Rebellion of 1795 — ('leer strategy — Defeat — Close of isth century,

Formosa, from its position, fertility, promising state of cultivation, and large population, was the most important acquisition of territory added to the Chinese Empire by the Tartar dynast)-. The greatest value of Formosa lay in the iact that, compared with other semi-tropical lands of like fertility, it could on account ot its climate lay the soil under heavier contributions.

Upon coming under the domination of the Tartar government in 16S;, the Island was at once constituted a "fu " or prefecture of Fokien province, and thus became an integral part of the Chinese Empire. The name of Taiwan, which at first was only applied to the small island where the I Hitch were established, later designated the whole island, and the town of Sakkam,

which had considerably increased during the reigns of Koxinga and his

descendants, was declared the capital under the name of Taiwanfu.

Taiwan was divided into three "Men" or districts, known as Choolo, Taiwan, and Fangshan, under civil magistrates, and one ''ting" or maritime division, Panghoo (Pescadores) under a marine magistrate. These magistrates submitted themselves to the Taiwanfu or prefect, who in turn was under the authority of the censor of Taiwan, afterwards known as the Taotai, who was the highest authority in Taiwan, and was to make a circuit of the depart-ments once annually.

This latter officer was responsible to the governor of Fokien, although it is stated that he had the right to communicate directly with the Peking government. The garrison was composed of 8,000 men at the beginning, but was gradually increased to 14,000 and commanded by a general with the title of " tstmgping" who was responsible to the commander of the Manchu garrison at Foochow as well as to the admiral and the governor-general of Fokien.

Appreciating the fact that the followers of Koxinga had not been taught to love the Tartars, die mandarins quite wisely permitted the first few years following Imperial occupation to drift by without the adoption of any extreme means of enforcing distasteful government measures upon the inhabitants, who were known to be rather independent in their views. To this, no doubt, were due the few years of peace which, with one exception, marked the close of the seventeenth century.

In 1696 there was an attempt to incite rebellion, but it failed owing to the shrewdness of a district officer. Fangshan (Hozan) in the south was the seat of this plot, the particulars of which are as follows: A certain Imperial officer, Chin Tsu (Chinsu) by name, had appropriated to his own use a large quantity of government rice which had been placed in his keeping. The deficit having been discovered and Chin Tsu subjected to official questioning, the guilty officer was at a loss what to do. At this stage he consulted his brother-in-law Oo Chu (Go Kyu) who appears to have been of a rebellious turn of mind, and having been joined by a third person, named Tsu Yu-lon (Shu Yu-ryu) of like character, the officer was advised by both not to make good the missing rice, but to declare that this, as well as the remaining stores, was the property of the people, and that the government had no rightful claim upon it. The three persons above mentioned then laid plans for rebellion. To further strengthen their position an attempt was made to induce Lin Shin (Linsei) the district officer to join. This officer allowed his petitioners to believe he acquiesced in their designs, and after having thoroughly learnt the plans of the rebellion, he sent exact information to the government office, whereupon the offenders were secretly captured and all killed with the exception of Tsu Yu-lon, who escaped. Thus what threatened to be a formidable rebellion was nipped in the bud.

More serious, however, was the affair which occurred six years later. In the year 1701, in die district of Kagi, a certain country rough named Liu Chow (Ryu Kya-ku) who prided himself upon the extensive influence he

possessed among a class of people of his own character and upon the terror which by his mere presence he could inspire in the peaceful Chinese, gathered his friends together and with solemn ceremony, sealed by the drinking of blood,

induced them all to swear allegiance to his banner against the Imperial government. Some time passed and Liu Chow, still in the midst of pre parations, was unable to keep the ardor ol his followers at lever heat. There were expressions ol discontent, and the influence "I the chief appeared to have waned considerably. It was now evident that nothing short of a miracle would raise the prestige ot the leader sufficiently to place him in possession of an adequate force. Liu Chow appreciated this and was not unwilling to attempt the seemingly impossible task. Accordingly a bright llame appeared over the house of the ambitious chief lor many nights, and first the village and then the country people for miles around came to look at this strange phenomenon and to meditate as to its meaning. Liu Chow who had daily nursed the miracle with abundant supplies ot camphor evidenced no special interest in the affair, disclaimed all knowledge of it, and when questioned as to its possible presence being an expression of favor from Heaven, was politic enough to disagree with his interviewers. I he light continued to appear and at length the wise men decided that it was a divine manifestation and that their leader had been thus declared to them. Accord-ingly a large concourse approached the house of Liu Chow. Upon entering a brilliant light Hashed out from an apparently empty incense dish, thus guiding their footsteps aright. This was sufficient: the Heaven-favored man was implored to become their leader. Further manifestations of supernatural approval appeared in the back yard, where from a dark hole in the earth were vomited swords and spears. The people dared not approach too close to the sacred hole, and the smith and workmen who were installed at the bottom by the miracle maker, were taxed to the utmost to produce sufficient heaven-made swords to satisfy the many mystified sightseers who gathered around.

Liu Chow accepted the high office and with a large force marched towards the north with drums beating and gongs sounding, to conquer the island. The government camp at Mokongwei (Hokobi) was first attacked. It was easily captured and was burned to the ground, the people's houses having first been looted. The savages from the hills followed in the wake of the rebels and murdered many who had so far escaped; I laving destroyed much property, Liu Chow now retired to Chisuishi ( Kyu-suikei) in the Kagi district, where he planned fresh enterprises.

An Imperial general at this period set out with his tones to put down the rebels. A few days later reinforcements were sent him from Taiwan, and with this augmented force Liu Chow was attacked. The rebels could make no effective opposition and the camp was destroyed, the leader, however. escaping to a distant mountain. While the ambitious plans of the bold rebel were thus frustrated, he made the country feel his rage, and every night raided neighboring settlements, murdering and pillaging all whom he could lay hands on. His career although exciting was not long, lor in 1702 he and his two sons were captured and dragged to Taiwanfu, where they were

66 i in' [Sl \\i> i >F v< iK\i> is \.

executed, while his wife and other members of the family were banished from the island.

This rebellion taught the Imperial government that the island required more attention than they had at first been inclined to lie-stow upon it, and that with constant insurrections it might prove to be as great an incubus as it had been when governed by their (.beaded enemy Koxinga.

According- to the best account at hand, that of Luchow, the famous Chinese statesman, there were, about the middle of the iXdi century, nearly two millions of Chinese1 in Formosa engaged in the cultivation of sugar and rice, and about four hundred vessels were plying continually between the island and the Chinese coast. When we consider that a great part of the sugar consumed in the northern provinces of China was produced in the island, and that the rice upon which millions of people in Fokien at that time depended almost entirely for their support, was derived from the same source, we may (airly conclude that our author did not exaggerate its commercial activity. Man)- parts of the opposite shore in Fokien were so barren that without the aid of the oil cakes from Formosa, which were used as a fertilizer on the sandy hills, even the sweet potato could not have been produced.

It was these considerations which attracted so large a number of settlers and also tended to make the island an abode for a race of outlaws — thieves, swindlers, and murderers — who had been forced to lly from their country. When once they reached Formosa, they retired to the distant hills and there lived out of reach of the avenging arm of justice.

Hie inhabitants of the island at this time consisted of three distinct classes, viz. : the civilized aborigines, the non-civilized aborigines, and the Chinese. The first consisted of those of the aborigines who hail not only submitted to die Chinese, but had adopted many of their customs and had advanced toward what the Chinese considered as civilization. Among these were the natives who had been taught by the Dutch, but who, once deprived of their instructors, had soon forgotten them and their teachings, although the [esuit I )u Halde, who wrote seventy years after the Dutch occupation, notes that there were mam who understood the Dutch language anil could read and write it, and many who hail preserved some relics, chiefly I hitch hooks, in their houses. This class was not numerically large in those early days, although there was not a very broad line between them and the other aborigines of the plains who had been forced to acknowledge the authority of the Chinese and yet retained their primitive customs. In later years, however, these natives of the plains gradually adopted the customs of the Chinese, until eventually nearly all were recognized as civilized aborigines. The second class consisted of the unsubdued and independent tribes anil villagers who, with the savages of the plains, had originally occupied the whole, island, but who were too proud and too brave to bow before the hordes of incoming Chinese, preferring rather to be driven if necessary into the very

1. From the fact that the present Chinese population of the island is only about two and a half millions and that immigration has always heen very brisk, the large population given by Luchow would seem to be overrated.

heart of the mountains where they might live undisturbed. This they weie eventually forced to do, and became known as the: "hill barbarians."

The Chinese were divided into two classes, the Hakkas and the Puntis, the latter including, besides the Fokienese, the few other emigrants from

different provinces, which made up together the whole Chinese population of the island. The Hakkas we have described in a previous chapter. The Puntis comprise those Chinese who consider themselves born natives of their respective home provinces. Broadly this class includes all Chinese except the Hakkas. Philologically the word " Punti " denotes a native or original indweller of the soil, whilst "Hakka" signifies a stranger, or, as we might phrase it, an immigrant from afar. Feuds between these two classes, constant on the mainland, were often repeated in Formosa. Inasmuch as the)- were both indisputably of the same blood, the origin and reasons "of their demon-strations of enmity- — -Oriental duplicates of Celt and Saxon feuds — appear passing strange, and have not been satisfactorily explained.

The Hakkas, an energetic hardworking race, courageous and cruel b) nature, and notably hostile to any form of government, occupied as a rule the border districts and were thus in constant contact with the savages. The Fokienese differed from them not only in language but somewhat in appear ance, and from the frequent quarrels that broke out between them we are led to believe they differed also in politics. Sometimes starting only in a quarrel between families, disputes often reached such a pitch and the fighting was so determined and disastrous, that it was necessary for the Imperial troops to step in to enforce peace.

The large numbers of Chinese who had come from Amov and neigh-boring villages were distinguished for their perseverance and economy. Many of this class had been in the island before the Dutch occupation, and their numbers had increased greatly during the Tartar invasion of the mainland and the numerous civil wars. They occupied at first but a k-w scattered spots on the west coast, but as their numbers increased they gradually spread towards the interior, driving the savages before them. The aborigines made a stout resistance, but by force of arms, or by that equally effective weapon, intoxicating spirits, their lands were gradually taken from them, the denuded victims fleeing to the mountains, in whose friendly jungles peace and refuge could be found. Quite naturally, this entailed, not only on the individual but on the whole Chinese race, the undying hatred of the entire savage population. By the Dutch these wild children were not considered of a fierce warlike disposition, but on the contrary were looked upon as peaceful and good tempered. We are thus led to believe that the extreme antipathy with which the savages regarded the Chinese, — a condition which has continued until the present day. and will last, we believe, as long as the two races come in contact, — was due to the misdeeds of the celestial race, and that but little blame should be attached to the savages.

It was not an easy task to govern such a wild and turbulent population. Evidence was not wanting that besides their clan fights and the constant warfare with the savages, the inhabitants were not averse to extending their

i HE IS! \M' "1 I1 IRMOSA.

field of operations so as to include the mandarins should those dignitaries (■(induct themselves in an unsatisfactory manner. The officials, with full knowledge of die delicacy of their position, took extensive measures to enforce their authority and provide against rebellion. Some 10,000 Manchu troops, many of them mounted, were distributed throughout the plains to give the alarm should then- appear the least sign of a rising against the

government.

The high Imperial authorities likewise thought it necessarj to have a keen eye on their subordinates in the island, and the better to keep the latter in hand they wen- allowed only three years' service, which did not permit of a dose acquaintance with tin- inhabitants and so lessened the risk ot their joining with the masses in rebellion. While this system no doubt afforded the government some protection against disloyal officials, it worked great harm in encouraging these men to make hay while the sun shone, and the Formosan inhabitants wen- accordingly squeezed sufficiently during the three years to permit the retiring officer to live the rest of his days in luxury. A. separate official class, consisting of interpreters who acted as middle men between the Manchus and the Hakkas. savages, and southern Chinese, were given per manent positions and wen- responsible for a large share of the constant troubles between the authorities and the people. To such an extent did misrule and abuse exist that the inhabitants looked back with great regret to the days of the Koxinga rule when peace and justice reigned.

To obtain a better knowledge of the island, the Chinese despatched the lesuits De Mailla, Regis, and Hinderer, to Formosa. These men. during the years 1 714-5 travelled from the extreme north to the south and constructed .1 map of the whole island.' De Mailla. who in his writings gives much valuable matter regarding the savages and the methods of governing them early adopted by the Imperial authorities, affords us the following information.

Although the aborigines of the plain had submitted to the Chinese they still retained much of their old form of government.

Kach village chose three or four men ot seniority and good character. who thus became possessed of full power with the authorities to adjust all disputes and determine punishment for all crimes, and should a person express dissatisfaction or refuse to obej the dictates of these1 judges, he was at once driven from the settlement by the villagers and not allowed to return; further-more no other village of the same tribe would receive him. Tribute was paid to the Chinese in grain, anil to appraise this a Chinese low official was placed in each village, who was expected, besides this duty, to be familiar with the language of the people and to act as interpreter when his superiors visited the district. These officers were in a position to have done much good for the poor aborigines, whom, however, they cheated and robbed without pit)-. Petty sovereigns, they ruled in each village supreme, being feared by the natives and also by the mandarins on account of the power they had' of causing evil. But the mandarins were also disliked because of their constant demands.

1. It i* interesting bece to note that the .small islau const ._•( Formosa, known as

Lamai to tii.' Datives, "as placed on the map by theJesuit surveyors under the nan f Little Loochoo.

lu tlie English admiralty eharte, however, this appellation is discarded and Lambay adopted instead.

Formosa \ Chinese possession.

and their haughty ami tyrannical demeanor resulted in much discontent, often driving the more oppressed into rebellion.

Under the Hutch rule these natives had proven very tractable. The allotted number of stag hides were delivered to the Company's factories without any show of hostility : in fact the aborigines behaved in ever) respect as loyal subjects. But they were not then ruled with a rod of iron ; a school teacher who taught them the rudiments of Christianity was their master, and he attached them to himself by moral rather than by physical suasion. Thus it happened that, during the war between the Chinese and the hutch, many of these people remained loyal friends to the latter, and not a few were cruell) put to death for having expressed their sympathy with the Dutch.

It was not only the savages who suffered at the hands of the mandarins. Realizing that once beyond the borders of official rule, the Chinese them selves would pay little attention to their demands, the mandarins took can-to despoil them while they had them in hand. The system of requiring passports from all arrivals gave great opportunity for such extortions. Right in theory, it was worthless in practice. With the intention of avoiding the further influx of bad characters, regulations wen- issued by the government requiring every new colonist to be provided with a passport, to be granted only when his neighbors gave ample testimony to his good citizenship and industry. This regulation, however, was fre-quently evaded by the officers in Fokien, who were only too ready to give troublesome people good characters in order to get rid of them, while those who deserved the privilege were subject to squeezes according to the applicants' wealth before the desired permission could lie obtained. The many hundred thousand emigrants from Fokien, Kwantung, and Chinkiang found to their cost that the obtaining of the passport on the mainland was the smallest part of their troubles. On landing in Formosa they wen pounced upon by the mandarins, and a fee was demanded so large that very commonly the poor settlers had no other means of paying it than to pledge to the officers a certain portion of their gains until the whole demand should be discharged. Thus on their arrival many of the emigrants found them selves, in a manner, slaves to the mandarins, and to these extortioners much of their hard earnings reverted.

CHAPTER V (PART 2 OF 3)

A traveller who visited the island in those early days says : — " ["hough the)- are industrious, yet the emigrants have deservedly a reputation for insubordination and lawlesssness. They associate much in clans, and clannish attachments and feuds are cherished among them ; but they are ven fond of intercourse with foreigners. Manx of them are unmarried or have left their families in China, to whom they hope to return after amassing a little property."

While the people were thus more difficult to govern, the mandarins were more unfit to administer. On the one hand the people wen- then- to enjoy greater freedom from the grinding rule of magistrates, and on the other the mandarins were there to proceed with more open and extreme extortion than in China itself, since complaint was difficult and relict more so. It was

;o THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

not a combination that worked well, and through new acts oi oppression on the one side and greater evasion and resistance <>n the other, no part of the Chinese Empire was so Frequently disturbed by rebellion as Formosa. Even the Viceroy in Fokien made no attempt to exert any control over the actions of his subordinates in the island. According to Imperial regulations this high official was expected to visit Formosa once a year, but in reality he very rarely trusted his valued person to the troublesome Formosa Channel. Nor was his visit desired by the island inhabitants, for the local mandarins, who were obliged to make him a costly present on his appearance, squeezed the people just so much the more to make good this extraordinary ex-penditure. Freed from responsibility, the Formosan officers conducted them-selves as best suited their own interests, and their interests were emphatically opposed to those of the people. Arbitrary measures and heavy extortions eventually led the colonists to combine that they might defy the official demands.

Early in the iNth century, the forests were declared government property, and the cutting down ami sale of trees a government monopoly. Camphor was thus included, and the penalty for cutting down a tree was death. In the year 1720, upwards of two hundred persons were decapitated. This was more than the inhabitants could bear, and a heavy earthquake was taken by the discontented people as a sign that they should overthrow the hated government.

There lived at that time a colonist, from Changchow-fu, called Choo Yihkwei, a worthless character, who, detested by the inhabitants of the village where he lived, left the place and became a police runner. Soon afterwards he lost his situation, and, having no land to cultivate, sought a livelihood by feeding ducks. According to their custom, these feathered creatures marched out daily in regular rows, like files of soldiers, and returned in the evening in the same manner. 'This circumstance appears to have suggested to our hero his lirst idea ot military tactics, and he was not slow to improve the occasion. Having met some of the outlaws, he prepared a sumptuous dinner, and for that purpose killed his ducks. From that moment he became a desperado. Choo Yihkwei now availed himself of the popular feeling against the Manchu officials, and declared his life dedicated to the people's cause. To his imme-diate associates he adroitly proposed that their enterprise should be carried on under the semblance of patriotism on behalf of the fallen Ming dynasty, of which he was a clansman, his surname being Choo. All assented, an oath was duly administered, ami ever}- conspirator bound himself to press new recruits into the sen ice. so that their number soon increased to several hundreds.

The government now saw fit to send some troops against them. The valiant commander, as every other Chinese hero must do, reported a victory, though the rebels escaped to the mountains. To make sure, however, of their extirpation, a reward of three taels for every head of the malcontents of the rank and file, and five taels for those of the chiefs was promised to the aborigines of the mountains. This offer was too tempting for these savages to resist, yet, finding it difficult to catch the marauders, they decapitated some

FORMOSA \ CHINESE POSSESSION. J]

innocent people and burnt their houses. Having done this, thej presented to the authorities the heads of their victims. Such a proceeding, under the sanction of government, gave rise to confusion and misery ; the people detested their rulers and naturally favored the cause of the insurgents.

Under these deplorable conditions, fresh troops, commanded by a brave general, marched in pursuit of the outlaws. Although victory upon victor) was obtained according to the account of Luchow, the rebel army, like a hydra, grew stronger and stronger the more it was beaten, until it had made its strength felt from Fangshan in the south to Tamsui in the north. Not withstanding all these defeats, the rebels determined on more extensive operations, even to the capture of the capital itself with the public treasury, while diplomatically they did not lose sight of the fact that their success depended upon keeping on good terms with the people. War was accordingly waged only against the government, ami all their enterprises centred on one point, namely, its entire overthrow.

While the noble imperial troops were revelling in victories and enjoying the satisfaction of having destroyed the lawless band — one report of a formidable engagement stating that several tens (sic) of rebels were actually annihilated — the insurgents had increased their influence through the three prefectures, killing the officers, until at last, by a clever strategical movement, they threw the Imperialists oft" the scent and entered Taiwanfu, the capital, taking possession of all public documents, the treasury, and much gunpowder and many fire-arms.

Having gained this important victory, the rebels declared the Chinese imperial government at an end, and with much pomp and solemnity per-formed the ceremony of crowning Choo Yihkwei emperor, changing the era to that of Yong-ho (Eiwa). Thus the once humble duck-feeder was elevated to the throne, being, in the pride of his heart ami the hearts of his followers, a mighty potentate. The Chinese officers, civil, military, and naval, fled aboard forty vessels to the Pescadores, and later to Amoy, where they arrived safely with the exception of two officers, who, unable to bear the disgrace of their cowardice, committed suicide on the way. The situation could not now be disguised, and accordingly a humble note was addressed to the governor, who, in turn, wrote to the Fmperor, promising that in two months the rebels should be extirpated.

Thus within one hundred years the Formosans for the fourth time were subjected to an entire change of masters.

While terrible forces were collecting on the shores ot China, Choo Yihkwei most resolutely maintained his imperial rights, and treated his subjects, as he formerly had his ducks, with due consideration. Plunder was forbidden and property as well as lives protected. If any one of his soldiers failed to pay sufficient regard to his injunctions, the culprit was beheaded

'■ When we here speak of battles, the reader must uot suppose there were engagements like those of Gettysburg and Waterloo ; fm- though there were more encounters within two years than during the wars of Xapoleon, yet the ehiuese fought with hard words, the chief weapons of then warfare, which they flung at each other with great violence, and b»iug firm believers in the a<iage — ''But he who is in battle slain will never live to fight again," accordingly retreated with great ease and promptitude,

-2 mi rsr and i >y Formosa;

then and there. Such discipline natural]} had its effect, and the whole

populace was inspired with confidence in its new master.

At length the new Chinese army, consisting of 22,000 soldiers and 15 high officials, embarked at Amoy. The commander having called a council of war, their future proceedings were discussed, and it was unanimously agreed that since the number of rebels amounted to 30.000 men, it would be folly to kill them all. Therefore, it would be best to slay only the chiefs, and to grant life to the heedless multitude. Moreover, every rebel who surrendered of his own accord was to lie allowed to return home unmolested. This was certainly a wise plan, but in order to slay the chiefs it was necessary that they, like the rabbit who figures in the famous receipt for rabbit pie, should be first captured ; and herein was the difficulty.

Arriving in Formosa the greater part of the army landed at Tamsui, and the first exploit of the Imperialists was the burning of the rebel fleet, which was anchored at Lokiang (Rokko). Then a fort was taken by storm, which, however, was afterwards discovered to have- contained no garrison. The subsequent events were one continued series of victories over the disheartened rebels, who often did not wait for the attack hut fled at the mere appearance of the conquering Imperialists. The assault of these soldiers was, according to our author's account, simply overwhelming. The fire of their matchlocks and batteries, " shaking the very earth, spread terror into the rebel ranks."

( hir authority goes on to say :

" In consequence of this signal success, a report of victory was sent to the continent, and all looked for the great rewards which the Imperial muni-ficence would assign to them. Whenlo! to their utter astonishment, then' arrives an Imperial rescript, in which His Majesty assigns, as the'eause ol the rebellion, either the extreme want of his loyal subjects, or the extortion ol unprincipled officers ; and decrees, that to massacre a misguided people would he cruel and wicked, because they were his children; and, then-lore, he commands the governor oi Fokien to soothe and quiet the rebels, not to kill them. On the arrival ol the civilians sent to soothe the people, affairs took a most wonderful turn. Nine-tenths of the rebels surrendered, and even Choo Yihkwei's immediate associates, altera hard fought battle, fell into the hands of these compassionate officers. In almost all similar events, the celestial terrors were slighted ; but when the extreme mere)' of the Emperor was made known, the people were touched to the very heart, and of their own accord became obedient."

\\ hether silver halls were found more effective in this warfare than leaden ones, we are not told by our author; hut the sudden and almost entire submission makes us rather suspect this was the case. Notwithstanding all this, the remaining rebels were still stubborn, and baffled all the efforts ot the victorious army. There were main skirmishes which led to no satisfactory results, and onh emboldened the rebels to persevere in their resistance.

The person of Choo Yihkwei was, however, eventually secured, the headmen of the village in which he had sought refuge having handed the fallen

FORMOSA A CHINESE POSSESSION. 7;

emperor over to the military commanders. The mercy held out to the people was not bestowed upon the exalted Chpo Yihkwei, who was placed in a bamboo cage and carried to Peking, where he was crucified.

Epidemic diseases now began to break out among the soldiers, and great numbers found their graves in the island.

With the Imperialists in possession ol the plains, great anxiety was caused to a large number of the rebels who, with an excess of enthusiasm, had cut off their queues, thus advertising their disloyalty win-never they appeared. These hasty braves now found it necessary to keep in hiding, and the savage districts offered the most secure retreats. To drive these fugitives from the hills, the aborigines received orders not to harbor any rebels ; and though these inoffensive people, while overawed by the presence of the military, did not dare enter into a league with the outlaws, yet when they were freed from such restraint the)' were very slow in the execution of the orders of the government against a class whom they (eared even more than the)- did the officials.

The Emperor Kanghe had in the meanwhile died, but his successor immediately took vigorous measures for subjugating the country. He ordered that all the disposable forces of Fokien should remain in the island as a garrison, that the civil appointments should be increased, and that a censor should constantly reside in the island to watch over the behavior ol the officers. The grand scheme, which was to suppress the prevailing rebellious spirit, was the reformation of the people, that they might see the advantages and learn the duty of passive obedience; the savages of the mountains were to be tamed, and then changed into men. To insure the future peace ol the island, a line of fortresses was to be erected, and no efforts were to be neglected to render the people virtuous. The execution of these and many more commissions was entrusted to an Imperial envoy; and it is on record that he, in conjunction with the local authorities, obeyed the Imperial com-mands to the best of his ability. After the exhibition of this paternal kindness, we hear nothing more about the rebellion. The fire was extin-guished, but unfortunately the embers were still smouldering, and a few years afterwards the feme again appeared, to give new anxiety to his Imperial Majesty.

The island had now become a scene of the utmost misery and wretched-ness. The country had been laid waste, and pestilential diseases had swept away great multitudes. The rich and fertile land, long given up to war and bloodshed, now found its fields deserted and industry paralyzed. Furthermore, at this same period 1, 1 723), a terrific storm swept down upon the island. ( iiant waves rolled over the coast districts destroying vessels both large and small, drowning thousands, and leaving scarcely a building uninjured in the settlements near the coast.

After the terrible insurrection of 1722, it was found that the district of Choolo was too large to be conveniently administered by a single magistrate, and the northern portion was detached to become a new prefecture, named Changwha, while the north part of the island was formed into a ting or division, Tamsui. and was placed under the authority of a marine- magistrate,

74 THE IM A\l> I (F F( »KM< »SA,

Chinese officialdom was naturally much disturbed by the Formosan rebellions. The authorities of the Flowery Kingdom welcomed additions to their standard that they might add to their wealth and influence. But Formosa had so tar threatened to consume inure of the Imperial treasure than could be disgorged from the islam! by the combined efforts of mandarins for years. It was consequently a subject o\ much thought among the literati. Chief amOng these was Luchow, and, as much of his advice shows evidence ol careful thought, as well as of a line knowledge of the conditions existing in the island, we give it space here.

lie tells us that the aborigines were of a stupid disposition and were often misled l>v the Chinese merchants, who did not scruple to rob them n( their property. To remedy this evil Luchow states that the good people ought to be exhorted to be content with their rightful property, and that the soldiers who were apparently not overdionest should be warned not to trouble the people in any way. The authorities, while not ceasing their own vigilance in detecting any sign of rebellion, should lessen the chances ol possiUr failure by rewarding informants who exposed parties engaged in questionable intercourse with the savages.

To secure submission from the saVages these people should be given one month in which to surrender, and in case of their obstinacy, measures should be taken to capture them, for which purpose natives under the control of the government should be utilized, ami in order to strike terror into the hearts of tlx- hillmen, the jungles and border forests should be set on fire, thus smoking out the inmates. Furthermore they should be prevented from tilling the ground and all supplies cut off, Which would reduce them to starvation ami consequently to obedience. Salt, a most necessary article of food to them, and iron, without which they could not make useful weapons, should not be allowed to come into their possession. The Chinese should equip themselves with good shields, spears with large shafts, and above all with firearms in lieu ol hows and arrows, lor the mere noise of the former created great consternation in the savage ranks. Finally, better forts than those of wood and bamboo should be erected. Our author further states that the Chijne.se soldiers were insufficiently paid, and were thus tempted into lawless act ons to better their condition, and that they were neither properly rewarded lor bravery nor sufficiently punished for cowardice. To assist the regulars in tim<; ol war he proposed that a militia be organized, the members to serve only during times of emergency. A like experiment had been made by a former military commander, but as only 600 cash (some 30 cents gold) per month, ami sufficient rice to keep the men from starving was given them, our author attributed the failure to this scanty pay.

\\ hether an)- of the above suggestions were adopted history does not inform us. At all events, the natives continued their attacks on the Chinese settlements, and respected the high rank of the son of Heaven as little as they had done in days ol yore. Luchow then expressed himself as persuaded that strict methods only would avail. By constructing a strong line of military posts along the frontier and inducing the people to settle in these districts and gra-dually encroach upon the savage domains, thus only could the savage invasions

Formosan Mineral Districts.

^b&xfm

osss?

K-SZS

Gold Minks at Zuiho (Scihoko) The Centre of the Northern Gold District.

A Valley near Taichtj (North Central Formosa) abounding in PbtkolOTM Oil Sj'Rinos. Sulphur Manckacturino District in North Formosa.

be prevented. In order to curb the power of thehillmen, intercourse between tribes ought to be restricted as much as possible. Much care should be taken lest Japanese or Dutch landing on the east coast might shelter themselves amongst them, " a thing above all others to be avoided.'' It appears that in former times certain merchants obtained from the government the monopoly of trade with the natives. There were also interpreters appointed to transact business with them. It has, however, been discovered that these persons cheated the innocent hillmen, thus oftimes causing the latter to raise a disturbance. These unscrupulous parties should be kept under strict surveillance, and no occasion given the savages to complain of injustice. As to the colonists of Formosa, our author calls them a lad set, who were accustomed to tritle with the laws, and the first step to be taken should be to teach them to respect and obey the prohibitions of government. Mori over, the inhabitants, stirred up by designing attorneys, delighted in litigation. To abolish this evil, it was essential that justice should be executed impartially, that illegitimate gifts of money to the public courts should be done away with. and that mischievous demagogues should be seized. Colonists before being permitted to land should be able to prove that they had friends who would give thtm employment, thus insuring that they should not become burdens on society. The colonists, being debauched and given over to drunkenness, thus often running into debt, should be forced by law to give up these dissolute habits. Marriageable women, who frequently passed the age of thirty without husbands, should be prevailed upon to enter the blissful state of matrimony at twenty-five. Furthermore, the women, instead of spending their clays in idle gossip, should employ themselves in rearing silk worms and planting hemp, to enable them to provide materials for the apparel of their families. Much difficult)' existed in regard to shipping. The custom officers should be kept under careful observation, diat they did not demand fees to which they were not entitled, whereby the people were induced to import prohibited articles that they might indemnify themselves. Luchow, realizing that the promotion of education was a prominent factor in teaching obedience, recommended that free schools should be widely distributed, and that high rewards should be held out to successful literary candidates. (This advice was not long neglected, and numerous schools were soon established). As most of the rebellions had had their rise in the cupidity of the officers, our author advised that legal exactions should be as few and as light as possible. and that there should be a reduction of the land tax. At the same time he suggested that the ravages upon the defenceless people occurred on account of the small pay which the officers received. On this account there should be clearings of new lands, the proceeds of which should be devoted to increasing the emoluments of the Imperial servants in the island.

The viceroy of Fokien, to whom the peace of Formosa meant much, since the funds for the island were drawn from his province, and worse still, the Peking authorities might disgrace him for his misgox eminent of Formosa, was especially active, and believing that the government could not establish control over the whole island, he confined himself exclusively to the western plains. He gave no heed to the uuruly clans who were engaged in constant

CHAPTER V (PART 3 OF 3)

;6 i in. Island oi fcoRJii >sA.

warfare on the savage border. The- camphor monopoly still existed, hut all were allowed perfect freedom in the cutting down of trees, though no steps were taken to protect the laborers against the savages. The Hakkas and I'cpohoans were constantly at loggerheads with each other, and the custom of head-hunting progressed as freely as the most bloodthirsty savage could wish.

Regardless of the comprehensive plans of the authorities and the advice of the literati, the rebellion of the Chinese settlers against the government continued for more than a hundred years with but brief interruption, while warfare with the savages was a yearly occurrence, as sure to happen as the summer typhoons.

In 1 73 1, after a brief breathing spell, the Chinese again took up the cudgels against their paternal government. The Imperial troops were at this time busy warring in the north with the savages. Accordingly one Woo Fuh-sing (Go Fukusei), a resident ofFangshan (Hozan), considering the time opportune, gathered together a few malcontents, who exerted themselves in again disturbing the Manchu dragon. Early in the year, they attacked and destroyed by tire the government camp in the neighborhood. The governor dt Taiwan now marched in person against the rebels, and succeeded in inflicting a total defeat upon them, although not without considerable loss, including three high officials on his side. A few days later Woo Fuh-sing and some thirty of his companions were captured and executed.

Of the numerous engagements with the savages, which had continued with greater or lesser severity from die days of the first arrival of the Chinese authorities, we refer but to one,' for while there are others of importance, they were affairs confined to the savage district, and can, therefore, be more appro-priately dealt with in a separate chapter devoted to the aborigines.

It was in the year 1731, when the savages of Taikasei (Taikosei), a turbulent tribe who had lavishly indulged in murdering Chinese and burning their property, surrounded and attacked the northern taotai and his part)-, who were traveling through the north on a tour of in-spection. The official and his followers made a stout fight, and succeeded in escaping to the walled city of Changwha. Thence the taotai despatched a detail of regulars to annihilate the offenders. The savages were not only unwilling to be exterminated but further had the audacity to continue to oppose the regulars until the very walls of Changwha were reached, when the survivors of the Imperial forces withdrew into the city, to report to their superiors the insolence of the barbarians. Some ten triljes had now combined, and with this force Changwha was surrounded, and all outside intercourse cut oft. The Chinese inhabitants of the city were greatly disturbed, for fear that the savages should gain entrance and kill them all. Consequently large numbers tried to escape, only to fall into the hands-of the enemy, who were soon enabled to count among their possessions several thousands of Chinese heads. As soon as news of this mortifying defeat

1. The incident here given is novel, inasmuch as it records a combat in which the savages threw aside their usual methods of warfare, and marched across the plains in large numbers to attack one of the principal cities.

FORMOSA A CHINESE POSSESSION.

reached the governor-general, that official at once deprived the taotai of office, and sent a reinforcement against the enemy. The savages were apparently satisfied with what they had already gained, and realizing that they could not oppose the superior numbers which were being sent against them, they retired to their mountain fastnesses. The Imperial troops, however, followed them up, and crossing the border, killed several thousands. The savages now fled to a stronghold at the top of a precipitous mountain, where they prepared to defend themselves. After considerable difficulty, the Imperialists at length discovered a route by which they could gain the summit, and although the savages opposed them stoutly, and rolled huge rocks over the mountain side. which came crashing down amongst them, the might)' warriors of the emperor, according to Chinese report, did not hesitate or waver, but steadily advanced until they gained the heights and slaughtered the savages there.

After this important disturbance, trouble with the savages and fights among the different native clans kept the troops busy until 1770, when the government was again made the target of the discontented.

Hong Chau (Okyo), a resident ofFangshan (Hozan) district, had engaged so extensively in warlike deeds of a doubtful character, that he was looked upon with considerable terror by the inhabitants. At this period robbers, who were present in large numbers, devoted themselves to stealing oxen. Without these useful beasts, cultivation would be greatly endangered. Consequently the people were in a dilemma how best to guard against such depre-dations. Eventually the services of Hong Chau were engaged at the price of five bushels of millet per year for every animal protected. This arrangement was for a time satisfactory; for, as the most formidable rogue ol the district, he commanded obedience from the lesser lights. However, one man was bold enough to engage in a dispute with Hong Chau. |ust what was in question we are not told, but at all events the decision was against the bold cow protector, who was so greatly angered in consequence, that he went so far as to defy the law by capturing his opponent, and revenging himself by tearing off the unfortunate man's nose and ears. The government was then appealed to, and the arrest of Hong Chau was ordered. This was considered by the bold rogue to be another insult, and he accordingly prepared to treat the authorities as he had their informant. He gathered his followers about him, raised the standard of rebellion, and attacked the nearest military camp, massacring the officers and men. The district governor immediately sent a force against him, but although some of his lieutenants were captured, Hong Chau escaped, it is said, to the savage districts. He evaded seizure tor some time, and at length the government, annoyed at the district officer'^ incompetence, deprived him of his office.

As though the raids by the settlers were not enough to sufficiently disturb the luxurious dreams of the emperor, a foreign adventurer, the Count de Benyowsky, of whom we shall speak at length in the following chapter, visited in 1 77 1 the eastern coast, and threatened for a while to become a formidable opponent of the Imperial government.

Besides the calamity of war, Nature seemed to have inimical designs

;X TI1K isi.AM' i n i ORM< SA.

on the island, for in I 782 occurred a storm and inundation for which Formosan history has no parallel.

The official report of the storm states that in May (an unusual month for

typh is), a wind, rain, and swell of the sea together, for twelve hours,

threatened to overwhelm the island. When the storm ceased, the public buildings, granaries, barracks, ami salt warehouses were found totally de-stroyed, and most of the private houses also were in ruins. Of twenty-seven ship's of war, twelve had disappeared leaving not a piece of wreckage behind, and twelve more were wrecked; of other ships about two hundred were lost. Without the harbour, a great number of barks and small vessels disappeared during the fearful gale, which to the people seemed a visitation of the gods in punishment for their many sins. The emperor directed that all houses thrown down should be rebuilt at his expense (i.e., from the public treasury), and that provisions should lx? supplied to the people. " I should leel much pain," said he, " if any of my children were to be neglected." Subterranean convulsions, it is very probable, added to this calamity.

This event was followed, lour years later, by the most important and bloody rebellion which Formosa had yet witnessed, and its suppression by indiscriminate denunciation and cruel punishment was an exhibition of severity, the like of which the island had never seen. Chinese official accounts afford us the only detailed descriptions that are to be procured, but from such references to it as were made by foreign writers at that time, we are led to believe that, in the Chinese accounts, the magnitude of the affair is considerably underrated. M. de Crammont states in a letter of March 1 "No, " the troubles in Formosa are ended at last, but at the cost of a shameful and expensive war to China. She has lost at least a hundred thousand men. destroyed by disease or the swords of the rebels ; and she has expended two millions of taels."

This rebellion was the natural outcome of the over-abundant impetuosity of the inhabitants. Besides the thousands of malcontents who were always awaiting an opportunity to strike a blow at the Tartar government, there abounded district clans and societies so hostile towards each other that not infrequently they were engaged in open combat. Prominent among these opposing factions were those inhabitants of the island who had immigrated from the mainland districts of Tsweng-choo (Senshu), and Chang-choo (Sho-shu). The Imperial officials found these unsympathetic parties difficult to g< >\ ern, for if they rendered a judgment in favour of one, the other side was sure to be thrown into a paroxysm of rage.

In 1 782 representatives of the two clans, residing in a village of Changwha Prefecture, met together for one of their gambling contests. During the play everything progressed as smoothly as could be wished, but the division of the stakes at the close was a very delicate operation, in which the losing side frequently endeavored to evade their obligations by killing their opponents. Much loss ol lite was not unusual in these affrays, and at length they became so serious that on one occasion Imperial officers interfered and executed a certain Chang-choo native, who was head gambler and chief murderer in turn. Every member ot the clan was now a fierce enemy of the government, while

FORMi isa A CHINESE POSSESSION. 79

the Tsweng-chOo people became enthusiastic friends of the authorities. The combats between the two clans now grew more frequent and bloody than ever, and other districts in the island were drawn into the quarrel.

At this period Lin Shoan-wen (Lin So-bun), a native of Chang-choo, and an ambitious soul, saw in the island a promising field for his purposes. Accordingly in 1784, he arrived in the new land, and at once devoted himself to gaining converts to a secret society known as the Tei ti fui (Ten Shigai) of which he was the self-appointed head. As a result of his exertions, tin ■ society flourished, and the Chang-choo people, recognizing in it an opportunity to further injure their rivals and attack the government, joined it in large numbers. The Tsweng-cho< 1 people likewise joined the government volunteers in order to assist in inflicting punishment on their rivals.

The island was divided by the secret society into two districts, the north and the south ; Lin Shoan-wen and Choan Tah-tien (So Dai-den) being the respective chiefs. To the northern division was attached an influential Chinese named Yang Koan-shung (Vokokun), who, together with certain of his relatives, was engaged in unceasing quarrels with another branch of the same family. His chief opponent was his brother-in-law Yang Mah-si (Yo Ma-sei) who to spite Yang Koan-shung organized a second and rival society known as Laikongfui (Raikokwai). With these two societies in full blast, the Imperial authorities became somewhat alarmed. Accordingly a local leader o Kagi and his son were arrested, but the son escaped by bribing the guards, and gathering his followers about him, he attacked Tauromun (Torokumon), a village near Yunlin, destroyed it with tire, and killed among others a government officer. A civil officer of Taiwan advanced with a military force to the camp of the rioters, and arrested some fifty or sixty of the culprits. This officer believed that the two secret societies were organized to further the quarrel of the two brothers-in-law, who were prominent members of the opposing clans previously referred to, and to put an end to the feud, he confiscated all the property belonging to the father, which appeared to be a prominent cause of irritation between the two families. Besides this, he arrested thirty-eight men, including three leaders who were special!)' trouble-some. However, the governor of Changwha was not satisfied with what he considered the lenient policy of the Taiwan officer, and accordingly seized several members of the society, executed them all, and burned one of their villages. The society made capital of this, and pointed out to their neighbors the unmerciful way in which their government treated them. By this means the society received a great accession of strength, till, believing themselves sufficiently strong, they broke out into open rebellion ami killed Imperialists whenever they were able. Lin Shoan-wen now came to the front, and led his men against Changwha, which was guarded by only eight) Imperial soldiers, captured it, and killed the local governor. A neighboring government camp likewise fell into the hands of the insurgents. The rebels were guilt)- of the slaughter of some two thousand men, women, and children, including thirty officers. This created considerable alarm among the authorities, and owing to their own gross maladministration, lxith civil and military, then was no available military force at hand to crush the rebellion,

So THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

With Changwha and much of the surrounding territory in their possession, tin- rebels considered t H< - time ripe lor administrative organization. With

this in view. Lin Shoan wen was declared ruler of the new domain, the era was changed to that of Shuntien (Junten), and civil officers were appointed to the different posts. When the details of government were completed^ a great hast was held, which I. in Shoan wen attended, robed in garments of great splendor (it was privately said that these had been stolen by the noble chief from the Imperial officers whom he had captured) anil conducted himself with all the dignity that a mighty sovereign should possess. The rebel forces now added Kagi to their possessions, murdering the officers, and plundering the people as they advanced. To the northwards towards Tamsui a second division of reikis was despatched, which succeeded in capturing Teck-cham (Hsinchiku). However a force of 13,000 men, including drafts made from the inhabitants by the local Imperial officers of the district, advanced on the city which the\ succeeded in re-occupying.

Imperial troops now arrived from China, and landing at Tamsui, were able to keep the northern part clear of rebels.

The insurgents in the south now attacked Fangshan, capturing; the city and driving the Imperialists out of the district. The governor of Taiwan at once gathered together a force of 900 volunteers, 1000 soldiers, and 1000 of the plain savages, and with this army was able to hold the capital against a tierce attack of the rebels. When the news reached the mainland that, with the exception of Taiwanfu and the extreme north, the whole island was in the hands of the rebels, the consternation among thetrrcials was great: and a fleet, and the most renowned military officers were despatched to suppress the rebellion. The Imperial forces react eel the island early in 17S7, some landing at Lokiang, and some at Anping. One column 3.000 strong, aided by a naval squadron, attacked Fangshan, and alter a sixteen days' engagement defeated the rebels, and restored the district to Imperial rule. Success likewise attended the regulars in the north, and Kagi was recaptured. The weather, however, was unceasingly bad, and large numbers of the troops died of disease, while the rebels succeeded in surrounding the city and cutting off all outside communication. Thus besieged, the Imperialists were subjected to great privations, and were so stiaitened for supplies that tor a considerable period they were obliged to exist on oil cakes as their only food.

.\ close watch was kept on the city walls, and if any of the unfortunate-inhabitants came out to forage, they rarely escaped with their lives. I^ater an Imperial force succeeded in reaching Kagi, but only temporary relief could be given, and the situation soon relapsed into its former condition. The year passed, and the rebels still held the larger portion of the island. The em-peror now despatched from Peking a civil officer of high rank, to settle the difficulties. This dignitary landed in Lokiang at the end of October, with . 9,000 men and 1 20 officers. The new arrivals advanced against the insurgents, defeating them first at Paquasoan (Hakkeizan), and again at a village near Kagi, from which the insurgents lied in such haste, that accord-ing to a Chinese report. 'Their shadows were left behind;" and after

FORMOSA A CHINESE POSSESSION. 8!

desultory fighting for several days, the Imperialists secured possession of Kagi city and vicinity-Imperial troops now advanced against the insurgents simultaneously from Kagi and Taiwan. Both forces were favored with uninterrupted victory, while the terror-stricken rebels lied before them like frightened deer. Eventually after man)' months of fighting, the rebels were driven from the settled districts, and there remained but one place over which the)- held control. This was the stronghold of Talichau (Tairizab. a formidable position protected by a high wall and fortifications. The Imperialists after a vigorous and lengthy engagement captured this place also. Among the prisoners was the rebel prefect of Changwha who, having formerly been an Imperial officer, now received but little mercy from the authorities : 1 60 guns large and small, 230 spears, several thousand bushels of rice, and Xoo cows, comprised the principal booty secured by the Imperialists at the close of this engagement. The energetic commander of the regulars now advanced well along the savage border, establishing fortifications where they were most needed.

Thus after nine months of constant battling, in which popular account asserts money formed not a small portion of the munitions of war. the rebellious population was induced to settle down for the moment in peace. Lin Shoan-wen had escaped to the hills, taking refuge in the savage district. The hillmen do not appear to have been especially friendly, for they handed the rebel chieftain's mother and father over to the Imperial commander. Lin Shoan-wen now fled into the Polisia district, where he pleaded with his friends to protect him. But their fidelity to their former leader had now faded away, and they replied to his prayers by seizing the hunted man, and handing him over to the military, who satisfied old grudges by " cutting him into a thousand pieces." The victorious Imperial officers were now greatly lauded, while the Emperor evidenced his pleasure by bestowing increased rank and numerous decorations on them.

The island now remained quiet, the settlers working off their surplus energy by fighting either with one another, or with the savages, until in 1 795 the unrest of the population again found vent.

Chien Chu-choan (Chin Shu-zen) was a former member of the secret society which was responsible for the previous rebellion. He lived at Fangshan, where he was nominally engaged as a sugar merchant. He later removed to Changwha and gathered many of the old society together again. Having collected a force of some four hundred men. who swore fealty to him. he decided on a bold stroke. He engaged numerous vessels, which he despatched with skeleton crews to Lokiang, he himself meanwhile marching by land against the city. On arriving late in the evening, signals were exchanged between the land forces ami the decoy ships, and prepara-tions were made for a night attack. Suddenly numerous lights flashed up on board each junk, giving the craft the appearance of being crowded with soldiers, while Chien Chu-choan advanced on the city spreading out his scant) force, with the view of deceiving the enemy as to his real strength. 1 he-savage clamors of the assailants added terror to the illusion. I he Lokiang

82 THE IS] WD I >F 1< IRMOSA.

garrison, aroused from their slumbers, took but one look at the seemingly enormous forces approaching l>oth by land and sea, and then fled from the city horror-stricken.

This victor)' gave great courage to other members of the society in Changwha, and upon a pre-arranged date Chien Chu-choan advanced from Lokiang, and joined the Changwha rebels in an attack on Paquasoan (Hakkeizan). The rebel force was small, biit an accidental explosion of gunpowder in the Imperialist fort, killed several officers and men, and the fortification, as well as Changwha, fell into the hands of the insurgents. The success of the new party was not lasting, however, for after a few days of prosperity they were so badly defeated while attacking a neighboring village, that half of the survivors fled to the hills for refuge. Chien Chu-choan was eventually captured and executed, thus closing the last rebellion of the 1 8th century.

CHAPTER VI

FORMOSA VISITED BY BENYOWSKY;

/ /

i.

Events on the east coast — The life of ('mint de Benyowsky — The count lands mi tin rust coast — Attacked by natives — Subsequent slaughtei" — Licentiousness incites Hariris tn second attack — 77c count secures tin' assistance <;/ " Spaniard — Third attack Iii/ the natives — 77c slaughter of 1,156 natives in return — Treaty tvith ii friendly tribe — Accompanies them as an ally in battle — Defeat oj the Chinese — Returns loaded with presents — Officers advise establishing n colony — Thr count refuses ami embarks for Macao — Endeavors tn interest foreign nations in establishing colony — Brilliant promises.

It is now necessary to digress from the chronological order of the previous chapters and to go back to the year 1770. At this period, the reader will recollect the Tartar masters of Formosa were busily engaged in curbing the spirit of rebellion ever present among the people, many ot whose ancestors were the followers of Koxinga. Interesting events were at the same time occurring in the eastern districts, — events which, if they had been fully known, would have caused no little anxiety to the Imperial authorities, who had already had much trouble with the inflammable inhabitants of the western districts, and would have dreaded to have their influence still further weakened by the appearance of another enemy in a land already teeming with toes.

We are about to relate the adventures of Count de Benyowsky. For-tunately for the historian, this interesting nobleman leaves us abundant descriptions of his exploits in his memoirs, written originally in hrench, but later translated into English. Detailed reviews of the English version have been compiled, and to the most complete of these the present chapter is indebted.1

This remarkable adventurer, whatever other qualities he may have lacked, will hardly be denied the possession of great braver)-, enterprise, and ambition. By birth a Hungarian nobleman, he served several years as an officer in the Austrian army, visited Holland and England in pursuit of nautical information, and then went to Poland, where he joined the confederacy against the Russians, becoming a commander of cavalry and quarter-master-

X. As contained iu a collection of papers "ii Formosa, compiled by Gideon Nye, Jr.

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general, lie was subsequently taken prisoner, and in 1770 was banished to Kamtscliatka, being then twenty-nine years of age. Mere, in conjunction with several other exiles, he conceived the project of seizing a vessel and escap-ing from Kamtschatka, bearing away with him the Russian governor's daughter, Aphanasia, who had been so fascinated by the noble captive that she determined to share his fortunes, though aware that his wife was then alive in Lurope. In 1771 he effected his escape in company with ninety-six other persons, touched at Japan, the Loo-choo group, Formosa, Macao, and at length, in a French ship, reached France. I he French government, desirous of profiting by his talents, commissioned him to found a colony in Madagascar, which he did. persevering for three years amidst no ordinary difficulties. But the desire of the French ministry to reduce the island under their authority not coinciding with the count's wish and the treaties which he had made with the native chiefs, in which he had recognized their independence, he resigned his commission — at least so he him-self avers. Upon this he was chosen king by the friendly chiefs, and left the island with authority to negotiate a commercial treaty and if possible to enter into an alliance with some European government. He applied to the British ministry in 1 783, as it would appear, without success ; but he received aid from private parties in London and from a commercial house in Baltimore, U.S.A. Leaving his wife in America in 1 7S4, he set out again for Mada-gascar, where he commenced hostilities against the French, and was killed in battle in 1786. His widow died at her estate near Betzko in Hungary, December 4th. 1825.

\\ ith this account of the man the reviewer turns to his book, and opens it at the point of the count's arrival on the eastern shore of Formosa. From reading Anson's voyages the company ot returning exiles had become de-sirous of adding Formosa to their other discoveries and, according!)', on the 26th ot August, 1 771, they made the eastern shore in latitude 230 22' X.

The)' anchored in fourteen fathoms and sent two boats ashore with sixteen men, who returned in a few hours with three of their number wounded and with five native prisoners. The report of the officer was that they found the harbor good, the soundings from eight to three fathoms ; that on landing the)- saw a fire and a few islanders to whom they signified their desire for food. They were accordingly conducted to a village, where the)- were i'&.\ with roasted pork, boiled rice, limes, and oranges. The natives appeared quiet ; but observing several parties of armed men assembling, the officer had judged it prudent to wididraw, lest they should seek a quarrel. After making them presents of some knives, he began to return : but before reaching the shore, he was assailed with a flight of arrows which wounded two of his men ; this was returned with a discharge of musketry, which prostrated six natives and checked the remainder. They rallied, however, and attacked the party again as it was about to embark in the boats, but were driven away at length with the loss of sixty slain, besides the five prisoners.

Upon this inauspicious commencement, the count would have quitted the place, but his associates insisted on entering the harbor and taking vengeance, as if enough had not been indicted already. On the next day, therefore, he

FORMOSA VISITED BY &ENVOWSKY. 85

brought the vessel up within one hundred fathoms of the shore, and ordered twenty-eight ol his men to land. They were immediately met by unarmed natives bearing' branches ot trees, and prostrating themselves at their feet. This submission pacified the enraged party, who immediately laid aside their caution with their anger, and entered the village : but having indulged in some licentiousness, the natives again fell upon them and drove them, some entirely naked, from tin- village-. Benyowsky himself was obliged to go and meet them with a reinforcement, when they again drove the natives from their village, killed two hundred persons, and finally set the village on fire.

Satisfied with what they had seen, the adventurers weighed anchor, and with a light wind and northward current, coasted the island, proceeding towards the north. The count observed that the current caused the vessel always to follow the windings of the shore, gliding inward as an indentation was met, only to swing seawards as the opposite bank was neared. The nature of the current kept the vessel always at the same distance from the coast and removed any apprehension of its being thrown on the land l>v the force of the current, even though there might not be wind enough to make the helm effective. After coasting a short distance in this manner, they were piloted by two native boats into a beautiful harbor with three fathoms of water. This he named Port Maurice ; but we find nothing more definite as to its position, the count having left us in doubt on that point not, perhaps, without design. Numerous boats immediately appeared, bringing supplies of poultry, hogs, rice, and fruits. Soon after, another party arrived with a European at its head. He declared himself a Spaniard from .Manila, from whence he had fled seven or eight years before, having unfortunately killed a Dominican whom he had detected in criminal intercourse with his wife. He had formerly been captain of the port ot Cavite at Manila : his name was I >on Hieronimo Pacheco. To secure the aid of this man as interpreter and friend. Benyowsky gave him valuable presents and promises ot more it he found him faithful during his stay at the place. But as if the adventurers were doomed never to be long out of trouble, the next morning, while a party of them were obtaining water, the)- were attacked by the natives.

The watering place, it appears, was at a distance from the anchorage, and though Don Hieronimo warned them to beware of the natives of that district, who were hostile to his tribe, the party suffered themselves to be surprised, and three of them were slain. Don Hieronimo and his friends resolved to avenge the death of the three. Since Benyowsky's associates also demanded vengeance for the death of their comrades, their leader reluctantly consented, and "in order that his men might not expose their lives to no purpose" he led them himself. Put when he was once engaged he proceeded with no lenient hand. He first killed all the prisoners he had taken ; then he attacked all the boats that were approaching, not knowing whether they sought peace or war, and hanged the men. Forty-two ot his part)- left the ship and, with two hundred under Don Hieronimo, proceeded a short distance inland in search of their remaining enemies. They met t he-hostile tribe and drove them towards a steep hill, where the guns of the ship being brought to bear upon them on one side, and the Spaniard and the count

pressing them on another, the poor savages in despair threw themselves prostrate on the earth. Benyowsky now declared that he would fire on his own party if the) continued the massacre longer. Upon this the slaughter ceased, but not until eleven hundred and fifty-six, as afterwards counted, were slain ; among whom were many women who were armed in the same manner as the men and who died fighting for their homes. Six hundred and forty captives were taken, all of whom were handed over to the Spaniard and his friendly nati\ es.

The day after this Moody affair, the count requested permission to " establish a cam]) " on shore, to which his friends readily agreed, and them-selves prepared huts for the reception of their foreign allies. When thesewere finished, Benyowsky removed on shore with the wounded and the women ol his party. Here he was introduced to the family of Don Hieronimo and main other friends, from whom he learned that Huapo, one of the in-dependent chiefs of the country, had heard of the chastisement which he had indicted on his enemies, and was coming to thank him. He was also told that his visitor could muster as many as 20,000 or 25,000 armed men ; that his residence was about thirty miles inland ; that he was much annoyed by Chinese on the west: and that his central territories were civilized, but that the eastern coast, excepting of course Huapo's division, was possessed by savages. 1 Hiring the day, an officer arrived from the chief to announce his approach and make preparations for his coming. The count received him with much respect, and managed to secure his friendship. After hearing his history the officer requested him to delay his departure till the arrival of the chief, b)' whom he had been sent with troops to protect the count from danger. Benyowsky returned suitable thanks, but did not fail to remark that the kind precaution was quite superlluous, and that he needed no aid in his own defence. The dress of this officer is minutely desc ribed by the count: " He wore a long close garment fitted to the body and reaching from head to foot, Chinese half-boots, a white shirt, a black vest, ant! a red outer garment with buttons of coral set in gold. His bonnet of straw was ex-ceedingly pointed and the upper extremity ornamented with horse-hair dyed red. His arms were a sabre, a lance, a bow and quiver, with twenty-five arrows. His troops were naked, with the exception of a piece of blue cloth around the middle: and their arms were bows and spears." The interval until the coming of Huapo was spent in dining with the officer, and in exhibi-tions of gunnery. Meanwhile "the islanders had become so familiar as to leave their daughters in our camp."

The arrival of the prince is described as follows : " First came six horsemen, with a kind of standard : these were followed by a troop of infantry with pikes ; after them came thirty or forty horsemen and another body of infantry with bows ; a troop armed with clubs and hatchets came next; and the, last of all came the prince attended by twelve or fifteen officers mounted on small but beautiful horses. The rest of the troops came without any regular order. ( )n their arrival at our camp every one lodged where he could, and there was no guard set." The prince immediately made the count welcome to the island and thanked him for the effectual manner in which he had

humbled the hostile tribe. 1 fe proceeded further to state his opinion that the count must be the stronger predicted by their diviners, who was to break the Chinese yoke from the neck of the Formosans; he, therefore, offend to aid him to the full extent of his power in carrying out his design of liberating the island. " This beginning," says Benyowsky, " and the representation of Don Hieronimo that I was in fact a great prince, insensibly led me to play a new part, as though I had visited Formosa for the purpose of satisfying myself concerning the position of the Chinese and of fulfilling the wishes of the inhabitants by delivering them from the power of that treacherous people." The count was, indeed, no stickler for the right, whenever he could gain his ends by playing a new or a double part.

At another visit, the chief entered more into the details of his plans, anil left no reason to doubt that vanity induced him to declare war upon the Chinese. As the count already cherished the idea of returning later on and founding a colony on the island, he foresaw that the friendship of a native chief would be very serviceable, not merely on the ground of present safety but also by rendering the proposal of a colony more reasonable in the eyes of some European power. He resolved, therefore, to secure by all means the friendship of Huapo. For this purpose he showed him the ship, gave him an exhibition of fireworks, and upon retiring, the chief gave in return his belt and sabre, as a token that he would share with him the power of the army. The count also prepared presents for the chief, consisting of two pieces of cannon, thirty good muskets, six barrels of gunpowder, two hundred iron balls, besides fifty [apanese sabres, probably a part of the spoil from a Japanese junk which our adventurers had previously captured.

The count improved the interval before the next visit in questioning 1 >on Hieronimo and in deciding upon the terms of acceptance of the proposals which the Formosan prince had made. The more important proposals were as follows: That the count should leave some of his people on the island until his return ; that he should procure for the prince armed vessels and captains to command them ; that he should aid him in expelling the Chinese, on condition of receiving at once the proprietorship of the department of Hwangsin, and when completely successful, that of his whole territory ; that he, the count, should assist him in his present expedition against one of the neighboring chieftains, in consideration of the payment of a certain sum of money and other advantages ; and, lastly, that they should enter into a permanent treaty of friendship.

To all these propositions, except the first, the count assented, anil stated the cost of procuring the required supplies of men and shipping. 1 he) then prepared to ratify the agreement of perpetual friendship, by means of ceremonies very similar to those which are observed in several islands ol the Eastern Archipelago when a savage chief would assure a guest ol his friendship : " We approached a small fire, upon which we threw several pieces of wood. A censer was then given to me and another to him. ITiese were filled with lighted wood, upon which we threw incense, and turning towards the east, we made several fumigations. After this ceremony the general read the proposals and my answers, and whenever he paused, we

88 THE rSLAND I « FORMOSA.

turned towards the cast and repeated the fumigation. At the end of the reading the prince pronounced imprecations and maledictions upon him who should break the treaty of friendship between us, and Don Hieronimo directed me to do the same, and afterwards interpreted my words. After this we threw our fire on the ground and thrust our sabres in the earth up to the hilts.

" Assistants immediately brought a quantity oi large stones, with which they covered our arms ; anil the prince then embraced me and declared that he acknowledged me as as his brother." When these ceremonies were ended, the count was dressed in a complete suit, after the fashion of the country, and was received with every demonstration of joy. Accompanied l>\ the chiefs, he rode through the cam]) and received the submission oi all the officers, which was signified bj each touching with his left hand the stirrup of the count.

" Alter having determined to assist the chief in his expedition," says the memoirs, "1 thought proper to make some inquiries on the subject." A ver\ commendable mode of procedure, certainly, for all adventurers who do not mean to Ik- turned from their purpose by any disclosures of the right and the Wrong which a subsequent inquiry might evolve. What he learned was as follows, to quote his own words : " Hapuasingo," a native chief allied and tributary to the Chinese, had demanded that Huapo should punish with death several of his subjects on account of certain private quarrels ; but that Huapo, instead of acceding to the request, made an unsuccessful war against Hapuasingo, and was compelled to pay him a considerable sum as an in-demnity; that the Chinese governor, under the pretence ol obtaining further reimbursement for his expenses, had in conjunction with Hapuasingo seized one ol his finest districts ; that his enemy's capital was not more than a day and a half's march distant ; that his army did not exceed 6,000 men while tin; Chinese were about 1,000 with lilt) muskets." Benyowsky promised to maintain the quarrel of his friend, and required sixty horses for the transport ol forty-eight ol his company, with four parteraroes and ammunition.

On the third of September, the combined arm) set forward to meet the enemy, moving only in the morning and evening to avoid the extreme heat of noonday. At regular intervals they were refreshed with supplies of rice, fruits, and brand),1 while their horses were limited to the healthier article,' rice. When they drew near the seat of war, the deserted villages and fields told that the enemy had taken the alarm. Within six hours' march of the enemy's capital, the count halted for the army of Huapo, which was one day's march in the rear, to come up. But small parties of the enemy having appeared and engaged in skirmishes, Benyowsky pitched a sort of cam]), and fixed his small cannon for its defence.

Presently the whole army often or twelve thousand at least approached him and attacked his camp. Twice he drove them back with great loss, and pursued them the second time until night. At this time Huapo arrived, ami it was resolved to attack the enemy in their turn the next morning. The count divided his own little force into three parts and attached one part to J. Probably " Stunehu " (Chinese Wine).

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each division (it his allies. But the noise of the musketry and cannon alone, after the experience of the preceding day, was enough to put the enemy to flight. The result was a great slaughter. When Huapo was sought for in order to receive his prisoners, it was found that, like a prudent man, he had quite withdrawn from the scene of danger, preferring to be a spectator rather than an actor. To him the count delivered the captive chief, on con-dition that the prisoner should suffer no personal injury.

The battle appeared decisive and, all warlike operations being over, the count announced his intention to return and embark immediately. The chiefs and the general overwhelmed him with protestations of friendship, and did not forget the more solid expression of their gratitude. The presents of the prince consisted of some fine pearls, eight hundred pounds of silver, and twelve pounds of gold. For his private use, the count received a box containing one hundred pieces of gold which together weighed thirteen pounds and a quarter ; and the general was charged to attend him with one hundred and twenty horsemen and to provide subsistance. The count left with the chief the parteraroes, whose usefulness he had seen so full)- tested, and one of his companions to teach their use as well as to learn the native language, until the return of the count to Formosa. On the way back to the coast, they passed through a pleasant, well-cultivated country, watered with fine streams and very populous, as appeared from the frequency of the villages.

When he arrived on the coast, the count distributed the whole of his presents among his associates, officers, and women, reserving nothing for himself. 1 his act of generosity gave him unbounded influence over his companions, but no more than was necessary, as immediately appeared.

His confidential officers came in a body and endeavored to persuade him to accept the territory that had been ceded to him and, resting from his wanderings, to fix his residence on this friendly island. " If we exiles reach Europe," said they, " what shall await us there in the land which has cast us out of its bosom ? Here we can live safely and happily under your com-mand, and we are enough to found a European colony." Indeed, they argued the point so well that we almost wonder they did not succeed ; but it appears that the count, from his past experience, had some suspicion that the morals and habits of his followers would be little security against insubordination and crimes, which might prevent him from ever seeing his family again, and from securing some governmental patronage. Hence he would not yield to their entreaties, and at length prevailed on them to accompany him. Accordingly, they left the harbor on the 12th of September, and. sailing around the nor-thern headland of the island, steered for Macao.

In conclusion we would say that we have ([noted from this curious book, rather because it speaks of a subject otherwise quite unknown than because it is of undoubted veracity in all its statements. It is extremely doubtful whether the aborigines were in possession of horses. Travellers on the east coast, at least, have not met with roads made by the aborigines which struck them as suitable for cavalry, nor have the) known of the Formosan savage who possessed either gold or silver, especially the latter, in large quantity, or

even pearls, although some rubies have been seen. But as the author was no doubt inclined to give a favorable aspect to his proposed enterprise of colonizing the island, the gold, silver, and pearls were probably included as a relish t<> his description.

In Europe, however, Benyowsky's scheme was considered to !*• rather a visionary one. This was no doubt due to the fact that the rewards promised wen- greater than any careful statesman would be inclined to be-lieve possible. To the country which would support him the count promised to pa}- an annual tax, to assist his patron in time of war with soldiers and sailors from the island, and furthermore he guaranteed to return all funds invested with interest within three \ears.

CHAPTER VII

FORMOSA UNDER CHINESE RULE.

1800- 1862.

First Iwdf of nineteenth century — Lawlessness o\ inhabitant? — Formosa's early commerce — Political divisions — Number <>i towns and villages tinder Imperial control Formosan troubles repeat themselves — Adventures of pirate Tsah Ken — //<• visits Formosa mid is driven thence — Changchoo mid Tswengchoo people in combat Thousands killed — Tsah Km risits Fangshan— Natives incited to rebel— Fang-shan ruptured — Taiwanfu attacked — Imperial troops arrive — Rebels defeated — In 1808 pirate Tsu Pan risits Formosa — Headquarters ut Suao— Imperial officer purchases savages' assistance — The pirates dispersed — Clan fights 1800 mid 1811 — Rebellion of 1824 — Clan fight 1826 — Serious conflict between Hakkas and Fokienese — The capital Taiwanfu captured— Mutual extermination — Peace restored— Clanfights 1834, 1844, 1852, and 1853— The Taiping rebellion excites fbrmosans — Rebellion ls.'j^ — Chief magistrate killed — Fangshan captured Rebels defeated— In 1853, 1856, futile attempts ut rebellion— In 1856 rebels obtain temporary success — C Jiang wha captured — Southern ami eastern kings proclaimed — Rebels defeated anil leaders executed — Rebellion in Tamsui — Taotai killed — Inhabitants oppose HI, in — Mandarin* yield — Immigration increases — New tings: Taifang, Lokiang, and Komalan established — Early Chinese description of Taiwan, Fangshan, Kdgi, Changwha, Tamsui, Pescadores Chinese officers in Formosa — Their duties and tlnir emoluments - The military.

I\ spite of the advance of officialdom in Formosa the first half ot the nineteenth century was not a peaceful period. The Chinese inhabitants obtained, not only in China, hut among students of Oriental affairs throughout the world, the reputation of being a fierce and turbulent population, and even the emperor frequently referred to them as his "troublesome children."

The island had now attained considerable commercial importance. The shipments of grain to China greatly increased year by year. With Formosa to supply the most necessary food products, the coast districts on the mainland were enabled to support a larger population, and accordingly multiplied in proportion to the increase of productions. To such an extent did this reach, that during the early half of the present century Formosa was familiarly

92 Mil IS! AND I 'I 1 ' tRMOSA.

known as " The granary of China." J If wars broke out, or violent storms prevented the shipment of rice, a scarcity immediately ensued, and grea! distress was felt, the nsnlt being an increase of piracy by the Chinese, who

had no scruples in resorting to crime in order to stave oft destitution.

Some little trade was also carried on with the natives. In districts where the authorities had control, certain merchants Were given the monopoly of this trade. There were also linguists appointed to transact business. This was not satisfactory, however, except to the traders themselves, tor the natives were so cheated and imposed upon that disturbances often arose.

Some idea of the exports in those early days may be formed from the following report published in [833 : '

"The quantity of rice exported to Fuhkeen (Fokien) and i Ihekean (Chikiang) i.s very considerable unci employs mote than three hundred junks. At Teentsin (Tientsin) alone, there arrive annually more than twenty junk- leaded with sugar. The export of camphoi is likewise by no means Bmall (shipped principally to Canton). The owners of the plantations are generally Ainny men, whose families lire in their native country. The capital they employ is great ; the trade profitable. Oil cake is also one nt the important exports, being used as a fertilizer on the opposite coast of Fokien where the sandy hills were converted into tracts capable of cultivation."

For administrative purposes the island had been divided into four //tens, or prefectures, under civil magistrates, and two tings, or seaboard divisions, including the Pescadores, under marine magistrates. The liiens from south to north consecutively and the number of settlements in each at this period were : Fangshan hien, consisting of one town, 8 Chinese villages, 7,; uncivilized, and 8 civilized native villages ; Kagi hien of one town, 4 Chinese villages, 22 uncivilized and 8 civilized native villages ; Changwha hien of one town, 16 villages : and Tamsui ting with one town. 132 farms, and 70 native villages.

I he Chinese authorities had shown neither ability nor desire to extend their island domains much beyond the borders laid down by the Koxinga family. As yet they had made no claim whatsoever to the vast interior occupied by the aborigines, and never interfered with the internal affairs ol the savages. Nevertheless, the nineteenth century found the Chinese authorities engaged in constant war, either with their own people or with the savages, while in later years different foreign nations were added to their foes.

As with everything else in China, these disputes repeated themselves year after year. The accounts of nearly every engagement tell us that by ill treatment the Chinese incurred the hatred of the savages, and a band of avengers would sweep down from the hills, attack a small Chinese settle-ment, and flee back to their friendly jungles with the dripping heads of their Chinese victims. If the attack were serious, or if an Imperial officer lost his head, the Imperial troops would be despatched into the savage territory where they would slaughter the first unfortunates that they fell in with. regardless whether they had been implicated in the attack or not.

As to the troubles with their own countrymen, the mandarins by their rapacity incited the people to rebel, or the lawless mobs would seek to advance' their personal interests ; and fighting would be the result. The Imperial troops

1. "China" in this instance must have referred to the maritime provinces and not to the interior of the vast empire.

2. Canton Register. May 18th, 183a.

FORMOSA I XDKK CHINESE RULE. 9;

disorganized and ill-equipped were harassed by guerilla tactics until the- rel gained sufficient strength to advance en masse and crush them by force; of numbers (in two instances the capital itself was captured). The high autho-rities, now- thoroughly alarmed lest the report of their negligence should reach Peking, would exert themselves to the utmost. Reinforcements would be poured into the island, while the rebels, ofttimes weakened by dispute's among them-selves, were unable to resist, and were reduced to submission either by force or bribes. And then when all was over, a magniloquent report bristling with the glorious deeds and splendid victories of the Imperial troops would be scut to Peking, resulting in an Imperial decree declaring pardon and forgiveness to the rebels and higher rank and numerous decorations t<> the- Imperial officers.

We now lay before die reader an account of the most important of the disturbances which marked the nineteeth century.

From the year 1S00, a pirate named Tsah Ken (Sai Ken I. a native of Tswengchoo (Senshu), who cruised along the China seacoast attacking junks and trading ships, had frequently visited Formosa, which he considered a safe retreat in time ot need. Well acquainted with the island, he endeavored to advance his own interests by inducing the discontented classes to rebel. In 1805. Tsah Ken landed at Tamsui and communicated with the banditti living in the mountains, but was soon driven out by the Imperial troops. The turbulent classes now took advantage ot the contusion to rob ami pillage the district. The village headmen raised volunteer forces of Changchoo men and opposed the banditti, and turthermore, when the pirate attempted to land at Lokiang (Rokko) they marched on that city, no doubt enjoying such an op-portunity of striking a blow at their old enemies, the Tswengchoo clan, who occupied the place. Arriving at Lokiang, the Changchoo people met with an un-friendly reception, which eventually led to a serious combat in which many were killed on both sides and much property was destroyed. Tsah Ken, the pirate, took advantage of this to pillage several districts. The feud between the two clans now spread into the surrounding districts, and all the Chang choo men joined to crush their opponents. The Tswengchoo people throughout the country were accordingly attacked, and, except at Lokiang, great numbers were massacred, and thousands who escaped from their homes were literally driven into the sea to meet death by drowning. At length, after great damage had been inflicted, the two clans became reconciled and for the time settled down again in peace.

Meanwhile. Tsah Ken had interested himself in South Formosa, and joined forces with the insurgents of Fangshan district (Hozankenh leading them in an attack on Fangshan city (Hozan) andTangkang (Toko). Although the Imperialists stoutly defended their positions, the insurgents were successful, and the two cities fell into their hands. Thus encouraged, the rebels attacked Anping and laid siege to Taiwanfu, while the pirate watched operations on board his junk at a safe distance from the city. Having effectually stirred up the population, Tsah Ken seems to have been content, ami accordingly departed from the island, although he returned later to reconnoitre the position.

A force of a thousand regulars was now hurried across from China and landed at Lokiang. They then advanced towards the south, strengthening

I III IS] \\ I ' >l FORMl IS \.

themselves with large numbers of volunteers collected along the way. Upon reaching Anping, the rebels, frightened at the sight of the formidable force scut against them, retired, the Imperialists clearing the district and later re-covering Fangshan. The rebels now retreated to Tohah-hun (Toshien),

whence they again fled in several directions, — some to the savage territorj and some to the sea. where they made their escape in junks. The Imperial-ists had now restored communications, and quiet again reigned in the island. Four years later the pirate Tsah Ken met a richly deserved fate, being drowned at sea

In 1 80S, a second pirate, Tsu Pun (Shifun), a native of Canton, made several visits to the coast from Lokiang to Tamsui. One night a high Im-perial officer arriving off one of the northern ports discovered one of Tsu Pun's ships in the harbor. The officer at once attacked the craft, which ran out and eventually anchored at Suao (So-o) on the north east coast where the pirate intended to fix his headquarters. Tsu Pun now plotted to rid the district of Imperialists, and for that purpose sought the assistance of a Chinese interpreter who had close relations with the savages. The prelect of Taiwan, hearing of this, came to Hanka where he equipped a force, with which he crossed the mountains and marched to Gowi (Goi) a village near Gilan. Placing himself in communication with the savages he presented them with a large quantity of cloth and 1,000 dollars, in return for which they were induced not only to repudiate their promises to the pirate but to join in an attack against him. The interpreter, who had not acquiesced in Tsu Pun's designs, now led the savages, and with the assistance of an Imperial squadron they were able to drive away the enemy, whose party was last seen fleeing eastward aboard 16 junks.

In 1809 we find die clans again in combat with each other ; and in 181 1 ■mother rebellion broke out, which was brought to an early close by the execution of the two leaders, one of whom had formerly been a fortune-teller.

In iSj4a native of Fangshan district, with his followers, rebelled, but a number of villagers formed a volunteer corps and captured the leader and others implicated, thus putting an end to the disturbance.

In 1826, more clan fighting, originating this time in a dispute as to the ownership of a pig. It eventually reached considerable proportions, involving a large district, and resulting in much loss of life and property. Rebellious parties now thought this a favorable opportunity, and having induced a tribe of savages to assist them, the village of Tionkan (Chuko) was attacked and captured. I he government now sent a detail of regulars, who recovered the village and drove the rebels into the mountains.

A more serious affair, resulting in the loss of the capital, broke out in iS ;o. and continued at intervals until 1833. It had its start in a land dispute !)et\veen villagers, Hakkas and Fokienese being the parties concerned. One ol the villages complained to the authorities and presented them with gifts. The case was, therefore, officially dealt with in favor of the donors. This brought down upon the heads of the officials the wrath of the losing party, who. with all their clan and thousands of sympathizers, immediately broke out

into open rebellion. The insurgents first appeared about fifteen miles from the capital, Taiwanfu, and twenty or thirty officers with nearly two thousand men were killed at the lirst outburst. The news soon spread and then- was a general rising throughout the island, large numbers of Imperial troops being killed, and many forced to seek shelter in the mountains. While troops were being' levied and despatched from the four south-eastern provinces of China, the different parties among the insurgents were engaged in mutual extermination.

One clan, with 30,000 men, seized the capital, driving the Imperialists from the city and repeatedly defeating them whenever the)' appeared, until at last the remaining regulars were obliged to seek refuge in the north.

A fleet and a renowned military officer were despatched to suppress the rebellion ; commissioners were sent from Peking for the same purpose, and woe be to such officers in China if the}1 do not win success by some means or other ! The arm)' landed in different parts of the island, but the fleet sailed direct for the capital. Fortunately for the Imperial navy, just as the fleet was anchoring in the harbor, the occupants of the city were marching against a hostile clan who had attacked them. The capital was thus easily recovered, and in eight or nine months, whether by force or by money (if report be true not much less by the latter than by the former), the insurrection throughout the island was checked, and the announcement was made that " Now all is <|tiiet again and the mind of His Majesty is tilled with consolation."

From the " Peking Gazette" it appears that the emperor acknowledged that the rebellion had originated in the oppression and maladministration of the officials. The general then in command of the army was accordingly dismissed from service. Through the carelessness of this officer the 20,000 troops stationed in the island had been practically annihilated by being permitted to mix with the people in trade, etc. Hence, upon the breaking out of the rebellion the officers were helpless and in a deplorable plight. The governor of Fokien would naturally have received the larger portion of the blame, but fortunately for him he had in the meantime died ; for, " Had he been alive," says His Majesty, " I would have inflicted such a death upon him as would have been a warning to all careless governors.

'• Publish this At Home and Abroad."

In [834 there was serious clan fighting in Fang-shan : in 1844, the Changchoo ami Tswengchoo people were again at war; in 1852 four districts were similarly engaged, and in 1853 a serious conflict between opposing clans occurred at Tiengdieck (Chureki).

The Taiping rebellion on the mainland had its counterpart in Formosa, but was limited to numerous small parties .who appear to have teen too jealous oi each other to join hands and thus stand considerable chance of success.

In [852, a resident of Fang-shan district, who had been employed as a servant at the district office, joined a band of would-be insurgents. The chief of Taiwan district was at this time temporaril) residing in the vicinity, and he was according!)' made the first object of attack. In this the insurgents were

96 I 111 [SI \\i> ' >! I ■ >RMi IS \.

successful, and, after having defeated the attendants, they killed the high official. The insurgents now advanced against the walled city of Fangshani while at the same time northern rebels attacked Kagi city. The local gov-ernment was now in rather a dangerous position. The Taiping rebellion was spreading through the mainland empire and not a man could be spared. Fortunately for the empire, however, the turbulent Formosans do not seem to have understood that the golden opportunity to drive out the Imperialists, perhaps for ever, had arrived. Accordingly, with a small force of some 4,000, main of whom wen- volunteers, the government was able to recover the two positions held by the insurgents.

In [853, a "professional rebel," who had probably served his apprentice-ship with tlv TaipingS, came from the mainland with his followers to the island, but, owing to some miscalculation, fell immediately into the hands ol the authorities, who put an abrupt end to his career.

The same year (1853) in Kagi, and the next year in Kagi and Fangshan, there were futile attempts at rebellion.

Again, a lew years later, towards the close of the Taiping rebellion on the mainland, a popular outburst ol opposition against the cruel measures the authorities were adopting with the intention of preventing the possibility of an outbreak, threw the north into • rebellion. Chinese official accounts speak of the troubles as clan fights, in which the mandarins were engaged, not in defending themselves, but in quelling the belligerents. The most reliable authorities, however, describe the warfare as directed against the government, and furthermore that one of the highest officials of Tamsui was killed, while lamsui village (Hobe) was plundered. Though the rebels were but a rough unarmed mob, they held the Imperial troops at bay for fifteen days, and when peace and order were again restored, the Tamsui ting was dismissed from his position as incapable of keeping the " Fmperor's little children quiet." '

An attempt made in 1861 to thrust upon the people the burden of a 2% °/o Ukin tax on every marketable commodity, resulted in a general riot. The Chinese closed tl eir shops, refused to engage in trade, and the mandarins were pelted and mobbed at every opportunity. The mandarins, as usual under such circumstances, had to give in, and assure the people that they would, at least for the time, stop the offensive measure. It was very evident that, however much they might yield to a local tax, the colonists would not endure one which was to be applied, as it was officially stated, to the suppres-sion of the rebellion on the mainland, with which they were not immediately concerned.

The next year I 1S62) the cloud of discontent that had been for months gathering over the district of Chang wha (Shoka) at last burst into torrents ol bloodshed and rapine. A famih dispute took [dace between two clansmen which eventually involved thousands of their respective adherents, and led them to resort to arms.. Before the quarrel reached its crisis, however, an influential neighbor, Taiwan-Sang by name, interposed, and arranged terms of peace between the contending parties. But that the warlike spirit which had

1. Reports of this rising are much at variance.

so long been cultivated, and the numerous arms and ammunition that had been collected, might be of some use, the erstwhile enemies swore eternal union under the leadership ol Taiwan-Sang and declared their intention of attacking the government, demanding a change of officials, and more honest and considerate treatment in the future.

When the news of the pending insurrection reached Taiwanfu the com-mander-in-chief of the Formosan forces made preparations to march against the offenders, but was overruled by the taotai, who thought to bring about a peaceful settlement, by himself visiting the scene, and inquiring into the people's grievances. With this object in view the taotai started on his mission, first having sent word to the Tamsui ting to join him at Changwha with 500 soldiers. The taotai reached Changwha, and after having summoned the leaders of the rebel part)' to an interview, promised the people that their complaints should be attended to, bestowed upon Taiwan-Sang, their chief, a blue button, and furthermore promised to secure an official position for him, if he would disband and quiet the dissatisfied section. While both represen-tatives were congratulating themselves on the advantageous solution ot the difficulty, the Tamsui ting, who appears to have been of a haughty, excitable nature, came in upon them, and upon learning of the settlement arrived at, broke out into a torrent of abuse against the taotai, accused him of cowardice, and declared that the bestowal of position upon a rebel would only incite other unscrupulous people to rise for the purpose of obtaining similar advantages. The ting then seized upon one of the leaders, decapitated him, and had the nephew of Taiwan-Sang bound and placed in the keeping of souk; of the people present. The boy's guardians, however, proved to be his kinsmen and permitted him to escape and carry information to the headquarters of the rebellious society. The Tamsui ting now sallied forth from the city with his braves, but the alarm having spread, he was soon sur-rounded by an infuriated mob. The official, finding progress in his chair impossible, got out and commenced to run from the scene, but seeing that his corpulency would not admit of much more than a waddle, he consented to the suggestion of his chief attendant, and mounted his back. This servant, like the majority of the ting's followers, sympathized with the rebels, besides having private grudges against his superior, so after having carried his master a short distance, he permitted one of the braves to thrust a spear in the ting's back, and, as he fell crying for help, the chief attendant settled up old accounts by deliberately carving off the unfortunate officer's head. Thus rid of their chief, the braves joined the rebel party, and rushed back to occupy Changwha, earning with them the dripping head of the mandarin, which the_\- finally posted on one of the gates of the city.

< hie of the Imperial officers, disliked for his exactions, saw the wild mob approaching, and rather than fall into their hands, he killed himself in despair on the city wall. The citizens opened the yates and bid the rebels welcome. Upon gaining the city, a rush was made on the military officers' quarters, where the taotai, and the former Changwha magistrate who had tied thither for refuge, were found. These two officers they secured in separate rooms, and treated with moderate kindness, placing food and drink before them.

98 llll' tSl AND OF FORMOSA,

The taotai complained of faintness, and to restore him an opium pipe and some tea were given him. Unable to bear the humiliation of his capture and no doubt tearful as to his future, the taotai mixed up a little opium with the tea and tossed off the poison, thus inviting death. The other mandarin, who had given satisfaction to the people during his term of office, was released In' the rebels, not, however, before they had deprived him of his queue and moustache.

Having thus cleared the place of officials the rebels seem to have forgotten that they were originally organized for the purpose of demanding a change of officers and better government, and now declared their intention to separate the island from Imperial rule, and govern it themselves. Formosa was accordingly divided into two kingdoms, and the two rebel leaders were proclaimed as the southern and eastern kings, respectively. Expeditions were sent against Kagi, Lokiang, and Yunlin by the new rulers, who dyed their banners in the blood of their victims as they advanced, but as to their actual successes, accounts vary. That many lives were lost, including an Imperial general is, howw er, certain.

Imperial troops now arrived from the mainland under the command of an admiral and a general, and by advancing upon the rebels from the south and north simultaneously, the new arrivals were able, after man)' months ol labor, to defeat the rebels at every point, and to restore the Imperial rule. The two would-be kings later fell into the victors' hands, one to be crucified, and the other beheaded.

I he Tswengchoo and Changchoo people, who had been so actively engaged

in exterminating each other in preceding years, appear from this time onward to have bequeathed their warlike proclivities to the I lakkas and bokienese, for the clan lie his which followed were principally between these two factions, although not infrequently they joined hands to slaughter the poor Pepohoans. It lias been estimated that thirty thousand lives were lost in these combats during the sixties.

It would be wearisome to the reader, and occupy too much space, to detail all these. Suffice it to say that although these engagements do not appear to have resulted in great loss of life, a petty warfare was constantly going on. If it ceased in one part of the island, it broke out in another, and the only respite, if any, was during the (tw weeks of harvest time, when the opposing parties were wise enough to lay aside the weapons of war for those of peace.

Still such constant troubles do not appear to have affected immigration, and the number of arrivals increased year by year, for though the island had a reputation tor official tyranny and disorder, it was also well-known for its prosperity, and immigrants were willing to put up with the; one to obtain the other.

I he western, southern, and northern parts were now thickly settled, and for administrative purposes two new ting: — Taifang and Lokiang — were added, to l>e followed in Iateryears by a third, Kamolan tine-.

In a Chinese work entitled " Statistics of Taiwan" published under the auspices of the government, there is a unique account of the condition oi the Chinese portion of the island early in the present century, an extract from which is given below. Mr. Swinhoe " whose translation is taken, ex-presses his opinion that "the general pull which the island received was no doubt given to attract a larger flow of emigrants."

" The district of Taiwan ie a land of luxuriant vegetation, broad and level, and very fertile. The western and northern portions offer large tracts of champaign country, highly capable of cultivation. Hundreds of families of our people are already engaged there in husbandly, associated with tin- natives of the land. The colonists are from different parts of the empire, no village claiming one surname (as in China), and no two men of the same heart. The aborigines are addicted to spirituous liquors, and are blood-thirsty. They wear no caps, shoes, or clothes ; and have no marriage or burial rites Mer-chants and travellers resort to the colonies in numbers, and merchandise flows its endless round. Bice grows in excessive quantities and i-. plentifully expoi ted to China. The farmers have therefore no need of granaries to store away their grain.

"Taiwan hien." The land of this district is of no extent. and is poor through long cultivation. It yields only one crop in the year. The colonists are fond of ornamen's and tine clothes. The fire grains abound, and there is no lark of the necessaries of life. The men engage themselves in husbandry, but the women, instead of spinning, waste their time in embroidery. The per,],]., are compassionate and hospitable, regarding as their relations all who suffer from sickness or want. (Another early author describes the city of Taiwan as ranking among cities of the first class in China in the variety and richness of its merchandise and in population.)

" Fangshan (Phoenix hill) hien comprises large tracts of level and waste lands, abounding in bamboos, fruit bearing, and other trees. There is here well watered ground, suitable fertile plantation of early rice. This the colonists have begun to turn to good account. Merchants have water carris for their goods, and broad roads enable them to use transport carts drawn by oxen. Beyond the juris-diction of this department in a southerly direction, natives from the Cauton province have settled and mix indiscriminately with the aborigines. These settlers are a riotous set, fond of litigation and fighting, and reckless of life.

" Kagi hien was formerly known as Choo-lohien, from its native name. The soil in this department is very rich, and grain when sown is left to nature to bring it to maturity, not needing the labor or attention of men. The colonists here al-o are fond of ahu-ing and fighting one another. They are jealous and outvie each other in dress and ornaments; and in marriage ceremonies they take into consideration dowries, which last is a bad custom. Their good qualities, however, counterbalance the evil, for families live under the same roof I 1 the number often of several generations. Disputes between neighbors are frequently settled by a friendly word. They share willingly with their friends anything they possess on the promise of repayment at a future day. Benighted travellers can gain admission and hoapitility at the first door they apply at, and few will refuse them shelter.

" Changwha (manifest change) hien. This department has been but recently established and people eager to enter a new field flocked thither in multitudes. They soon formed roads and thoroughfares and villages worthy of admiration; to the marts of which there are few commodities that do not find their way. but they rule at rather high prices. The habits of the colonists similar to those of the citizens of the capital.

'• Tamsui (Fresh water) Ting comprises two subdivisions, Tamsui and Choo-tsin (Bamboo dyke).

The villages here daily increase in size, and the smoke of tin ttage fire thickens. There are

numerous settlers on the Tamsui river; their habits are honest and economical, and few fights or lawsuits occur. Grain and other produce of the -oil are cheap; but cloths, Bilks, furnituie, and all imported goods are several times dearer than at the capital.

" Pang-hoo-ting (Pescadores) comprises a cluster of islands in the midst of ihe ocean, the soil of which is not adapted for rice or corn. It produces sesamum, .sorghum, and vetches. 1'lie inhabitants build their houses of mud and straw, and depend upon fishing for subsistauce. They boil the sea into salt, and distd spirits out of sorghum ; they catch fish, cruatacoa, and mollusca, for food, and dry them for exportation. Cloth, silk, yellow peas, and millet are imported thither from Taiwan.

Until comparatively modern times the viceroy of Fokien governed Formosa as a fu, or prefecture. This high functionary, finding the order that he should visit Formosa yearly very irksome, succeeded in getting the time extended to once in three years, lie, however, was as lax in obeying this new order as he had been in the former case. Still, when once he did arrive, the local officials wrvc under the necessity ^\ providing presents proportionate in value to the time that had elapsed since his excellenc) s

1. Swinhoe'!, •■ Motes on Formosa."

IOO THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

last visitation. Should they neglect this pious duty they were liable to removal for the most trifling offence. To inert the emergency, the people of the island were correspondingly squeezed, and as our authority states

" thus at the expense ol all classes the exalted servant of the Emperor walked the path of tint) and returned, unlike most other travellers, with a well tilled purse."

The Taiwan taotai, the chief authority and highest magistrate, resided at Taiwanfu, and had to make a circuit of the department once a year, and we may believe he emulated the viceroy in these tours, to the terror of the minor officials, who no doubt dreaded his visits as much as he himself did those of the viceroy. The; next civil functional-) was the Taiwan lit, or prefect ; then the Taiwan hien or district magistrate, and lastly the Haifang ting, or marine prefect. The chief military and naval authority was the chintai who was at once commodore of the fleet, and commander-in-chief ol the land forces. 1 le also resided at the capital.

To Mr. Swinhoe, British consular representative in Formosa during the old order of things, we an- indebted for the following particulars regarding salaries emoluments, etc. : —

'The salaries paid to the officials were but of nominal value and thy funds fur this i urposc were deducted from the land rents and grain taxes. The taotai for instance only received L,60u taels (at that time about £600) per annum; but his emoluments were large, tliose drawn from taxes on camphor especially. The yearly income he is said to have made out ot that, which was then the most important trade of the island, was <•! almost fabulous amount.

'The elii-fu or prefect, besides court-fees, lined his pockets from the immense salt-monopoly of the island, which he ruled uncontrolled. He had salt-offices, or Yoii-kwnn, at every place of any importance, and the toll was enforced with great rigor. These offices had regular and constant couriers running between them and the capital, foreign manufactured salt «as not permitted to be imported, and ressels had I n made to disc I large their cargoes of it overboard before gaining admission into the ports.

"The Hiens or district magistrates held tlie Petty Assizes and adjudicated in all case- of secondary importance, tu these courts, by legal fees, and a process Of intimidation, they generally managed to make pecuniary matters go smoothly for their own interests.

"The tings warmed the.r nests by the exaction of exorbitant port dues, all of which were set against the current expenses ol their office. They were empowered to lay hands on so many private vessels a year, for the purpose of conveying rice to the imperial garner. These junks were paid a nominal freight, and often detained idle for months. Thus the junk-men were but too glad to escape by payment of a moderate squeeze. The system led to an embargo being laid on all vessels that refused to pay the toll or escape-money, and as use makes custom, the Chinese from that time on regarded this exaction of the mandarins simply as K'ow-fei, or port charges, although the official convey-ing of rice had a few years later practically ceased.

' The military offices were not behind in the contest, and although the officers were known to paj a high as 2.000 taels for their positions, they still made them lucrative. At all ports they had. their military port dues amounting to about one third of the civil port dues. The sum for native junks varied according to their cargoes, but was usually twenty to thirty dollars.

'On foreign ressels at any port in Formosa not open to trade, the exactions were usually made at fiftj taets per mast, whether the vessel came in with full cargo or ballast. At Tamsui, on the opening ot the port to foreigners, these exactions were done away with as regards foreign vessels.

'Great fear was always entertained of the rebelling of the t'oiinosans, and to provide against this, sol, tiers required for service in Formosa were not enlisted from the island, but brought over from the mainland, in former years, they were relieved yearly, subsequently once in three years, but eventually it became toy often a life service, the bones only of the exited soldier being returned for burial to his native land at last, when his relatioi s came forward with the means to pay the transportation. The military affairs were iu a great state ot corruption, too many officers in command leaving their posts defenceless, and putting iu their pockets the money intended for their men.'

live above is a picture of everyday and commonplace officialdom in-China. Nevertheless, it sometimes comes as a considerable shock to those unfortunates who have had their lives or property endangered by the existence of the pernicious system. The foreign community at I lobe ex-perienced a vivid illustration of this in the early days of the port,

fORMi 'SA UNDER CHINESE l-:i L! lol

One evening, to the alarm and surprise of all, it was announced that some disaffected villagers a lew miles away were about to sweep down upon them, plundering the people, and murdering the mandarins. The authorities fell into a paroxysm of fear, and had the gongs beaten to assemble the troops. The foreigners were least anxious, as the garrison was believed to number seven hundred men, and that number they thought could give sufficient protection. But after beating the gongs all the after-noon only one hundred men were mustered. Then came the disheartening disclosure that although the names of seven hundred men were on the books, ami although full pa)' was drawn lor that number, the noble re-presentatives of the Empire had pocketed the balance, believing that if they were willing to nm the risk of having but a one-seventh tone to protect them, surely they "should be well paid tor it. Shrewd reasoning (for them) ot course !

CHAPTER VIII

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND MASSACRE OF BRITISH SUBJECTS.

I So i - I.S47.

Fbreign intercourse — l.<i Perouse risits Formosa — Marvellous change in Taiwan harbor — Thr ships " Jamesina," " Merope," and " DhanlU " visit the island Attempts nt trade- Transport " Nerhiidda" and ship "Ann " wrecked mi Formosa inns/ — Fearful massacre of crew : one hundred and ninety-seven British subjects — Prisoners earned /<< Taiwanfu — Newman escapes — Beads exposed on sea-shore — Chinese impressions — Great storm follows the execution — Journal by Mr. Gully and Captain Denham — Extracts from same — Description of the march — Tin- prison in Taiwan — News of outrage reaches China — Great excite-ment among British subjects — Sir BCenry Pottinger arrives «t Amoy — Interview with governor — Proclamations issiinl — Details of outrage given therein — Drum ml made on Chinese government — Chinese escape niiJi trifling punishment — Thr prison visited in later years — Inscriptions mi the wall,

\\ E must now again depart from chronological order, and return to the days following Count Benyowsky's expedition, in order to resume the record of foreign intercourse with the island.

So far as is known, the eighteenth century passed away without the visits ot any foreigners to the island, with the single exception of the great French traveller La Perouse in r 787.

Nature seemed determined that none should succeed the Hutch in laiwan, for during the century which elapsed between the departure of the Hollanders and the period now under review, she did her best to hide all traces of the harbor of Taiwan, which in earlier days had sheltered many vessels, Japanese, Chinese, and Dutch. This excellent anchorage with 13 or 14 feet of water at low tide during the days of the Dutch, suffered a marvellous change, having almost totally disappeared, and leaving but a. shallow river discharging itself over a dangerous and surf beaten bar.

There is no record of any foreign vessel attempting an entrance since the expulsion of the Dutch in 1062. Towards the close of the century large vessels could not approach within a mile of the shore, and the largest Chinese

FORETOX INTERCOURSE AND MASSACRE "I BRITISH SUBJEi I IO3

junks were obliged to anchor outside, and to land and receive cargoes in lighters.

After the Dutch, the first recorded attempt on the part of foreigners to trade was in 1824, when the ship yamesina visited Formosa, and cruised along the coast from one end to the other. She steered first for Taiwanfu, but in consequence of sands which lie outside, could not get within three miles of the shore, which was so low that only the tops of the trees and highest houses could be seen from aboard. About sunrise, the high moun-tains in the interior were generally seen, but during the day they were always obscured. Those on board were "readily supplied here with water and provisions at moderate prices, and many little articles of manufacture peculiar to the island were brought off."

Being unable to sell any of her cargo, the yamesina " ran to the south-ward, as far as 220 20' N. without being able to find any good harbor or roadstead." She then returned to Taiwanfu, procured a pilot, and pro-ceeded to the northward, visiting Lokiang In lat. 24, and then continued her course to a village about forty miles further. These places are reported as mere roadsteads.

The Merope also visited Formosa in July of the same year. Being driven off Taiwanfu in a heavy gale, she ran to the northward, and, when the gale moderated, found herself off the town now called Hobe, and in the harbor of Tamsui. Being in need of repairs, the natives recommended her proceeding to Kelung, also in the north of the island, which was " found to be a most excellent and secure harbor, perfectly landlocked, but rather difficult of entrance, owing to a rapid tide of five or six knots sweeping past its mouth." A survey of this harbor was made by the commander and officers of the Merope.

In 1827, the Dhanlle called at the same ports as had been visited by the yamesina and Merope. She also rounded the north eastern point of the island, proceeding down the eastern coast about thirty miles to the mouth of a small river, upon whose bank was a Chinese village. She then proceeded to the southernmost part of the island.

In 1832, the western coast was visited by the ship Lord Amherst, but no regular foreign trade was established with the island until some twenty years later.

In 1842, after the close of England's war with China, the whole civilized world learned with horror of the massacre of one hundred and ninety-seven British subjects, put to death by Chinese officials, and of eighty-three who

perished through ill treatment and starvation.

This mournful fate befel the crews of die ships Nirbudda and Ann which were wrecked on the Formosan coast. The first was a transport, and as soon as she struck the rocks, all the Europeans, including the ship's officers, accompanied by two Manila men and three Hindoos, left in the ship's boats, leaving two hundred and forty British Indian natives to their late. The wreck had occurred not far from Kelung. The natives, all British subjects, remained by the ship five days after they were thus

T04 THE IS] WI> OF 1 ORMOSA.

abandoned, and then as the vessel had drifted off the reef and was lying in the comparatively smooth water of Kelung Bay, they attempted to reach the shore on such crude rafts as thej could construct on hoard. In this they were very unfortunate, tor some were drowned in the surf, others were killed hv Chinese who came down to strip them as they reached the shore, and the rest were seized, confined, heavily ironed under circumstances of great cruelty, in small parties, and in separate prisons, and left there, with scarcely any clothing and a very small allowance of food, for about eleven months, during which time, many after great suffering died from the pri vations. At the expiration of this period, the survivors, with two excep-tions, were carried to Taiwanfu, the capital <>t the island, where they were again imprisoned.

The brig Ann was wrecked during the following March to the south-west of Tamsui, also in the north ot the island. Of the fift) seven souls on board, fourteen were Europeans and Americans, five Chinese, thirty-four British Indians, and four Portuguese and Malays. The brig was driven about midnight, by the violence of the wind and sea, so high on shore that when the tide ebbed she was left dry, and about daylight the fifty-seven men quitted her and got on board a Chinese junk, in hopes of being able to put to sea. This could not be effected, however, owing to the violence' of the gale, and as a host of armed Chinese soldiers had now surrounded them, the)' surrendered without having fired a single i^un or made other show of resistance. The)' were instantly stripped stark naked, dragged some distance without a particle of covering, and exposed to a cutting north-east winter wind. Two men died from cold, and several others dropped from the same cause combined with fatigue, and were carried on in baskets to the capital, some hundred miles from die scene of the wreck. Here, like the Nerbudda men who had preceded them, they were separated into small parties, covered with irons, and put into tilth)' prisons, where they were subjected to such barbarous treatment and given so little food that several, unable to survive such suffering, met with a cruel death.

On August 13th. 1842, all the survivors, with the exception of ten persons who, it is surmised, weie considered to be principal men of their classes and were to be sent to Peking for execution, were carried to a wide plain just outside the capital, where irons were put upon them and they were placed upon their knees. Mr. Newman, a seacunnie on board the Ami, describes the preparations and his own narrow escape as follows :

" On being taken out of his sedan to have his hands shackled behind his back, he saw two of the prisoners with their irons off and refusing to have them put on. They had both been drinking and were making a great noise, crying out to him that they were all to liave their heads cut off. lie advised them t.> submit quietly, but they .still refusing, he first wrenched off his own and then put them (the soldiers) into theirs (the irons), to the great pleasure of the soldiers, but when the soldiers wished tu replace his. he declined, .-\s they were on the point of securing him, he accidentally saw the chief officer seated close to them Going before him he threw himself ou his head and commenced singing B f«W Chinese words which he had frequently heard repeated ill a temple. The officer » - 90 pleased with this procedure, that he turned round to the s..ldieis, and ordered them to carry him back-to the city.'' 1

All the rest ot the unfortunate men, one hundred and ninety-seven in number, wdio knew not for what purpose they had been brought out from

1. Chinese Repository, Vol. XII . p. 248.

FOREIGN INTER' lND MAS i] BRITISH SUBJEi I05

their vile prisons, were placed at short distances from each other on their knees, their feet in irons, and their hands manacled behind their hacks. Thus in fearful suspense they waited for the executioners who went around and with a heavy two-handed sword cooll) proceeded with their awful work.

When the heads of all had been severed, they wire- stuck up in cages on the seashore lor exhibition to the populace. I'he bodies were after-wards thrown together into one common grave.

The wickedness ot this awful lU;^\ impressed even some of the Chin< themselves, and not a few believed a violent storm which followed to be a demonstration of 1 leaven's displeasure. < >ne of the Chinese in later years described the event to a foreigner as follows:—1

"Oh! yes. I remember that day well, and a black day it was for Formosa. ["hey began the work about 9 a.m. and finished about noon. All the authorities and thousands of spectators were present ; but before they had finished, the sky darkened, thunder and lightning with a tremen-dous storm of wind and rain set in, the rain lasting three days, all the watercourses and the country flooded, houses, men, ami cattle swept away, the number of the people drowned being estimated at from 1,000 to 2,000. Ah! that was a judgment from Heaven for beheading the foreigners ; but it was done in revenge for your soldiers taking Amoy.

A gallant young man, Robert Gully by name, who had honorably distinguished himself at the taking of Ningpo was among the murdered. He had been previously engaged in commercial pursuits, and had embarked on board the Ann to revisit friends in Macao, intending later to return to Peking, when the vessel was wrecked on the Formosan coast.

A journal was kept by Mr. (hill)' to within three days of his death, and another by Captain Denham of the Ann, one of the prisoners saved to be sent to Peking. Both vividly describe the experiences of the unfortunate captives.

The following extracts have been made from this journal/' in which the reader will find interesting particulars regarding the actions of the Chinese concerned in the crime, and descriptions of the country as it then appeared :

"Audi 14th. Shortly alter breakfast we neard a noise outside, ami saw spears ami Hags. Our guards told us we were going away. One of them called Mr. Roope aside, and took him np a ladder where be sung out to uie for assistant e. Captain Denhaui and myself went np t" him and found the soldier trying to persuade Mr. Roope to go up stairs, and made motions for us not t" K" ,,ul to the mandarins. We went np to a small clean room, where the man wanted as to remain, but thinking it was only for the purpose of plunder that he wished l" keep us, we determined to go with the i Perhaps the feUow had heard of our offer to the junkman and really mean: well, but it was difficult to judge. We were then all taken before three mandarins, tickets nut round onr necks, and we marched under a strong escort of soldiers to asm ill walled town, inland about three miles I'he walls were "t round stone and chunam. We passed from one end of the town to the other, where we were seated under the walls close to a mandarin' c about half an hour, 1 suppose tor the people to have a

good look at us. We were then taken into the mandarin's premises and divided into two parties, the soldiers having previously told us we were going to be beheaded, which I .-h luld hare believed, if they had not overdone the thing by beginning to sharpen their swords on the stones. We were put into two cells about eight teet by seven each, in each of which were stowed twenty-five ol us and three jailers or guards, the weather extremely cold, nothing to lay OUT heads on, and nothing buta sprinkling of straw to keep us from the damp bricks. 1 he land on each -hie of the road was cultivated and rice

1 Reported by W. Maxwell to a Hongkong journal.

-'. Journal kept by Mr. Gully and Capt. Denham, during a captivity in China in the year 1843, Chapman and Hall, Loudon, 1844.

growing, the fields were very small, and only divided by a low round euibankuieut about one foot high. The villages appeared to be pretty, from their being surrounded by bamboo. Here, for the first time I saw a wheeled cart, but we had before noticed the marks of «i heels on our first march. It was a very clumsy affair, drawn by a bullock. It was passing across the ploughed ground, for no reason that i could Bee, except that there was no other road. The wheels were composed of two solid pieces of wood joined together in the centre, with a hole which merely slipped on to the axle-tree and

was confined by a linchpin. The cart was of bamboo. The wheels made very curious gyrations in their passage through the mud. In the villages we were Btared at by everybody, women and all. The women were unaccountably plain, even for Chinese women, both here and through all parts of the island I have seen, but they have a very pretty fashion of wearing natural flowers in their

hair. On our road we passed several parties employed carrying the brig's guns in the same direction that we were travelling. Altogether, I think under other circumstances 1 should have enjoyed this trip much, but my feet were sii painful with the Bores of our former march that I could not. As it was. it was a great reliel after the crowded granary, and I think did me good.

" 15th. Nothing of any moment occurred except that we were joined by the gunner and sea-cunnies, missing up to this time. They had been much better treated than ourselves, and had clothes given to them, though rather of a fantastic nature. The treatment may, perhaps, be partly attributed to their thinking the gunner to be some great man from his having a mermaid marked on his arm, in the way common among sea-faring people. They partly labored under this mistake up to this present meeting. Both this day and the 16th, we were crowded by visitors who were B great nuisance The government people who came, all told the same lie, — that we were going to be sent away in a junk. One fellow took the trouble to draw me ouone side to explain it more clearly. If we ever placed reliance in their winds, we were undeceived ou the evening of the 17th, for we were then all taken before mandarins, ticketed, a fresh name given to each, and ornamented with handcuffs, we were placed in chairs and conveyed out of the town. We passed outside, and for some miles over a country tolerably cultivated. We were told in the villages we passed through that we were going to have our heads taken off During the passage my bearers capsized my chair three times, which was occasioned by the slippery state of the footpath. I enjoyed this much more than the bearers, who got a good blowing up from the soldiers by whom we were attended, every time it happened. At last they persuaded the men who had charge of the key of my handcuff to allow me to walk, which I agreed to do as long as the road continued soft. (The man with the key attended me all the way to Taiwanfu). 1 was glad enough to take advantage of the permission to walk. I particularly observed that the soldiers in many instances carried a very superior kind of matchlock to any I had seen in China before, and they were cut outside, six square, and as well as the bore were quite smooth and bright. Some again were wretched-looking beings with rusty spears, shields, and old caps, without any stiffening in the borders. These I conjectured were the militia, the others regulars. A short time after, I observed wheat growing, but the crops were only small and poor in comparison to those common in England. This was the case throughout the whole journey to this town, and I dare say the Chinese understand as little about growing wheat or barley as our farmers know about rice. We soon came to a very barren description of country, interesting to geologists only. Immense plains stretching inland as far as we could see, composed of round stones, the same as we call 'boulders' in Yorkshire, with hills or mountains formed of the same, no vegetation being visible except now and then a green spot on the very tops of the hills, the first of which was some miles from the sea. Up to the time of our wreck, I had always imagined the shore of Formo.-a to be very bold, from having seen these hills often while at sea. The land, between them and the sea, is so very low and without trees that it must be very deceiving to any one at sea, and I doubt very much if the channel, as laid down in the chart, is not too wide. During this, our first trip in sedans, we were shown many little roadside public houses, where we were taught how to spend our mace by the man who had charge of each. These houses, together with every building we passed, were formed of the before-mentioned boulders and mud, with, in many instances, a large wide-spreading tree or trees with seats close to them. The country had a most wild and heavy aspect, more so than any lever saw, and I began to think Formosa a sad misnomer. The scattered houses were few and far between and the people appeared a more wretched ill-clothed race than 1 ever saw in China before. This day's march, altogether in a southerly direction, was about twenty-five miles ; we crossed several streams running to the westward, all of which were evidently smaller than at some other seasons of the year We also passed several small towns not walled, or if so, the walls were only of mud, but all had gates, one a brick one, the other bamboo. We suffered all sorts of abuse and indignities in passing through these, as well as all the others throughout the journey ; but women did not join in this, although they showed the usual curiosity of the sex. We arrived at our halting-place, a large town with high walls made of brick, about dusk ; for some time previous to getting there, the country was a continued paddy swamp interspersed with small hamlets, surrounded with bamboo, which grows here larger than I ever saw in other places. I have noticed it full sixty feet high. I found, on minute inspection, that the axle-trees of the wheehd carts turned with the wheels. The bazaar of this town appeared well furnished with fish. We observed the mast heads of several junks a short distance to the west-ward, and these were the only signs of the sea that met our eye until we got close to Taiwanfu."

Mr. Gully throughout his journey in Formosa saw a great many graves "precisely like our own," and but very few with the usual Chinese-shaped tombstones. He complains much, and evidently with good cause, of cruel treatment. He says :

" Our jailer I believe to be the most wicked brute that ever was created. We were in a den so sm->ll that not one of us could stretch our legs at night, being coiled up like dogs. During the time I had the piles, I did not sleep for nights together. Ten of us, viz., the five sea cunnies, two Manila

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND MASSACRE "I BRITISH SUBJECTS. I07

men, the gunner, Mr. Partridge, and myself, with a bucket in a wretched hovel only eleven feet six inches by seven feet six, and for the two months and more we were confined in it, and never allowed out but once a day to wash, and at first this was not allowed, and when it was, for upwards of a month only one or two could wash every morning, unless they washed in the water used by the others, the villain of a jailer being too lazy to furnish more than a few pints every morning."

All sorts of provision-!, especial!] vegetables and fruits, seem to have been plentiful, but the supply for the prisoners was often small enough. The mangoes were good, and were sold among the people at the rate of 1,500 and 2.0 111 for a dollar. He found this fruit wholesome, and ate it, rind and all, to .1111' the dysentery. He also took opium for the same purpose, and thus notices its effects: " in a quarter of an hour it began to make me feel quite happy, in an hour quite sick, and laid me on my back the whole day." He often also complains of the nightmare, bad Bleep, etc. He thus describes his residence :

" July 25th. Up as usual. Fine morning, but s'ept badly Nightmare all night. I have just thought that in case this should survive us, it may be interesting to know the furniture of our abode. The cell is all but as large as the opposite one from which we were removed, but ne have three advantages over our opposite neighbors, viz. 1. There are only three of us. 2. The window has only single bars. :t. We have air-holes in the roof. To sleep on, we have five hard-wood planks about eight feet long by fourteen inches wide and two thick. A bamboo is slung nearly the length of the place, on which in the daytime we hang our mats, two in number, for sleep-ing on Besides these I now see two towels hanging from it, one made from part of an old pair of cotton drawers, and the other of grass cloth given me by Zu Quang Loon, Ditto belong-ing to Mr. Partridge, and a bundle of papers, sketches, etc, tied up by a string. On the east wall are remains of a picture of Chin Hoe. damaged by the rain. The window faces the west. On one side of it is hanging my pipe, given me by the captain's party. On the other is a small looking-glass given me by one of the jailers, a number of pencils and four monghoons. Our pillows of pieces of bamboo, with a quanny-mat for keeping the afternoon's sun out of the place, and a chequer-board are on the planks. On the north wall are hanging our washing-tub, which cost us fifty cash, a broom for sweeping the planks, a basket containing some hooks, etc.. belonging to the former occupants; a basket containing our chop-sticks and spoons of bamboo, the gunner's towel and a stick for carrying a lantern. In this wall is a small recess containing a clay lamp and stand, a few bamboo sticks and two iron wires for cleaning pipes, three papeis of tobacco and some waste paper. In the corner two sticks have been driven into the wall, on which rest the logbooks and some papers. Below that is a small shelf, on which are placed several cups, and broken saucers, and paints, two chow-chow cups (I broke the third a week ago), given us by Jack, a small earthenware kettle foi boiling tea- water and brewing samshu when we can get it, given Us by Aticoa. Below the shelf is suspended a hollow piece of bamboo holding our fire-pan, and below a small five place, likewise a present from Aticoa, a cooking pot bought by ourselves, another containing charcoal (the pot given by Jack) several old straw shoes, and pieces of bamboo for smoking out the mosquitoes. On the south side are pendant, 1st the Bank, a string of cash about eighty or ninety, a small basket containing a few opium pills and our stock

of tea, my hat which cost thirty cash; have covered it with oiled paper. I am sitting on a bauil

stool which belongs to the former occupiers of the place my foot resting on another given Mr. Partridge by the towka (I suppose the head jailer). Opposite is the door, behind it the bucket ; on my left is the window, on the sill of which are two combs, one of which I bougbtfor thirteen cash a few days after my arrival at this town, being money I had saved from the mace pei day allowed us during the journey. My fan is sticking in the window, and I am writing with this book resting on a board painted red, with black characters on it, and two green eyes above looking at them. I think this is all. No, I have forgotten to mention that on the south wall hang my long ell trousers given me by Kitchil, lascar, my grass cloth ones, given me by the lotier, and a pair of wooden socks given me by Francis, and from the same string hangs Mr. Roope's log. If you can call anything in this list a luxury, you must recollect that we have only had it lately ; for two months we had nothing, and were annoyed by-myriads of fleas, bugs, lice, ants, mosquitoes, and centipedes, without a possibility of getting rid of them, except by death or a miracle. I have on my back now the only shirt (and a woollen one, too) I have had for nearly five months, and half a pair of cotton drawers are on my legs. I omitted to mention, on the north wall is my calendar. Every morning I scratch with the head of a rusty nail, the day of the month. We have also a third wooden stool lent to us by Aticoa. Employed we are, but the days are awfully tedious, and I am at a loss for something to pass away the time, and feel the want of books."

We have space lor no more extracts ; these, however, are enough, ami they show fairly and fully the manner in which the prisoners passed their days ami nights, ami show us also somewhat of their sufferings.

When the news of the outrage reached the British world, excitement was aroused to lever heat, ami many advocated instant retaliation on the Chinese authorities concerned. Great Britain's Plenipotentiary in China. Sir Henry Pottinger, at once took the case up, and in December, 1S42, arrived at Amoy and had an interview with J'liang, < Governor oi Fokien and Chekiang.

IoN I Hi: [SI VND OF I > iRM< ISA.

The Following proclamations issued by I lis Excellency illustrate well his own opinions regarding the outrage:

"Sir Henry Pottinger, Bart, her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary in China, 1ms, on his arrival at &.moy, learned, with extreme horror and astonishment, that many more than a hundred subjects of her Britannic Majesty, who were wrecked in the ship Nerbudda and brig Ann, in the

months ot September, 1841, and March, 1842, on tl asl of the island of Formosa, have 1 ii recently

put to death by the i bine s authorities on thai island, who allege they perpetrated this cold-blooded act in obedience to the imperial commands.

" Had the unhappy ] pie who have suffered "ii tin- evasion even been prisoners of war, taken

whilst fighting with arms in their hands, their massacre (which is aggravated by a lapse of time of

nearly a year) would have been a most flagrant violation of the acknowledged and well-undersl I

rules and feelings which distinguish warfare amongst civilized nations, and contrast it with the sanguinary and inhuman practices and ideas of mere sai ages : but when her Majesty's Plenipotentiary calls to mind that the unfortunate individuals on whom this foul deed lias been committed, were inoffensive camp followers and seamen, who neither were armed nor had any means of defending themselvi olesting others, and who were specially entitle.], as distressed ami shipwrecked

men, both by the laws and usages of China, to kindness and protection, tbe Plenipotentiary lias no language by which he can sufficiently proclaim the sentiments of abhorrence and detestation with

which he views this lamentable affair, the r 1 let ion of which "ill remain as a stain and disgrace in

the annals of the < Ihinese empire

" Her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary has already obtained positive official proof, that the commands issued by the Emperor for putting to death her Britannic Majesty's subjects were drawn from his Imperial Majesty by the gross and merciless misrepresentations of the local authorities on Formosa, who. with the object of personal aggrandizement, basely and falsely reported to tic Cabinet at Peking, that both the ship tTerbudda, and subsequently the brio Ann, had gone to that island with hostile intention, an assertion not more lying and false, than manifestly absui d, since neither of those vessels were ships of war, i c had. when wrecked, any troops or other fighting men on board of them. Her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary now intends to respectfully, though firmly.

submit the real facts of this dreadful affair to tbe bj ial notice of the Emperor, through the imperial

commissioners and ministers, and demand, in tbe name of his sovereign, the Queen of Great Britain, that the local authorities on the island of Formosa, whose false and pitiless misrepresentations have led to the horrid event which has called for this proclamation, shall he degraded and (condign ly) punished; and, further that their property shall be confiscated, and its amount paid over to the

is of the British Government, to be applied to tbe relief and support of the families of the innocent men who have been put to death on false and foul accusation. Without this just atonement. Her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary is not prepared to say that the event which has occurred, and which if becomes the Plenipotentiary's unwilling duty to report to Her Majesty's Govern-ment, will not be the cause oi a further serious misunderstanding, or that it may not even lead to a renewal of hostilities between the two empires, which would !»■ greatly to be deplored.

as involving this country and it- ] pie in fresh misery and evil for the crimes of a few

shameless and unworthy miscreants in power, who have, from base motives, imposed on their own sovereign Her Britannic- Majesty's Plenipotentiary, however, trusts that the emperor will, in his wisdom, see tic- justice as well as policy of making the retribution which is herein pointed out : which is duo both to England and China, which will avert further calamity. That all persons may

know the real state of the case, this proclamation is published in the English and Chinese languages

for general information.

God save the Queen " hated on boaid the steam frigate Queen, at Anmv. on the 2Hrd day of November, lSt'2, corres-ponding with the Chinese date. 21st of the 10th month 'in the 22nd year of Taukwang.

'Signed! Henry Pottinofr H. M. Plenipotentiary?

Sir Henry Pottinger now demanded that the Chinese officers concerned in the outrage he degraded and punished, and their property confiscated for the use oi the families of die sufferers. Iliang, the governor-general, examined into the facts himself, and expressed to the English envoy his regrets at what had taken place. As has often happened, however, the Chinese authorities were able to smooth over the affair by degrading and banishing the Formosan commandant and intendant. Thus did China escape the consequences of a crime of such magnitude that, had it beep committed by any other nation, it would at once have been taken as a cas?is belli, and full and complete retribution exacted.1

i The prisoners were confined some in the prefectural prison and some in the district granary. \\ . Maxwell thus describes in the columns of a Hi ngkong journal, a visit to these buildings some fifteen year- after the event above referred to;

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE WD MASSACR1 0] BRITISH SUBJECTS.

" The granary consisted of a number of small houses forming a square, many of them entirely ruined, and we wandered for gome tame amongst tbe rubbish and dilapidated houses, scanning with eager eyes the walls for writing \\ e had jusl atx ul given it np, when, entering a house in repair at one of the corners of the square, we noticed a caricature doue in pencil on the wall, then near to it a few letters of a word which we could not decipher. Looking further along the wall, judge of oar joy at seeing an almanack and particulars distinctly traced in pencil on the wall, in a very good business band with the following inscription :

"The nndermentioned were brought to this prison from the head military mandarin's house after being heavily ironed, on the loth day ofAugusC: — F. Deuham. Master, <J. lioope, 1st mate, ]». Partridge, 3rd do., S. Coen, (.limner, J. Seadoie, Seaciiunie, Jnrnaul, Lascar, belonging to late brig Ann. She was lost on the island on March 10th, 1842, at midnight near Tamsui; also Syrang and Hurra Tindal of the Nerbuddba transport wrecked about September 18il Frank Denham."

iin another part of the wall of the same room was written Agosto 10 20 and on the wall

opposite D. Partridge, dates commencing August 10th and continuing to August 22nd at which time most likely the prisoners were sent to Aumy where four of them eventually arrived.

In another room was found a calendar with particulars under it, exactly the same as the one noticed above, written also by Frank Denham ; but with Chinese ] en instead of a pencil. He had e\ idently been separated from the others ; the Chinese say because, from some marks of anchors, etc . punctured on his anus they considered him a bead-man.

CHAPTER IX (PART 1 OF 2)

WRECKS AND OUTRAGES ON NAVIGATORS.

1 848-1867.

i'.rii hi atrocity — Savage tribes of Formosa — Outrages on navigators Loss oj ships " Kelpie" and "Sarah Trottman "—Wreck of "Larpent"- Massacre <;/' twenty-seven of the crew— Survivors sold into slavery — Berries, an Englishman, bought for six dollars— Their escape — Search for captive foreigners — Hani/ I'arhts visits Formosa — U.S.S. "Macedonian" in the noiih — Loss of "Sigh Flyer " n>nl " Coquette " — Sailors of Prussian transport attacked — Prussian landing party inflicts punishment — Wreck of ike "Rover" — The captain, Mrs. JFuiit, and the crew murdered — ll.B.M.'s. S. "Cormorant" — Futile attempt at reprisals — First risit ofLe Gendrt — Defeat of American naval expedition — Death of Lieutenant McKenzu — Le Gendre's second rixit — Meeting with savages — Friendly agreement— Duplicity of Chinest — Renewal <;/ harliarities — Chinese indifference.

The history of the third quarter oi the present century covers a period tilled with important events. It tells of attacks by the savages on ship-wrecked foreigners, and of armed parties being landed under Prussian and

American officers to punish the offenders. It tells of the opening ot Formosan ports to foreign residence and the renewal of that trade which had been interrupted for nearly two centuries. It tells of troubles with the mandarins and the occupation of Anping In- British troops. The period closes with the first Japanese expedition, the punishment of the savages, and the temporary occupation of South Formosa by Japan.

The period under review is a continued tale of depredations and atrocities on the part of the Formosans and of the sufferings of those foreigners who were unfortunate enough to be cast on those inhospitable shores. That the reader may have a clear understanding of these events and of the subsequent ones which led to the first Japanese expedition, which put an end to these troubles, the subject has been treated in the following chapters continuously, without regard to other events, such as the opening of the island to foreign trade, etc., which, although they occurred at periods previous to the Japanese expedition, were still in no way concerned with our

WRECKS AND OUTRAGES OK NAVIGATORS. ill

present subject, andean, therefore, be treated to better advantage in a later section of this book.

Whatever may have been the nature of the savages in the central and northern districts, the tribes who occupied the south of Formosa were extremely cruel and bloodthirsty. Foreigners gave the place a wide berth when they could, but the island was near the course taken by the numerous sailing ships running along the China coast and from central China to the United States, and, unfortunately, shipwrecks were frequent.

The wild seas surging around the island coasts an- extraordinarily violent, and many a ship-wrecked crew reached land only to meet with a torturing death, more cruel, more brutal than even the sea would inflict ; tor the Formosans were as little regardful of mercy as they were appreciative of the power of civilized governments. And the Chinese who shared the island with them, if not openly as bold in making' an attack, looked on with a certain complacence, and no doubt often hid their own crimes by falsely accusing the savages.

Until the Japanese expedition in i S74, civilized governments did little to discourage such inhuman treatment of their subjects. The usual feeble protestations of the foreign authorities, the occasional flying visit of a warship, must have created amusement rather than terror, while the polite Chinese officials, with their craft and deceit, were as little efficient in satisfying the demands of justice and humanity then as the}- have been since.

That men of our own race were, during the last half of the present century,, actually bought and sold as slaves is hard to realize, especially when we consider that Formosa was in the direct track of eastern navigation, and that foreign powers were possessed of sufficient naval forces in neighboring waters to have taught the Formosans to respect the life and liberty of unoffending foreigners.

Prominent among the events which directed attention to Formosa was the melancholy fate of the passengers ami crew of the clipper ship Kelpie, which sailed from Hongkong lor Shanghai in October, 1848, and was never afterwards heard of. It was believed, however, that she was wrecked on the Formosan coast. Then' were also reports that her passengers, in-cluding an American, Mr. Thomas Nye. and an Englishman, Mr. Thomas Smith, and her crew were in the island living in a stale of slavery.

The next year the ship Sarah Troltman, with a cargo of tea. was lost oft the southern coast, ami a few months later (1850) tin- ship Larpent w,^ likewise wrecked.

The next year three of the survivors of the Larpent, all Englishmen, who had been held in captivity, succeeded in putting off in a boat which, although fired at from the shore, managed to reach the British gunboat Antelope off the south end of Formosa. They were received <>n board, but, little to occidental credit, the native boatmen, instead of receiving their promised reward were driven away from the ship. The rescued men were carried to Shanghai when their depositions were taken by Mr. Alcock, the English consul, and the following account shows the fiendish atrocity of the savages and the state of slaver)

112 fHE^lBLAND 01 FORMOSA.

ill which they sometimes held their victims when their thirst for blood had been satisfied :

" The Larpent, belonging to Mr. Thomas Ripley, left Liverpool for Shanghai on the 18th May,

L850, iu command of Captain Gilson. On the ii'm September (116 days out), at about 5 p.m., she

w..s on Hotel .Tobago, a small island sixty miles eaet From the south end of Formosa, when she »as

put about and at lacross to Formosa with a northeast wind. The ship held on this tad until 20

minutes past' 9 p.m., when she struck on the mainland of Formosa stem on, so close to land that the men couid have got on shore from the flying jib-boom, \\ ben she stunk she was going al the rate of four or five knots. The fourth mate, Jar. tflaud, had the watch al the time; ana he afterwards in-formed the men in the beat that he went aft to tell the captain there was land ahead. From the survivors, who were in their hammocks, we Learn tbat they were awakened by the striking of the ship, and on rushing on deck found every thing in confusion. The watch ran to the braces, ana backed the

toreyard which sent her rigiit off. it was, however, - i seen that she had experienced great damage,

and was making water fast, and the crew was sent CO the pumps, She bad at this time run a mile aiitl h half from the shore; the water, however, gamed so fast on them that, leaving the pumps, they commenced getting the boats out. The fiist got out was the jolly b iat, but she was immeaiateiy stove

alongside. The launch and starboard ijuartor-boat (a life-boat; were afterwards got out, and into I i. in were put provisions, a few cutlasses, and soin powder, but no shot. The crow got iuto the boats about 2.80 a.m., the captain} first mate, and six nieii in the life-boat; the second, third, and fourth males, and twenty men ill the launch. There was no sea, and they layoff to see the ship go down, w,,ieh she did about 8.30a.m. by Captain Oilsou's watch. At daybreak both boats made for the shore, and all bands landed. Shortly afterwards four of the inhabitants came down to the beach ; they were Hot Chinese, but belonged to one of the aboiiginal tribes. They tried to pilfer but were driven away with the cutlasses. The captain, tearing hostility on the part of the natives, ordered the boats to be launched, and they then stood down the coast together until about 3 p.m., when the people ill the launch hailed the captain, and told him they could go no further, as the boat was making a great deal oi water, aud that it required eight lueu to bail her. lie replied that they must do tin- best they could, that if they liked they might try and reach a .Spanish settlement that lay eighty or ninety miles to the westward, or Hongkong. They told him they could not venture in the state the boat was in. He then promised to stay by them until the boat was repaired ; night came on and the launch hove to, having, according to the mate's calculation, runabout ninety-four miles; next morning the lite-boat was not visible- The launch waB then rowed ashore, and the crew lauded near Sugar-loaf Point, where they

hauled the boat up, and set about repairing her and c king provisions; while thus engaged they were

tired upon with matchlocks from a neighboring wood. Several were killed anil wounded, nine took to the water, who were pursued by the natives in catamarans. The second mate, JMr. Griffiths, not being a good swimmer, made back for the land, but was attacked and his head cut off, Alexander Homes ami

ii go Harrison kept together, and escaped to a rock, where they remained two days without food or

water. William Blake (carpenter) and james Hill (apprentice) escaped together ill another direction.

two first, driven by hunger, landed and shortly ailerwards encountered about fifty oJ the natives,

w no at first presented their matchlocks at them, but did not tire. Two women then gave them clotLes

to wrap round their loins, as they were naked, and an old man took them to his house. Three days

afterwards. Q go Harrison escaped on a catamaran to a Chinese sampan lying off the coast, but the

men in her put him to death.

" Berries remained with his protector about four months, when a Chinaman who lived about five miles off bought him to] six dollars. With this man, whose name was Kenah, lie remained until he was taken on board the Antelope. While with this man, Berries learned thai Blake and Hill had escaped to some Chinese village, and that some time after, they were sent eight miles into the interior, where Berries saw them while going with his master to a village called Sail Siauah. The master of Berries was willing to give him his liberty ; but as the other men's master would not part with them, they agreed to run with Berries to Sail Siauah, where they were hospitably received by the mandarin. Their master's wife followed to reclaim them, and the mandarin paid her #l-f, the ransom she asked. Shortlj ailerwards, the Antelope was off the coast, when the mandarin sent his sou and four men in a boat to put them on board. Berries during his captivity made four or five attempts to get on board English snips, and once nearly succeeded in reaching the Flying Dutchman, but the wind getting up prevented him.

were

Armstrong and Hill learned that the master in the life-boat had put into the village where they first captured, for the purpose of obtaining water, but none of them have ever heard of him siuce. Noiie of the thiee men state that they saw all their comrades murdered, but they are the only survivors ..t thocrew of tnc launch, as during their residence they picked up a sufficient knowledge of the savgd*^6 t0 U" St!md what the natives said. al"' they never mentioned that there were any more

Soon after this information had been given, H.B.M.'s S. Salamander was ordered to visit the scene of the. wreck, to make investigations as to the whereabouts ot the twenty-seven men still missing, and to reward those who had befriended the three already rescued. For this purpose a subscription <-l SS65 had been raised among the residents of Shanghai.

(Sir) Harry S. Parkes also visited the island in 1851, for the purpose of gaining information regarding the Larpcnt's crew. He was apparently satisfied that most ot the Chinese of Formosa could not be depended upon to assist in the release of captive foreigners, for in a private letter In-pressed the opinion that as to the possibility of foreigners being retained prisoners in the island, there was the fact — to set against the assurances ever) where made that such was not the case — of Berries, Blake, and Hill, the survivors of the Larpent's crew, having been so detained then- upwards <>l nine months, with the knowledge, as it turned out. of the beforesaid Le Wanchang (a man ot considerable influence) who. in reply to the surprise expressed at his not having endeavored to effect their release, sought to shelter himself under what was bare pretext, namely, that the masters (cap-tors) of the shipwrecked men had declined to give them up, on account of the general desire that the)' should be detained until they had acquired sufficient knowledge of the language to enable them to distinguish the tribe who com mitted the massacre, and the other tribes and settlers who resided in the same vicinity, fearing that the men when restored to liberty might return with an armed force, as they frequently threatened to do, and revenge them-selves indiscriminately on all the people living at the south end of the island.

Americans immediately interested addressed the United States Lega tion, pointing out that after the testimony of the three of the Larpenfs crew who had been held in slavery, it was not unreasonable to think that other Europeans and Americans might still be held captive, and that the subject should be investigated, both through the Chinese authorities, and directly by officials of the United States. Application was accordingly made to the commanding officer of the American squadron on the East India station, to despatch one of the vessels under his command to Formosa. While on the point of sending a vessel, the report of H.B.M.'s S. Salamander was furnished. and this, with some other considerations, led to a postponement ol tin-matter ; in the meantime, the American charge d'affaires in China des-patched, no doubt with the best of intentions, a Chinese to Formosa to make inquiries. The man returned with a very voluminous report, which seemed to satisfy, at least for the time, the American authorities. Why, it is difficult to see, for the visit of a kw days at one of the Chinese settlements on the southwest coast of the island, could scarcely be very productive of a know ledge of affairs occurring across the mountains, in savage territory that had never been penetrated by the Chinese, and which was occupied by tribe-,. whose only association with the Chinese was on the battle-field, and then as enemies.

Still more incomprehensible was the conduct of Captain Abbot of the l .S.S. Macedonian, who, in 1854, was ordered from the Perr) expedition to visit Formosa in search of captive foreigners. In the American Expedition to yapan we find the following : —

" As to our supposed shipwrecked and captive countrymen, Captain Abbot made the most diligent investigation (in Kelung), through the medium of his Chinese steward, but could gain no intelligence; although his inquiries were made, not only of the mandarins or officials in and about Kelung. but

I 14 THE ISLAND Ot FORI* »SA.

also of all classes of the people. The report from all was uniform; thej declared that they neither knew nor had heard of any shipwreck of anj American or European vessel on any part of the island; nor had they ever known or ever heard of 'the existence of the crew, or any part thereof, of any such vessel anywhere in Formosa, and Captain Abbot became quite convinced that, in this particular, they told the truth, and reported to the commodore accordingly, that he had 'no belief that any of our missing countrymen are alive on the island ot Formosa.'

When we consider that the wrecks occurred a distance ot nearly two hundred and fifty miles from Kelung, which is a port in the north, that the north and extreme south were absolutely without communication at that time, and also the relations in which the inhabitants of the different portions of the island stood toward each other, it is clear that a person might have remained for years in hopeless and degrading slavery, without such a fact becoming known beyond the immediate neighborhood. If the Chinese steward above mentioned had been successful in extorting the desired know-ledge under such conditions, it would have been little short ot a miracle, and it seems to us that Captain Abbot's conduct amounted to criminal negligence.

The year after the visit of the Macedonian, a fine large ship, the High Flyer, a New ^i ork clipper, was lost on the south coast. She was com-manded by Captain C. 1!. Waterman, whose wife. Mr. Chas. Spencer Compton, and three hundred or more Chinese, were passengers on board. The American clipper, Coquette, belonging to Messrs. Russell & Co., also carrying passengers, was lost about the same time.

In addition to the long catalogue ot authenticated instances ol barbarism, there was such general and well-founded suspicion concerning the fate of several ships that had disappeared in the neighborhood that the mercantile

community hail come to look upon the passage of this part of the coast of For-mosa as. in certain respects, the most hazardous in the Eastern seas. The ferocious character attributed to the inhabitants may be understood bj the fact that they were usually designated "The Cannibals," although it was not known that the term had anything more than a figurative application. " It was used as a comprehensive description of a people who, bound together by the defensive and offensive ties of piracy and outlawry, regarded all strangers as their enemies ; repelled the approaches of their nearest partially civilized neighbors, the Chinese ; acknowledged the authority of only their own wild natures, and demonstrated their resolution to resist all influences from abroad by the unsparing and merciless destruction of the helpless sufferers who were forced from time to time to seek shelter at their hands."'

In [858 the British government despatched the warship Inflexible to Formosa. Ihe island was circumnavigated and a clo.se search of the coast made in the hopes of discovering ship-wrecked foreigners ; Mr. Swinhoe, who was later British consul, accompanied this expedition as interpreter. Prussia was the first state to take measures to punish the natives for their

1. •' The J petition to I <-y K. H. Huum;.

WRECKS AND OUTRAGES ON' S'AVIGATORS. Ii;

misdeeds. In i860, the transport Jilbe of the Prussian expedition to Mast Asia visited the south of Formosa, and a small party of sailors was landed. Without any apparent provocation the savages immediately opened fire on them, and the party was obliged to return to the ship. The Prussian commander now ordered the savage village to be destroyed. Accordingly a small armed force was placed on shore, and although the savages wen-possessed ot tin-arms and at first evidenced a determination to defend themselves, a tew volleys from the new breaclvloading rilles of the Prussians were sufficient to send them scampering out ot range, not, however, until several hat: been killed, including the chief.

Although English vessels, as well as those "i Flensburg and Altona, and others, which were frequently oft the Formosan coast, were occasionally molested by the savages, American ships were by far the greatest sufferers.

The most atrocious case was probably that of the American hark Raver.

This is memorable, not alone tor the distressing circumstances connected with it, but also because it led to a condition of affairs which affected various countries more or less directly, and a certain connection can be traced between it and the decision reached by the Japanese government to despatch an expedition to Formosa a few years later.

< )n the 9th of March. 1867, the Rover departed from the Chinese port of Swatow for Newchwang in the north. On the way thither the ship en-countered a severe gale, which drove her close to the south ot Formosa, where she struck, it is supposed, upon the Vele Rete rocks. Badly damaged, the vessel soon sank, tin- captain, named Hunt, his wife, and the crew making their escape- in boats. \\ ith some difficulty they reached a point on the south-eastern shore of the island, where the) landed, but which unfor-tunately proved to be territory occupied by the Koalut tribe. Their presence was soon detected by the savages who, without one qualm of conscience, swept down upon the little unarmed part}' already weakened and exhausted, and brutally murdered every one of them except a single Chinese sailor, who had hidden himself on the first appearance of the assailants. This man, the sole survivor, was successful in escaping from the district, and later reached Takow, the western port, where he related the circumstance-,. Thence the information reached Taiwanfu, whence it was communicated by the British consul to his Minister in Peking, who conveyed it to Mr. Burlin-game, the American Minister, and he at once occupied himself in devising measures of redress.

With chivalrous promptitude Captain broad of the British navy, who was then stationed at 'Taiwanfu. at once started in the gunboat Cormorant to the scene of the slaughter, in hopes of succoring any survivors who might be found. < )n the 26th of March he reached the Koalut country and commenced his explorations. His errand of mere) was unsuccessful, however, being brought to a sudden close by an attack made on him by the savages. Not being prepared for a land engagement, he was obliged to withdraw t>>

1. It is interesting to note that tin- nms the first use in actual warfare of the new *' Zundn rifle, which had at this period just been introduced by the Prussians, and the principle of which whs latei' adopted by several other government*.

T I 6 T1IF. ISLAND OF H »RM< >SA.

liis ship with one of his nun wounded. Having no other method of obtaining ndnss. Captain Broad shelled the savages and drove them out of the jungle when- the) wen; hidden. He then returned to Takow.

In the month of April, 1867, General C. W. Le Gendre, the United States consul at Amoy, endeavored bj every practicable means to place himself in communication with the chiefs of the marauding tribes in hopes of obtaining from them promises of good behavior for the future, but the Koaluts exhibited much hostility and even refused to allow the consul to land. The Chinese officials on the western coast were then interviewed, but evidenced little interest in the outrage, and furthermore disclaimed any direct authority over the people of the savage districts, declaring their inability to interfere. The Peking government, however, after having been pressed by the American minister, who affirmed that China was responsible for the deeds of the Formosans, did express a willingness to inflict chastisement. After three months' delay and a good ileal ofredtapeismin Washington, orders were given to Admiral bell to conduct an expedition into the savage territory and enforce attention to the demands of civilization. It is humiliating to an American to admit that alter all the needless delay, which contrasts so unfavorably with the promptness ol the English captain of the Cormorant, the expedition was a rank failure. I lad any of the Americans survived the first attack, it was quite evident that the savages would have found ample time to dispose of them in three months, and it is greatly to be deplored that months should have been spent in official dilly-dallying when lives were to be saved. The expedition consisted of the two ships Hartford and Wyoming, and a force of one hundred and eighty-one officers, sailors, and marines, under command of Flag-Captain Belknap,1 was landed on the 19th of June.

I he .Americans experienced immense difficulties in forcing a way through the thick jungle : the intense heat rendered it almost impossible to con-duct operations in the middle of the day, and man)- of the party were attacked by sunstroke. The savages, who had taken up a position in the jungle behind rocks ami other places invisible to the Americans, kept up a heavy fire whenever their foes appeared. Lieutenant -Commander A. S. McKoigje was shot dead while gallantly leading a charge up a hill, and finally, alter a desperate engagement, the force was compelled to withdraw in some confusion to the ships, and soon departed from the island. Admiral Bell and others ol the American officers stated in their reports on the expedition, that they wen- confident that the only effective method of rendering the region permanently safe would be to drive the aborigines from the shores and place the coast in possession of some powerful ally. The Chinese were urged to undertake that task, inasmuch as the island nominally belonged to them. But past events had already given proof, and more vivid evidence was forthcoming later, that the task was beyond both their inclination and their power.

After this ineffectual attempt to bring the Koaluts to reason, a second visit was made, in September, 1867, by General Le Gendre, in company with a considerable Chinese force.

1 Afterwards Vdmiral Belknap, i immand of ihe U s China and Japan squadron.

WRECKS AND ''I rRAGES ON NAVIGATORS. I 1 7

The steamship Volunteer, in the Amoy viceroy's service, was placed at the disposal of the consul, and on the 4th of September, 1867, accom-panied by a French gentleman, Mr. Joseph Bernare, he sailed for Formosa.

On arriving at Taiwanfu, the civil officers gave him a most flattering welcome. There had gathered to greet him the Taotai, tin- Chintai, or general commanding the forces of the island, and his second in command, all red buttons of the second grade, with the prefect and the sub-prefects. General Le Gendre immediately announced the object of his visit and informed the officials that he had come to witness in person all of the details of the expedition which the viceroy had promised should be despatched. The effect of this declaration was soon noticeable, "first in the faces, and then in the language, of the officials."

The expedition, which an hour before the)- had announced as ready to mi >ve at once, was, now that they found it was to be accompanied by one who would see that it was carried out, to be subject to countless delays ; besides, " there would be also danger to the person of the consul, and the}- could but decline such a responsibility." However, Le Gendre was not without experience of Chinese duplicity and was consequently not to be so easily balked. He insisted upon the immediate fulfilment of the promise, and informed the generals that he would relieve them of any responsibility for his personal safety. The)- were assured that he had not come to Taiwanfu merely to hear what the)- had to say ; but, without regard to fatigue, t<> judge for himself as to the measures taken to execute the orders of the viceroy. It was evident that the Chinese officials had hoped they might elude the order of their superior on the mainland, which was so onerous to the purse of the intendant, and that the difficulty could be removed by means of a corned}- played at a distance and among themselves, without any troublesome witnesses, in which a few heads of savages sent to Foochow with great display would be an easy and less expensive denouement.

The chronicle of this adventurous trip of General Le Gendre to territory totally unknown, and not only surrounded by mystery, but at that time clouded with unusual gloom and terror, forms an interesting and valuable report. Not only does it describe well the savage districts through which he travelled, but it acquaints the reader with the difficulties encountered in holding intercourse with the Chinese mandarins. Its greatest interest, how-ever, is in its uniqueness. A foreigner, unaided, negotiates a treat) of peace with the chief of a band of wild savages, head-hunters, and in a few short interviews converts them from blood-thirst)- murderers seeking the lite of shipwrecked mariners, into merciful servants, who, at least so far as the chief Tokitok and his immediate tribesmen were concerned, from that time forward gave shelter and assistance to the unfortunates cast upon their shores. Le Gendre was unable to negotiate with other tribes in the south, and Tokitok's authority, while supposed to exist, was in reality too weak to insure obedience to his wishes. The plucky American's expedition is described in his report to the United States minister at Peking, the important parts ol which are herewith reproduced : —

" On the morning of the 10th wo left Taiwanfu, occupying the center of the column, The prefei I had most liberally provided transportation tor myself, Mr. Bernare, the interpreter, and one or two

CHAPTER IX (PART 2 OF 2)

I iS ["HE ISLAND OF F< »RM< ISA.

II as for onr luggage, and provisions. Finally, an escort of honor of eight men preceded in.', and were to remain with me daring my stay in Formosa. Leaving Taiwanfu, we followed n very narrow road, yel ' hj skilled bearers. The second day we reached Pitou,

(Pitbau) a large town of 70,000 inhabitants. Here there was a review of the troops by General Lew. Bui there being i ppearai fa Ivance, [called on the general for au explanation. Bio excuse

; ii;it on leaving Taiwanfu he had been In Dished by the intendanl with only the insufficient sum

,1,11 Bui he promised to make up the deficiency himself in case the other delayed much longer,

He begged me to believe thai he was moBl anxious to execute the orders of the viceroy, and a id that

I should hold the intendant, and not bim, responsible for any delay. Thus I bad to note once more

the wisdom of the viceroy in intrusting the command of the expedition to a man of such ability, and

a of distinction. I believe that he tl ughly understood that day that the orders of the

viceroy had to be executed under my eyes, and with all possible celerity. Be agreed to leave in any event on th< l tth.

'in the morning of tbe 14th, the intendant had not been heard from. We left, however,

Advancing towards Long Cong bj a narrow road, crossing on our way four streams, on light bamboo

I ong Kong is a Buiall port difficu s, bul secure for junks. The main products are

sugar and rice. \t this town Chinese ..authority practically ceases. Here, however, taxes are paid

more or less regularly.

•• We spent the night in a sugar mill, and hit at daylight for Panglian, which we reached the same night. Panglian extends along the Bhore at the summit of an are of a circle, forming a hay. and

is, therefore, ( pen to be Becure, The products are rice and peanuts. Women pound the rice and

till the fields, while the men are entirely taken up with fishing To the east, at acaunonshot from the sea, rise abruptly from the valley, high mountains, the exclusive domain of the Bavage aborigines, who receive from the Chinese (or half-caste) population s certain share of their crops, as a royalty for the l»nds the] have rented to them forever. There for the first time we notice that none leave tbe village without being aimed.

•■ We were still far from our dest inal ion and at the foot of the high hills occupied by the savages.

re were no roads, but only hunters' paths, and these never yet traversed either by Chinese or

Europeans, Nor, on a nut of the monsoon, was it practicable to reach tbe southern hay by Boa, and

we were, theref , by for if circumstances condemned to a rest, tbe end of whieh no one could

fortunately, on the next day t In ^oneral received 8,011" taols from tbe intendant. and he was

most iinxc 11 lo advance. 1 thought tbe circumstances favorable to hazard my advice, a thing whieh until then I had declined to do, being anxious to avoid taking any part in the management of the expedition, I intimated that it would not be impossible to cut a road over the mountains. We had to do it al intervals ovei a line some forty or fifty miles long, and, if the re was no interference on the

pari oi the aborig s with whom we were not at war, the work might be a mplished in four or five

days. Tl 11,1 :i I seized my idea at once, perceiving how he eould thus lie extricated from his difficult

position. Moreover, the result of opening such away would lie to establish a connection between tbe northern and southern parts of the island. Such communication, prompt and sure, would withdraw the aborigines from their isolation and open the way for the establishment of Chinese rule over them. Tl 11 1 Hotan) tribes, whose territory wo wore to pass through, made no opposition and

the WOri C nine need.

" A fortunate diversion in .air monotonous stay at Pangliau occurred in the arrival of two young

Englishmen, Messrs. Pickering and Holmes. The former I had met six- nths before daring my

visit in the United st-it, - -t unship Ashuelot. Knowing him to be versed in the various dialects of the nborigini a I had begged him. in tin- name of humanity, to proceed to the south point, with a view to rescue if possible the Rover's crew, and he hail promised to mate the attempt He had accompanied \diniral Hell m bis expedition to the southern bay. They were novi returning from the southern bay where they had gone for the purpose of recovering the remains of the lamented Mrs Hunt, ami of

ning eight Bashee islanders who had been eo -1 ,,n the south-east shore and who, after losing two of their number by the hands of the savages, had been reduced to slavery. They had expended all their funds furnished by tbe liritish consul, Mr. Carrol, from the moneys appropriated to this humane object bj hi- government ($250), and were reOneed to their last resource-. Having done the

1 '' t 1 could for the poor Basl s, I sent them to General Lew, who supplied them and gave them a

guide to Takao ^Takow). At my request he ordered the money advanced by Mr. Carrol to be refunded

to him.

\ to Mr, Pickering, who had succeeded, both in the rescue of the Bashees and in recovering the

rem Hunt, I did not hesitate t icept Ins kind offer to remain with me. From his

knowledge of the island and people, he was enabled to render me valuable service.

" The road mountains being finished, we left Panglian at noon on the UL'nd. The same day. having crossed without opposition a high ranee of lulls, we came to Chi-tong-kiau, a half-caste mixed village on the sea sh We went again across another range, arriving at dark at Tong-kan

llg-kang), where we .-]„ nt the night. We had gone half of our way without meeting other

difficulties than such as arose fr m the natu t the localities. All concurred in predicting opposition

from the savages 011 the next day. hut nothing oi the kind occurred, thanks probably to tbe care the geni to occupy the doiibitul passe* by detachments of his troops ; and the same evening

I Liang-kiau safely.

" Liang-kiau is situated at the far point of the eiuve forming the hay of that name. The port is let secure. f,.|- on the evening of our arrival we saw the wrecks of four junks. There are about 1,500

WRECKS VND OUTRAGES <>\ NAVIGATORS. IK,

inhabitants, mostly engaged in the culture of peanuts, rice, sweet potatoes, a little sugar cane, and also in fishing; some, however, trade with the aborigines.

" To tins place General Lew had sent an officer in advance, to prepare the popul it in and explain

the object of tl xpedition. 1''. . ] l . . w 1 1 1 _; t.lie sea towards the south for one-half hour, Tantiau

reached, [tisanother small port where the Chinese authority is but little res| ted. There the

anchorage Cor junks is excellent, at the r ith of a small river, and there in fact was i he rend u

the flotilla, carrying the heavy artillery and munitions of our small corps of operations Ou the left, in the plain near the mountains, at one hour from Tantiau, lies Poliac, n village settled by a race of Hakkas from Kwan^-tung province, crossed with the aborigines. They consider themselves to be

the subjects of Tooke-tok, (Tokitok) the chief of the eighteen tribes of the ; 1 1 . ■ . t ■ i - ; occupying i ;.■■

southern gjjdWflhe island, as well as of the Emperor <>f China. Poliac is the entrepo borigines.

'I'here fifej find gunpowder and shot; there are manufactured their guns, excellent arms, much superior to those used l,v the Chinese soldiers.

1 Further yet, coming back to the sea, that is to say, to the right, at five hour march from Tai

and Poliac, and in thu heart itself of the mountains, nearly at the center of i :

found tlio half-caste village To-su-pong, where no Chinese ruler had ever penetrated. China end then The spaco hounded by a lino going east and south from Poliac to the eastern and southern shore of the island is occupied by the Hwau tribes, eighteen in^all, numbering 955 warrioi and L,30Q womi D children, and forming a confederation under Tooke-tok of the Telassok tribe. Among them prominent are Bootan, Hwau, Ca-cbe-li, Cu-^u-coot, Pat-ye-ow, L'hou-a-kiak, Buk-Si •> Bomg-

hoot, Sa-bo-ou, Pe-po, Kow-laug, Ling-miano/Koo-luts (Koa-lut

"General Lew bad an excellent base of operations at Liang -kiau, having the sea on tlic righl boldiug the new line of communication -with Tai-wan-fu. Ife had Tantiau in hie hands ; a few pii res of artillery and a small force enabled him to hold Poliac, and his army could advance bj a good wide I in the direction of the point, and fall ou tin; Kooduts from the summit of their mountains, and drive them into the sea without possible escape. For this operation it is well that lie did not require a large force of regulars ; for of the 1,000 men promised, only 500 bad been furnished, and these, although armed with good European rifles, were inadequate to the task before them. On my remarking this to the general, he informed me that he had enrolled 1,500 of the country militia, who bad been trained in the school of adventure in their rights with the savages. I could not hut fear thai ay at the

timo of the rice harvest would not have much ardor in their work. And there ., thi risk that wl they came to action they might, after all. be better affected towards the savages, from whose 1 they could derive gain, than towards the Chinese authority, that could only make promises. Whai might have been the case, it is certain that these considerations had an effect on future operations.

"Before reaching Liang-kiau, aud while preparing for his advance. General Lew had isMied a proclamation announcing the object of his mission, viz., the destruction of the Eoo-luts for the murder of the crew of the American hark Rorer, thus rectifying, the lirst proclamation, in which the Rover, in consequence of written information received from 5h\ Carrol, the British Consul at Takao, was oualii as a British bark. This proclamation, backed by the unprecedented military display, had deeply impressed the half-caste population, and the fact had also extended to the Bavages, So that the latter, doubtless in consequence of the terror inspired by the presence of the troops, and also being solioited thereto by their Chinese friends who feared the consequences of war, sent on the day of our arrival at Liang kiau, a Chinese and half-caste deputation to convey the assurance of their regret and deep repentance for the murder of the Rover's crew, aud to promise in their names that the like should nevi if the geueral would only agree to make peace. For this, the Chinese professed thi gness

to become sureties. This disposition on their part having been announced t e by Mr. Picket

previously to being communicated to me by Dew, 1 frankly said to him that I considered il quite in ac-cordance with the generous policy of the Uuited States 10 sacrifice a vain revenge (which mighl be :

after used as a pretext for retaliation) to the incomparable advantage we would gi

against the recurrence of crimes sucli as we had come to punish : still, that I did nol wish to force upon them a solution which might be contrary to their instructions, and consequently] « DGtiug

my hand to it, unless they wero.quite disposed to accept it. Having received the that such

the case, after many prolonged/interviews I demanded the following:

" First. I-BHistseeToblco-tok and the chiefs of the eighteen tribes, in order to receive iu person theii regrets and assurance for the future.

ii-Second. The Chinese authorities must furnish me with the bond of the Chinese and halt from Liang-kiau to To-su-poug.

"Third. They must require of the savages the refunding of the expenses incurred by Mr. Piol in recovering the body of Mrs. Hunt, and new efforts were to be made towards recovering anj effeel Captain Hunt iu the hands of the sava_

"Fourth. A fortified observatory must be erected at the southern bay, as a guarantee of Imperial protection at a place where it has hitherto been wautiug.

" We agreed to act on this basis, and the delegates of the savages underl plated interview at Poliac within three days. Yet the day preceding the proj

chiefs, before taking the responsibility of promising to forgive and forget, I though! il prudeul to obtain in writing from the viceroy's agents the acquiescence thej had so williughj givi a verbally, and 1 n them a note to thai effect, asking tor a ipeed) reply, [11-served, I doubt not, h\ 013 inti preter, who had agreed to hand the letter to ihe generals and explain it, I saw the away, but no answer.

Tooke-tok, the eighteen chiefs, aud a numerous escort had arrived the same evening mo word that I was expected ou the morrow. On the other hand, the delay of the generals iu answering

120 I Hi l-i W ' "I FORMOSA

my note canned me I" BOapeot sum,- evil design uu their pari, aud made it my duly to be all the mole oantious before passing my word to Tooke-tok. I, therefore, notified them that I would not meet Tookc-tok before receiving their answer, and such delay would probably ruin everything. It was in vain; they gave me many specious excuses, but no answer. J

" The next morning I requested Mr. Pickering to see Tookt-tok and explain to him the reason I could not come. He found him in J'oliac, attended by six hundred warriors. Yet the desired answer from the

ials had not h ad, and, the day advauciug, Tooke-tok, unable to find proper quarters at

Poliac, or perhaps suspectiug treachery on the part of the Chinese, or else tired of waiting, concluded to lua\< i Lew, who by that time had come to the conclusion to answer my note, was visibly

troubled at the disappearance of Tooke-tok, and begged of me to let him arrange auother interview with the chief. I consented, and three days afterwards was informed that Tooke-tok would meet us at the volcano, roino four miles from the east coast of the island, i.e., in the midst of the savage territory. We left un i In' morning of the 10th of October, without other escort than Mr. Bernare, Mr. Pickering, three interpreters and one guide, and reached our destination at noon. 1 found Tooke-tok surrounded by a number of chiofs and some two hundred savagos of botli sexes. We sat on the ground without ceremony, in the center of the group. We were uuarmed, they had their guns between their kuees. All knew what had prevented me from meeting them before, so without preamble I began by asking what could have led them to murder our countrymen. Tooke-tok hastened to reply that a long time ago white people had all but exterminated the [KoolufT tribe, leaving only three who survived, to hand down to their ■ lit y the desire for revenge. Having no ships to pursue foreigners they had taken their revenge as best they could. I observed that in this way many iuuoceut victims must have been killed. ' I know it ' said he, ' and am an euemy to the practice, and, therefore, sought to joiu you at Poliao to express my regrets.' I then asked him what he intended doing iu the future. His answer was ' If you come to make war, we shall resist you, of course, aud I cannot answer for the consequences ; if on the contrary, you desire peace, it shall be so forever.' I told him I had come as a friend, aud on hearing it he put his gun aside

" I added that we wore not unwilling to forget the past, but that in the future, far from murdering I lie unfortunate castaways, lie should promise to care for them aud hand them over to the Chinese at Liang-kiau. Ho promised to do so. I added that in case a crew was sent ashore for water, or anything else, they should not be molested. This point he agreed to, aud we settled upou a red flag (at the chief's request) as a sign through which ships would make known to him or his tribes a desire to laud a party for frieudly purposes, under the contract we had entered into that day.

■' I then hazarded the question of the fort. I wished it to be erected at the center of the bay, whore tho unfortunate Lieuteuaul McKenzie met his fate. But Tooke-tok refused ; it would bring misfortune on his tribe. ' Every one iu his own place,' said he ; ' if you place Chiuese in our midst, their bad faith will cause our people to rise in anger. Build your fort among the half-castes; they will not object to it, aud it will satisfy us.' I assented to this request, when, rising, he addressed me, saying : " We have said enough, let us depart, aud not spoil such a frieudly interview by words that would make us enemies." All my efforts to retain him failed. The interview lasted three quarters of an hour.

" Tooke-tok is a man of fifty ; his address is easy and his language most harmonious ; his physiognomy is sympathetic, showing great strength of mind aud indomitable energy ; he is of sanguine tem-perament, not of a high stature, even small, but square shouldered aud well built ; his hair, which is grey, is shaved on the foVe part of his head, in Chiuese fashion, aud he wears a small queue twelve or fifteen inches long. But his costume is peculiar to his race, and distinct iu all respects from the Chinese.

•' The same day, instead of returning to Liang-kiau, we weut to the left, across tho territory of the savages and of the Ling-hwan, directing our steps to the southwest part of the island, called To-su-pong, where I decided to locate the fort. This location is on a promontory, one mile distant from a small half-caste village also called To-su-pong. From it can be seen every part of tho bay ; we could distinctly see the roads followed by the expedition of Admiral Bell, and boldly projecting was the fatal rock, a gloomy mass of trachyte, near which fell McKeuzie. Full of thought about this painful spot, we set out to return to Liang-kiau, to hurry on the crectiCTTof the fort and the writing of the bond to be given by the Chiuese and half-caste population.

" The establishment of a fort had often been the object of a serious controversy betweeu ( leueral Lew aud myself: not that ho would systematically oppose it; he had, on the contrary, Aged its advantages to the Chinese: but because of an obscure point iu the viceroy's iu structions he did not feel authorized to erect it before he conferred with the Foochow or Peking authorities. I could scarcely subordinate my departure to such delay, and yet I wanted the fort. I wanted it because of its asserting the Chiuese authority where it had so long been denied; for I considered that it would command respect from the Kooluts in case they should happen to lose sight of their promises ; fiually, and chiefly, because it would become a secure refuge for the too numerous victims of these stormy seas. Iu short, I insisted, and we agreed at last that a temporary fort should ho erected at a point selected by me, and that iu it they should place two guns, a small force of regulars, aud one hundred militia. This provisional arrangement was to be converted into a more permanent one, on as the more explicit orders that I was asked to solicit should reach Taiwanfu. I declared myself satisfied ; for I did not imagine that the viceroy would break his word with me ; and should he, I could then appeal with confidence to the instructions of your excellency.

"I must here render full justice to the loyalty of the general. In two days he had erected a circular enclosure, formed of trunks of palm trees and sand bags, which I visited in company with the generals. I did not exactly see one hundred men in the fort, but I concluded to shut my eyes to this deficiency. As a compensation, doubtless, there were three guns instead of only two, as promised. Over it the Chinese Hag waves.

WRECKS AND OUTRAGES • »\ NAVIGATORS. t2l

"Wo were about coming to the i oni lu i in. The geueral had handed me a spy glass and nautical nstruments belonging to the Rover. J had the body oi Mm. Hunt, as Mr. Pickering had left to bear to Tooke-tok a red flag I sent him*. 1 bad only to consign to a regular writing with the Chinese authorities fbe results of the expedition. These documents established a joint responsibility in this humane duty between the .savages and the Chinese from Liaug-ldau Bay to the fort of To-su-poug. It is the morale of the whole expedition.

" This brings as down to the 15th of October. I then thought of returning. 1 did not then kuow to how many annoyances (not to say humiliations) 1 should be subjected during this closing part of my mission. Tlie steamship Volunteer, from the time I had left with tbe two generals, bad gone to Takao. Later, wben 1 saw we were really on our way to tbe soutb, I requested (by letter) the officer commanding to proceed to Liang-kiau. The answer was that tbe viceroy bad ordered the steamer to remain at Takao ; but on the 11th of October 1 received a despatcb to the effect that he bad wailed long enough, and that I must tix the day of my return to Amoy. I did not answer the communication, but on tbe morning of the lbth, I sent my interpreter to Takao to say to him that my mission in Formosa having come to a close, I wished, him to proceed to Tan-tiau and save me, after a hard trip of nearly two mouths, the fatigue of a long journey to Takao ; and I said that 1 would take upon myself all responsibility.

"I remained four days iu To-su-poug after tbe withdrawal of tbe Chinese troops. On the 20th, the British gunboat Banterer arrived, on her way back to Amoy from the Basheo Islands. 1 met the commanding officer and tbe British consul at Takao on the beach. At their request, I furnished them with the main points of my mission, and its results. I refused their kind offer of a passage to Takao, and returned to Liang-kiau. There I found Mr. Pickering just returned from a visit to Tooke-tok, from whom he had received a most cordial reception. The Chinese had not been so fortunate. They had sent a deputation to him to secure for their countrymen tbe protection promised to foreigners. The chief answered that he had done nothing, and would do nothing with the Chinese officials. The deputies insisted, stating that the chief was merely to treat of matters oi mutual importance. Said Tooke-tok, •If it is simply to talk I can send my daughters,' and at once he begged Mr. Pickering to escort them to Liang-kiau, begging him to see them safe back to their friends at Poliac. Those two girls appeared without fear before the Chinese officials. Refusing to kneel before them, they boldly said that their father had treated with the foreigners because he respected their courage He had seen them fearlessly a ndiug the mountains under lire (alluding to the bold charge under Lieutenant McKeiizic) ; they had met him on his own territory to treat ot peace, and their intention- were clear; but it was different with the Chinese officers, aud he desired to have nothing to do with them. Haviug delivered this message, they refused to say more aud returned to Poliac with Mr. Pickering. Trifling as it may seem, this circumstance, together with the intrigues of the interpreter, had a great deal to do with General Lew's change of manner towards us. We had given him no cause whatever for irritation.

" On the morning of the 21st we made our parting visits to the generals, which they returned tbe next day. Iu the afternoon we received a note from the interpreter, stating that he bud failed to induce the officer to bring the Volunteer to Liang-kiau, and that we must be at Takao on tbe 25th, the day tixed for his departure.

" We could not well leave the same evening by land, the geueral having but two chairs for us. We concluded to go by sea in a junk offered us by him. The wind was fair, yet we made no progress, as we kept continually tacking about, and iu the morning we returned to Tan-tiau. It was with great difficulty we could obtain even two chairs, so that there was no conveyance for Mr. Pickering aud our sen < Then, as we could not return with the army, we needed au escort. Mr. Bernare, who saw Lew on this ion, was instructed to accept without discussion any transportation that might be offered. But when lie heard that tho military escort was refused, be observed to the general that I was suffering from an old wound in the eye aud could not be troubled by these dispositions, so different from my expectations. His answer was, he regretted it, but it was all be could do. Having directed Mr. Pickering to proceed on foot aud detaiu the Volunteer uutil our arrival, 1 started with the generals the next day. We advanced rapidly, aud at noou were at Lougkoug, where we received no hospitality. At 3 p.m. we were at Chi-toug-kiau, aud could have reached Paug-liau the same evening. Suddenly our coolies halted, leaving us in the middle of the street, and disappeared. Having waited au hour, we were informed by one of our servants that the general intended to stay there that night. I sent Mr. Bernare to him, was told that the coolies were tired aud that he could not force them to go on. lu vain did Mr. Bernare observe that the coolies would go on if the Chinese authorities would only permit them to do so. We were at their mercy.

"Fortunately wo found a small junk loaded with wood. 1 hired it, paying partly in advance, but we had to wait au hour while she was unloading. While this wits going on, we noticed an officer in disguise ordering the owner of the juuk not to take us. Tbe man hesitated; but bavin1, received from me the promise of protection, he concluded to take us ou. The next day at 11 a.m. wo were at Loug-koug, and the wind having changed, we went ashore and made our way ou foot to Takao, where we arrived iu the middle of tho night.

"On the 25th, as we had been notified, we wero ou board the Volunteer. But now that we were ou board, the commander refused to. leave, aud I had to give him a peremptory order to start the next morning. I luring the day Mr. Carrol sent mo a note stating that he was expecting important despatches from Taiwaufu, aud had requested -the Volunteer to be delayed one day, believing that I would have no objectiou. I called on him to say that I was, to my great regret, compelled to leave at ouce.

" Having left at last with a favorable wiud, suddeuly, without a word of warning, we put back to Taiwaufu. What could I say or do but submit '.' The next morning the wind bad fallen, the sea was as a lake, yet we remained at anchor. At length we set out, but only in a short time to put iu at the

i 2a the imam' of Formosa.

1'escadoros. lu short, having left Takfio ou tlie morniug of the 26th, we reached Amoy at 5 p.m. of the 30th. Two months before we had made 'lie trip iu 18 hours.

"Before closing this, I hog to be allowed to mention here the names of two gentlemen of high social standing, who, without possible hope of reward, have not hesitated to freely lend me their aid in the accomplishment of a mission which has proved laborious to me, while for them it has been full of dangor and privation. They ure Mr. Joseph Boruare, of Canton, and Mr. Pickering, of Taiwanfu. Mr. Pickering was by the side of Lieutenant MoKenzie when shot by the savages on the 7th of June last.

" I have the honor to be, sir, very truly, your obedient servant,

Chas. W. Le GtCNDBE,

United States Consul. His Excellency Ausou Burlingame,

United States Minister at Peking."

For a period of several years following the visit of General Le Gendre, the better disposed of the savage population proved their sincerity by extending a helping hand to foreign castaways and reporting their pre-sence to the nearest Chinese station. Hut alter all, the territory which Tokitok controlled was of very uncertain extent, ami while he kept his own immediate tribesmen in order, he frequently found difficult}- in curbing the savage spirit which existed among his neighbors. In fact, it was no unusual thing for many of the eighteen tribes to deny his assumed right entirely, when it is so pleased them, and some of them, especially the Hotans. withdrew themselves altogether from the; confederation and refused to re-cognize the authority oi any chief hut their own.

Many outrages committed l>y other savages living further north brought misery to the crew oi several foreign ships, while the Chinese still looked on with indifference, not heeding the calls for redress made by the foreign authorities.

CHAPTER X

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION OF 1874.

Slaughter of Loochooans — Commission to Japan — Claims on China — The expedition decided upon — Secret preparations — Expedition organized — A merican assistants —Unexpected interference of Mr. Bingham — Sailing of first transport " Yuko Mam " — Opposition of representatives — Arrival of transport at Amoy — New obstacles — Opinions of United States officials — Thr transport anchored off Formosa — Liamjhiaii boy — Intrrriric unth native villagers — An inspecting party lands — General aspect of locality — Appearance of natives — Chewing of betel nut — A native banquet — The village of Sialiao — Native homes— Landing of troops and stores — Deficiencies of militant system — Camp established — Native laborers — Impracticable workers — Difficulties with the natives Jf.B.M.'s S. " Hornet."

Mr. E. H. House accompanied the Japanese expedition as war correspondent for the New York Herald. On his return to Japan he drew up a complete and careful account, not only of the incidents of the ex pedition occurring in Formosa, but of the diplomatic transactions which passed between the governments of |apan and China as a result of it. 1 have examined other reports, but as the information they contained was also included in the former work, I have, with the kind permission of the author, Mr. House, constructed from his narrative the following chapters relating to the " First Formosa Expedition."

A largejishing and trading vessel belonging to one of the islands of the Miyako group of the I.oochoos was wrecked on the southern coast ol Formosa in the month of December, 1871. The disaster occurring in proximity to the territory of the Hotan tribe of savages, fifty-four of the crew were murdered. A few survivors were eventually able to return to their homes, and through them the news of the crime was made known to the highest authorities with whom they were acquainted.

The Loochooans are a mild ami quiet people, and as their previous re-lations with other lands had been of the most peaceful nature, the unexpected attack caused quite a panic among them. Since the early part of the seven-teenth century, the islanders had been subjects of the daimyo of Satsuma, and it was not unnatural that the Loochooan officials should now apply to

I 24 1111' rSl Wl' OF Fl iRM( kSA.

[apan lor relief. But greal were the changes then taking place in the empire, for the whole political system was under revision. Since the once powerful Satsuma was now bereft of authority, they proposed to send a commission directl) to Tokyo, not only to press the demand for protection, but also to settle other no less important questions which the restoration had brought forth.

In the summer of 1872 the commission was sent, and on its arrival in Japan met with a warm welcome. The request and claims were satis-factorily arranged, anil it was agreed that Japan should undertake to afford lull and sufficient protection to the inhabitants of Loochoo and all its dependencies, [t was agreed further that their territory was henceforth to he considered as belonging properly to the Japanese Empire.

It now behoved the [apanese to take prompt action regarding the atrocities committed l>v the Formosans. As the Chinese held sway over the western part of the island, there was ground tor the belief that they would also claim jurisdiction over the wild tribes who inhabited the eastern and southern districts. But when the matter was placed before the Peking authorities, the [apanese were given to understand plainly that the Chinese government would in no way assume responsibility for depredations committed beyond the boundaries occupied by their own people. They wen- consequently not disposed to inflict punishment for past offences, nor would they agree to prevent them in the future. On receiving this reply, the Japanese decided to take tlie matter into their <nvn hands, and prepara-tions lor an expedition against the savages were accordingly commenced.

The plans and organization were carefully concealed by the govern-ment, chiefly to avoid such criticism and unasked for counsel from the representatives of foreign governments as might tend to embarrass their efforts ; tor at that day foreign officials seemed to look upon (apan as their ward, and as dependent upon them for instructions, thus oftimes harassing and hampering the Japanese in their most praiseworthy efforts. As the expedition was one which would benefit not only [apan, but also the whole maritime world, no doubt was felt but that it would be in time universally commended. Its success meant alleviation from the attacks which had given the southern coast of Formosa a name for atrocity and depredation without a parallel in the Orient.

General Le Gendre, who was considered the best authority on affairs relating to the savage territory of Formosa, was secured to act as adviser, and as it was decided to engage other Americans for certain responsible positions. Lieutenant Commander Douglas Cassel, of the United States Navy, was ottered the rank of Commodore in the Japanese service, and Lieutenant James R. W'asson. formerly of the United States Engineers, was appointed a colonel in the Japanese army.

I he expedition was now organized with Okuma Shigenobu, of the Imperial Council, as chief commander, General Le Gendre as his associate. General Saigo of the War 1 >epartment, as commissioner and commander of the forces, and Lieutenant Commander Cassel. United States Navy, and Lieutenant Wasson, United States Engineers, as foreign assistants,

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION OF 1874. T2;

The Japanese, not having a sufficient number of vessels for the convey-ance of troops and munitions ol war, secured others, among them the British steamship Yorkshire, and the Pacific Mail steamship New York, the size of the latter making her of the greatest importance, not only to the convenience of the Japanese, but even to the success of the expedition. That she might not he permitted to fulfill her contract was a question that no one thought of for a moment. Mr. Bingham, the American minister, was evidently friendly, for from the first day oi his arrival in Japan, he had shown his regard for the Japanese, and was, moreover, well known for his views that Japan should have the right of independent action, unmolested by foreign interference of any description.

The sailing of the first ships of the expedition from Shinagawa, during the second week in April, 1874, gave rise to numerous rumors, which, cir-culating in Yokohama, caused no little excitement. ( )n this occasion, the majority of the foreign residents and the press of the city were not backward in attacking the government, and much misrepresentation and fiction was put forth. Then came an unlooked-for difficulty. The American minister had been earl)- informed of the plans of the expedition and apparently concurred in them, but to the great surprise of all and to the consternation of those interested, he now came forward with a protest against the employment of any Americans, except on condition that Japan should first obtain the written consent of China to the expedition. He had also sent secret orders to the agent of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company to delay or altogether prevent the departure of the New York. This last impediment was indeed a real calamity, for at that late day the loss could not be replaced ; and, to make matters worse, the agent had been instructed to give no clue to the reasons for thus breaking his contract; hence the mystery in which the whole affair was shrouded left the officials no means to discover whether it was intended to prevent the voyage entirely, or only to check it for a while.

Fortunately the officials were not to be turned from their earnest con-victions, and the Americans associated with them were agreed that nothing less than the most peremptory orders from their government would induce them to withdraw.

The loss to the Japanese of the New J ork necessitated the chartering of a small steamer totally inadequate for the work intended, but the best that could be secured. The troops were crowded aboard this craft already overloaded with stores, and it is certain that the safe arrival of the vessel at Amoy was due only to the very favorable weather with which their journey was blessed. After the departure of this vessel, all haste was made in securing other transports. The foreign representatives and the Yoko-hama press were most active in trying to persuade the world that Japan, in sending an expedition to punish the savages, was committing an act of war against China, and it was thought best, under these circumstances, for General Le Cendre to abandon his purpose of accompanying the mission, and to return to Tokyo and use his efforts in counteracting these injurious impressions.

A week after her departure from Nagasaki, on the 3rd of May, the

1 20 THE [SI \\l> OF FORMOSA.

Yitko Maru ilulv arrived at Amoy, where it was found that outside diplo-matic influence had again thrown grave obstacles in the way of the expedi rion. In compliance with the instructions of his consul, the English agent of

the Japanese there. Mr. P. Manson, had abandoned them, while a pilot named Patterson, who had expressed a desire to act as pilot and interpreter to the expedition, had also been warned by the consul that if he joined the part)- he would get two years' imprisonment. It was freely asserted by a portion of the community that Japan was in the act of waging war against China, and efforts were made to annoy all persons connected with the expedition — the Americans alone lending their approval to the course taken by the Japanese.

The officers of the United States steamship Moiiocncy were, of course, familiar with what Americans had undergone at the hands of the Formosan aborigines, and their sympathies were unconcealed. Owing to the hostility met with in the settlement, the original intention of obtaining horses and cattle at Amoy was relinquished, some Hat-bottomed shallow Chinese boats wherewith to effect a landing in Formosa were purchased, ami a Chinaman, the proud possessor of the adopted name of Johnson — a naturalized Ame-rican citizen of high intelligence and with good knowledge of Formosan ways and customs — was secured as interpreter. On the 5th ot August, two days after her arrival there, the transport left Amoy on the last stage of her journey. The Formosa strait was crossed in the night, and at nine o'clock the next evening the ship was anchored in Liangkiau Bay.

Liangkiau Bay, which had been selected as a landing place, is a mere indentation in the coast entirely open to the west and north winds. It is situated in latitude 220 6' N. and longitude 1 200 42' \V. Two small rivers empty into the bay. For a few miles the shore line is low and sand)', but rises in lofty bluffs to the north and south. Even near the coast the ground is extremely irregular, and the whole valley, which is of limited extent, is closely encircled by mountains some thousands of feet in height.

It was the earnest intention of Japan, and strict orders to this effect had been issued, to settle the difficult)' by peaceful methods if possible, and to use arms only as a last resort. In accordance with this purpose, the interpreter, Johnson, was sent ashore to seek certain natives of some standing in the district and induce them to come on board the ship for a conference. He was successful, and returned with the sons and near relatives of the "headman" of the village of Sialiao, who had served General Le Gendre as guides upon the occasion of his visit in 1872. Lieut. -Commander Cassel received them at once and had a most interesting conversation with one Miya, the oldest of their number.

The information to be conveyed to these men had been preconcerted in Tokyo, and was imparted as follows :

They were told that the government of Japan had determined to send an expedition to aboriginal Formosa, to punish the Botans for the murder of Japanese subjects in December, 1871 ; that the sovereign of that empire was at first greatly incensed with the people of the Liangkiau valley for not having undertaken to chastise the offenders in the same

Commander-in-chief Saigo and his staff. ( 1874).

Tokitok. Isa. S.Midzuno. Marquis) Saigo.

Savage visitors at Commander-in-chief Saigo's headquarters. (1874)

IIli; JAPANESE EXPEDITION ol [ S74. ) 2J

manner as. in conformity with the agreement entered into with the United States consul in 1867, they would have dealt with them if they had molested Americans; that later investigations had shown that the Sialiao

people had really not been indifferent to the late of the shipwrecked Loo chooans, but had aided General Le Gendre in his inquiries concerning their fate, in return for which orders had been given to protect them from all annoyances that they might apprehend in consequence of the presence of a foreign force ; that twenty thousand soldiers were read)' to start for Formosa \ at the shortest notice, should they ever be needed, but that, if trustworthy assurance of the co-operation of the Sialiao communities and the tribes ol rbkitok could be obtained, only the advance body, a few thousand in number, would be brought. The native deputation, through Miya, promptly answered that they were ready to afford all the assistance in their power, and to give the troops every facility for landing and encamping ; though they could not speak for the savage tribes, in regard to which the}- had no new intelligence to give, except that of the recent death of Tokitok and the succession of his eldest son. These subjects having been disposed of for the moment, an offer was made to engage the services of Miya and one of his companions, as a medium ol communication between the Japanese and their own people at the outset, and, subsequently, the inhabitants of Southern Formosa in general. The proposal was readily accepted, and the interview terminated as satisfactorily as could be desired.

before returning to the shore. Miya and his companions were informed that the Japanese officials intended landing, for the purpose of picking out a suitable place for establishing an encampment for the arriving force, which was expected to number about three thousand men.

The next morning a few of the higher Japanese officials, with the American attaches, went on shore with this purpose in view. It had not been the intention to land on any territory over which the Chinese claimed jurisdiction, il objections should be made by the proper authorities, and Lieut.-Commander Cassel had received orders from Tokyo, in case such objection were offered, to abandon the position and proceed to a point some distance further south. Here again, if after inquiry he met with a similar result, he was again to seek a more southern point. Hut at the last spot designated, which would be outside of Chinese jurisdiction, he was ordered to effect a landing in spite of resistance and by the use of such force as might be necessary. Fortunately, however, the little party met with no opposition, the plans were carried out. and the landing was effected at the point first indicated.

'Ihat a favorable view ot the surrounding territorj might be secured anil a suitable camping ground thus be selected, they ascended a small hill some three hundred feet in height, located near the shore. The pathway ran through fields of barley and sweet potatoes, and in approaching the hill two or three small hamlets were touched. 'The Test of the dwellings to be seen were mud huts with coarsely-thatched roofs. Sage brush, clusters ol low palm-trees and of the pandanus, so thick as to form an almost impassable

i 28 the Island <>r forMosA.

jungle, were scattered about the surrounding plain, which, with the exception of a few roughly-cultivated tracts, seemed sterile and sand}-.

The winding footpath twining its way through tangled jungle afforded a superb position for ambuscades, which would prove unapproachable for an) force not perfectly familiar with the country. Warfare in accordance with the methods usually at the command of modern invading armies could scarcely he successful. The passage on the hill side was annoying and wearisome. The path was narrow and abrupt, through irregular gullies and over sharp and broken masses of coralloid rock, and the heat was excessive. From the top of tlie hill, the entire Sialiao, or Liangkiau valley, which appeared to he about fifteen square miles in extent, was visible. It was surrounded by a range of mountains averaging perhaps two thousand feet in height.

'The dress of the natives is described as being similar to that worn by the Amoy Chines* — the better classes wearing a loose jacket and wide breeches reaching a little below the knee, while about their heads light turbans were twisted. Their only ornaments were red cords wound about their long queues, with here and there a bright coin braided in, and rude silver bracelets about the wrists. The costume of the lower classes shrank to a mere waist and loin-cloth of the most abbreviated form consistent with decency. The women were clad almost identically like the "headmen," and nearly all of them wore on each wrist a silver bracelet. Their hair was braided into long tails and wound about with white cords. In some cases it received additional adornment by the insertion ol artificial flowers. Occa-sionally heavy gold rings and glittering trinkets were added to the person.

'Children were plentiful, apparently "too numerous for the supply ol raiment on hand," lor the majority ol them were naked. Few of the women were naturally disagreeable in appearance, and would have been pleasing but for the disgusting dribble ol betel-nut juice constantly disfiguring their countenances.

While the natives ol neither sex were specially talkative, their mouths were always active, the chewing of the betel-nut furnishing occupation.

"Their cheeks were distended, to an extent which the most inordinate chewer of tobacco could not rival, by masses of red pulp, from which streams of stained saliva overflowed the gums, discoloring the whole interior of the mouth with an unwholesome pinkish hue. The nuts were sometimes so large as to protrude between the teeth, producing an effect half ghastly, half gro-tesque, anil shedding ruddy rivulets upon the cheeks and chin." All in all, men, women, and children had a sort of openness of countenance and in-dependence ol bearing, which was doubtless attributable to their freedom from oppressive- authority and their self-reliant habits of life.

'The settlement of Sialiao consisted of about a dozen houses, the out-ward appearance ol which was far superior to what one would expect to find in such a place. < >f one story, they were neatly built of fine reel brick and cemented stone. The roofs were of compact tiles and the spaces under-neath the eaves were decorated with simple bas-reliefs. The interiors were substantial and tolerably clean, in fact, in even- way superior to the quarters

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION 01 1874. I2Q

of the Chinese in the coast cities. They were generally double, two structures of equal size, perhaps twenty-five feet square, standing one behind the other, partially separated by a courtyard of nearly the same dimensions. ( )n each side of this courtyard were narrow passages connecting the two buildings,

while in the rear were outhouses for cooking, etc. The floors oi most of the main buildings, and of the yards, were paved with large square bricks or stones. There were arm chairs that would not discredit a New England farm house. Tables were abundant, but less elaborate in form and ornamentation. The beds were like shelves set in recesses of the wall, although occasionally one was seen of stately build. While the political authority of China was not in any way recognized in these villages, its influence prevailed in many ways, notably in the rude attempts at Chinese art to be found in the panels in the walls. Most prominent of all the interior display was the stand ol weapons to be found in every household. Old matchlock muskets in the usual con-dition of such instruments, short swords in queer wooden scabbards, which were so constructed as to cover only one side of the blade, the other lying exposed ; bows and iron-pointed arrows, and variously fashioned spears ami lances. Pigs and chickens occupied the enclosed spaces about the houses in -reat numbers, while the streets were in possession of droves of water buffa-loes, drab-colored beasts with large retreating horns, the points of which were usually carried on a line with their noses. These beasts are most useful to the natives, who employ them as draught animals.

The landing of the troops commenced at once and in a rather disorder!) manner. The Japanese at this time had adopted in part the foreign military system, and the result was great confusion in many matters which we consider essential to success in arms. The old idea seemed to prevail to a considerable extent, that the soldier belongs to a superior class and should not be subjected to menial labors, even when it came to work in the field. Consequently, a hundred soldiers might be seen accompanied by an equal number of coolies to do the work of building shelters, cooking, and a good part ot the digging of trenches.

The manual of arms, tactics, and manoeuvring seems to have been about all of the foreign system adopted. The commissariat, the quarter-master's department, in fact all branches of transportation, were conducted in accordance with the old Japanese system.

Fortunately, the natives in the vicinity of the point selected for landing, if not friendly, were at least not positively hostile, ami the landing was con-sequently a mere matter of transfer. The confusion and carelessness, the numerous awkward incidents of the disembarkation, would have placed them at the mercy of the natives on shore, and no doubt have resulted in a repulse at the outset, had the natives developed into an enemy and opposed the Japanese, as the " Hartford " expedition had been opposed before them.

The cam]) was fixed in a little plain lying between two rivers, and it was the original intention to defend the inland extremity by an elal orate en-trenchment. The sides which were partially protected by the streams were to be strengthened by other earthworks reaching to the sea. The entire space thus marked for enclosure was a little over forty acres. It included a

considerable stretch of sand) beach, and a poorly-cultivated field of sweet potatoes, which latter seemed to be the sole agricultural achievement of a wretched little village of a dozen mud hovels, which also lay within the camp ground. The piece of land in question was occupied with the clear consent of the owner, who agreed to turn il over temporarily for a reasonable consideration. The tents were pitched about noon and a line of sentries established. Although the marines commenced their duties with willing activity, the work of trench-digging was seemingly distasteful, and as the number of troops was really too small to accomplish much in this direction, it was decided to engage all the natives who wished to work, at the rate of thirty cents per day. To the Western reader that sum will appear small indeed, but to the Liangkiau resident it was an amount mag-nificent anil totally unprecedented. Furthermore, notice was given to the visiting headmen who came to assure the Japanese of their good will, that as many of their people as they chose to send would be employed on the same terms. About one hundred applied at once and were set to work.

Now that the camp was established, the soldiers found themselves sur-rounded 1>\ few of the comforts that they hail been formerly accustomed to. The heat was extreme and of that enfeebling quality which most rapidly breeds disease, while the wind brought but little relief. On the evening of the second day, the light of an enormous fireburning at a distance, apparently five or six miles to the south of Liangkiau, attracted the attention of all. For an hour or so it blazed up quite rapidly and then faded as quickly away. It was thought by man)- to be a signal of warning among the savage tribes. It was later found to have been their work, but the object was to clear away the trees and shrubbery from the possible approaches which could not be barricaded, and would now expose an advancing party to an unobstructed fire from the sheltered hill tops.

About four hundred natives came in the next morning and applied for employment. A motley crowd they were, not half of them capable of doing effective work. About one third were women, some with infants strapped to their backs. At least a quarter of the remainder were too old and infirm lor any kind of toil, and in one case a blind man was actually seen with a useless pickaxe in his hands, led about by a child and encumber-ing the progress of the work whenever he attempted to take part in it. 1 he Japanese officers were not inclined to discriminate and all were set to the task. After two hours in which these allies kept fairly bus)-, they withdrew for "chow" and rest. From then on, nothing- was heard from them until two in the afternoon when the)- returned to send in a message to the effect that, ac-cording to their ideas of wage and labor, thirty cents a day was insufficient. \ ery little more work was attempted, and even that came to a complete standstill at five o'clock, when a general cry for payment arose. Then followed a scene of indescribable confusion, wild cries, and insane gesticula-tions from the natives, met by the vain efforts of the |apanese to explain matters and pacify their new friends. In their determination to get more, the; fact that the) had agreed to work for thirty cents a day had nothing to do with the case. The clamor and excitement lasted for quite an hour, and

I III-. JAPANESE EXPEDITION OI 1^74- l$\

the bald-headed agitator of the day before seemed to be the prime leader in the tumult.

Eventually the Japanese came to the conclusion that it was useless to hope tor any practical assistance from these people, and, though not half a day's work had been done, those who had worked or pretended to work were called together and given their full day's wage. < >ur author expresses him-self "surprised at the complete calmness of the Japanese in dealing with them, the indifference they showed to the frequent menaces, and their obvious determination not be roused to irritation by any display of violence."

A day or so later, the " excitables " of the surrounding villages sent an embassy to deliver the message that, after a solemn conference, they wished to announce that fifty cents a day would be the least accepted for a day's work by the people of Liangkiau. Johnson, the interpreter, explained " that the prodigality of many of the subordinate officers in their various transac-tions, had given rise to the most extravagant and insatiable expectations."

Hvidence of this was soon forthcoming. The owner of the potato patch, the reader will remember, had agreed to turn it over to the Japanese for a reasonable compensation. He now sent word that his interpretation of a reasonable compensation was tour thousand dollars, a sum the like of which had probably never been seen or heard of throughout the whole valley. The occupants of some of the mud huts in the village had agreed to rent them for a reasonable sum. They likewise now informed the [apanese that six hundred dollars was their price. There was some delay in the transmission ol their message, which came near leading to an undesired conflict. The houses were to be occupied as storehouses, and coolies had been notified to proceed to them with the luggage. Upon arriving at the village, they were met by the inhabitants, who had armed themselves with spears and swords, which the_\T brandished about the unsuspecting coolies, driving them out of the single village street and afterwards barricading it against all comers. On going to the spot the officers found the natives formed in battle array, some with guns in their hands, saucy, defiant, and overflowing with mock heroics. They were quieted, if not satisfied, however, on being assured by the Japanese that their property should not be molested and the previous bargain would be considered null and void. The field laborers were also notified that their services would be dispensed with, whereupon they joined in the general disturbance and bore themselves as though fresh insults had been heaped upon them. This necessitated the abandonment of all work on the fortifications, the number of soldiers being barely sufficient for a safe camp guard, while the services of all the coolies were required in moving the supplies anil similar duties.

While the construction of the camp was in progress, the Hornet, a British gunboat, steamed into the bay, and a part) of officers landed to take observations.

Accompanying them was H.B.M.'s consul for Formosa, who came to gather information regarding the course of events in. the south. ITie Hornet remained over night and sailed the next morning.

CHAPTER XI (PART 1 OF 2)

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION, MAY. 1874.

Susincions aroused— Arrival of army and nary officers — New camp selected — Xew difficulties with the natives— Unauthorized tours of exploration — Conference with xitr<t<i<- chief- — Appearance ni aborigines Friendly relations established — Confidence in General Lc Gendve — A feast prepared — Presentation oj gifts — Straggling and the penalty — Satsuma soldier decapitated — Boat's crew <>i frigate " Nishin " attacked — Violent storm- Assault <m reconnoitring party —Another unauthorised excursion — Japanese force attacks — Futile pursuit oj the savages — First regular engagement — Skirmish of the Stone Gate — Six Japanese and sixteen aborigines hilled- Annul of General Saigo^Fresh stores and reinforcements Visit of -two Chinese men-of-war — .1 friendly mission — Letter from viceroy "J Fokien — Announcement of Chinese claim to savage territory — National salutations — Unjust accusations in Japan- -Protest of Jfr. Bingham — Okiima, fallowed by Okubo, investigates in Formosa -Incidents if encounters — Question-able discipline- -A warlike interpreter— Second conference with Isn and other chiefs.

Reports were brought to headquarters on the morning ol the 9th (May) that the plain in every direction had been traversed by little bands of armed hillmen who made no concealment of their hostility. That there was no general good feeling to he depended upon in any part of the country was evident. Even the inhabitants of the valley a short distance from camp looked daggers whenever any of the expedition passed by. Their suspicions were thoroughly aroused, and this was not strange considering their point ot view. All the efforts of the Japanese to put them at ease had from the first resulted in failure.

On the 10th of May the forces were increased by the arrival of Admiral Akamatsu, the senior naval officer of the expedition, and General Tani, the next in military rank to ( ieneral SaigO. These' gentlemen were now the officers of highest rank in the expedition. Generals Saigo and Le Gendre being still detained in Japan, owing to the confusion caused by the various obstructions previously described. A large transport, which arrived soon after, brought two hundred soldiers, a fresh force of laborers, and abundant supplies, while a third transport on the 1 6th brought additional troops and stores. Lumber

Mil JAPANESE EXPEDITION, MAN. [874. l$i

having arrived, the laborers were soon at work erecting "shanties," which being tied together without injury to the wood itself, could be torn down at will and used for other purposes, if necessary.

The heat by day was excessive, though the nights were cool. Already prostration and illness from these changes in temperature wv.ru felt among the men. As the old camp was in danger of being flooded if heavy rains should fall, a new camping place was, on the tith, selected upon a hillside

which rose from a small inlet just below the point forming the southern boundary of Liangkiau Bay. However, upon the arrival of a party at the

intended site to prepare tor occupation, the)- were met by about sixty natives who refused to allow the work to proceed, claiming that the graves of their ancestors would be disturbed. The Japanese soldiers gave way and the matter was referred to headquarters. The officials again placed themselves in communication with the headmen ot that particular district, and for the second time — it being" thought clearly settled in the morning — assured them that there would be no desecration of burial places, but that on the contrary each grave would he surrounded by a bamboo fence. They Were also warned that there was a limit to endurance, and that these repeated acts of ill will might perhaps tire out the patience ot the officers who were earnestly endeavoring to treat them with kindness and consideration.

A great deal ot trouble and annoyance was caused by the private and

unauthorized tours ot exploration which parties of Japanese volunteer attaches and others were constantly indulging in, when not under the direct eye of their officers. Partly in consequence of this and partly for other reasons, it was thought expedient to send a messenger to the headquarters of those chiefs of the eighteen tribes who were supposed to hold the greater part of the authority and influence formerly possessed by Tokitok, and to invite them to an interview for the purpose oi declaring to them the pacific designs of the Japanese so tar as they were concerned and securing if possible their co-operation and good will.

Miya, the friend and all)-, acted as messenger, hut the chiefs showed no inclination to come down to the valley, though they agreed to meet the Japanese at one of the hill villages. This the deputation, consisting of seven officers, were obliged to accept, and after a fatiguing climb, with constant exposure to the burning sun, since there was no shelter, save low growths of thick pine on the mountain sides, the) eventually reached their destination, a little village, which was found to resemble those on the coast.

The principal chief among those' gathered to meet the Japanese, was Isa, who was not only at the head of an influential tribe hut was also invested with certain authority as guardian to Tokitok's son and successor, who was also one of the party. ( >ur author describes the. meeting as follows: —

" The party was led to one of the best cottages, in the priueipal r 1 "f which a man was standing

alone, who did not wait to be accosted, but immediately withdrew. This was afterward found to bi chief Isa. Up to the moment of his sudden exit, there had nol been 0 Ingle indication that the vi was occupied by any besides the regular denizens; but as he Btepped forth, wild

looking men came iuto view as suddenly as if they had been called up l>y magic ft was impossible to imagine where or how they had been concealed. The fabled call of Roderii D li

more startling in its effects than the silent summons of this savage warrior. His followers gathered com-pactly about the door of the house, and, although there was probably no iutentiou oi the sort, it seemed.

I ! j I UK ISL VXD Ol I ' IRM< >SA.

for a moment as it they Wished to give substantial proof of their mastery of llie situation aud to show the straugers the helplessness of the position into which they had allowed themselves to be led.

'■ This did not last long. Ka presently ivl limed, accompanied by the youuger sou of Tokitok, a fine-looking lad ol about eighteen years of age, and by other ohiefs. In the conversation that followed, Isa

took the solo control on the part of the natives, rarely cousultiiiK at all with his associates. His manner, as well as that of In- o impanions, appeared to indioate that his was the most potent voice in the affairs of those Southern tribes that still remained in confederation. The personal appearance of this leader was striking. He is tall and muscular and considerably above the Kuropeau average in stature and physical development. His complexion is dark, and the expression of his countenance is vigorous, resolute, and intrepid. At times it assumed an air of extreme ferocity, and it was easy to see that if he were moved to sudden wrath his features would at oucc fall into that demoniac distortion with the power of assuming which everybody iu the region seemed to be gifted. His eyes are remarkable and quite exceptional They are almost colorless, — that is to say. there is hardly a distinction between the dull bluish white of the corners and the pupils. This, however, was afterward discovered to be the effect of a peculiar malady from which they suffer, and, as a consequence, they were not often lighted up; but occasionally a gleam came iuto them as fierce aud vicious as that of any wild beast. And this, so far as we could then judge, was when he was at his best — attending a friendly conference and exercising a species of rough hospitality. There were reasons, at a later date, for modifying this estimate of his character. In dress he was like the average Chinaman of this district, excepting that his garments were of somewhat better quality, and were slightly embroidered. His arms — matchlock, spear, bow aud arrows, and sword— were iu good condition aud polished to the highest degree. His general demeanor was very serious, aud by an uuinitiated observer would not have been regarded as particularly pacific. He sat almost all the while in a rigid positiou, hardly moving his head one side or the other, which immobility, again, though uot then clearly comprehended, was undoubtedly due to his impaired eyesight. When he spoke, he delivered his sentences with great rapidity, aud in a harsh guttural toue, which had apparently as little of the music of amity iu it as the growling of a tiger. Bat his words were uot discourteous and all his intention seemed to be to show a willingness to hold pleasant relations with the new comers. Like all the inhabitants of Southern Formosa he chewed betel-nuts constantly, with the juice of which his teeth and lips were darkly stained. He was also marked with a disfiguring species of ornamentation which is peculiar to the tribes of the Eastern coast ; the lobes of his ears were abnormally distended by the insertion, in large bored holes, of heavy plates of silver. None of his companions were without these fantastic decoratious, although some wore shells or pieces of crystal, instead of metallic substances.

" The interview was not very long, aud although the colloquy was necessarily slow, requiring a triple translation each way— from Japanese iuto Knglish, thence iuto Chinese aud again iuto the savage dialect, with the same process reversed iu replies — there was little occasion for extensive discussion. The mere forms of meetiug and recognition, aud the interchange of a few reassuring words were about all that was really required. Isa manifested some curiosity as to the ultimate purposes of the Japanese, aud was told that he would undoubtedly receive full information as soou as Generals Saigo and Le Gendre should arrive, but that the designs of the expedition were not likely to affect him or his subjects, or any well-disposed tribes. The name of Geueral Le Gendre appeared to possess a singular charm over these people. Attention was called to the fact that the Japauese party had put faith in the integrity of the natives by coming among them unattended by a guard, aud the hope expressed that the chiefs would return the confidence by visiting the encampment, without followers, as they might choose. To this Isa demurred, whereupon it was furthermore suggested that any of the foreigners would willingly go to the iuterior and remain there as a hostage during the term of such a visit. Still the mouutaiu leader would not respond, but wheu he was asked if he would come after General Le Geudre's arrival, he readily auswercd in the affirmative. Alluding to the circumstance that the Japauese had travelled in a strange regiou without au escort, he offered to send a detachmeut of his owu men back to the camp with them, but this, naturally, was declined. After about au hour of con-versation, it was aunouueed that a pig had been killed, and a feast was ready. The anxiety of prepara-tion for this inevitable solemnity, I ought to have mentioned, was the reason given, earlier iu the day, for not coming out to meet the visitors at a distance from the village. The pig, with its accessories, was disposed of, tea and sam-shu were drunk, and the assemblage broke up, a little after three o'clock, with formal expressions of courteous satisfaction on all sides. Just before leaving, the Americau gentlemen exhibited the capacities of the Winchester and other rirles which they carried, to the interest aud astonish-ment of the natives, whose fire-arms are yet of the most primitive class ; aud at the suggestion of the Japanese officers, the present of a Snider was made to each of the chiefs. ' These were accepted with assurances that they would he treasured as memorials but also with modest doubts as to the ability of the recipients to make effective use of weapons so far superior to those of their customary experience. The excursionists returued to their camp at six o'clock in the evening."

In spite of warnings and serious admonitions, parties of irresponsible Japanese would persist in wandering about through regions too remote from camp to allow them to return to it or to enable them to receive help in case of attack. On the afternoon of the 17th, a body of one hundred men were

1. In November, 1895, while the guest of Rear Admiral Tsunoda, then on a tour of inspection, I passed down the east coast and among other laudings, a visit to Liang-kiau in the south was made aud a meetiug held with several chiefs, the eldest of whom produced one of these same Sniders that Mr. House speaks about, iu splendid condition, and after fondly relating its history, proudly called attention to the faithfulness with wbiob the savages had lived up to the promises made to the Japanese iu 1674,

THE [APANESE EXPEDITION, MAY, [874. I35

sent a distance of t\\<> miles, on a reconnoiting trip. When keeping together and not making too intimate an acquaintance with the jungle they were not in much danger, hut halt a dozen oi them being possessed, tor what reason it is difficult to say, with the desire of visiting a village near by, the roots of which could be seen through the underbrush, separated from the rest. They went, remained a while, and saw nothing that struck them as suspicious, but on returning they were fired upon by natives hid in the thicket. One man, a sergeant of a Satsuma regiment, was shot dead, while another man was wounded in the neck. The number and location of their hidden enemy being unknown, the survivors ran hack to the reconnoiting party, which advanced with all possible haste to the spot. The)' found their companion headless, the body stripped, and his weapons taken away. Although no trace of the enemy could be found, the result of all after inquiries upon the subject pointed to the members of the Botan tribe, which had slaughtered the Miyako Shima fishermen in 1S71, and the Japanese were now on the ground for the purpose of punishing this same tribe bosts of observation were known to exist on even hilltop, and it was a very simple matter for one of the savage sentries to report every movement of the strangers and to waylay them by side paths, with which, of course, the aborigines were familiar. This severe lesson, however, was not effective in inducing reckless Japanese to restrain their curiosity and leave exploration to such parties as were ordered to engage in it.

It was decided not to take any steps on the offensive until the arrival of Admiral Akamatsu, who had started in the Msliin the day previous for a short trip to the east coast. He returned on the 19th. and reported an attack made on the trigate's boats by savages. There was consequently some talk of a combined military and naval attack on a large scale ; but the matter immediately in hand required first attention, and the penalty for the assault on the Nisfriris crew was consequently postponed.

Outside work of all kinds was delayed for a few days by a violent storm such as only Formosa can produce, lasting half the week, and converting the camp-ground into a lake of no trifling depth. Everything moveable, including clothes and other valuables, was washed away and never seen again. For forty-eight hours no food could be cooked. Lines ot sentinels at night could not lx? maintained, the camp being guarded only by isolated pickets, stationed upon pieces of ground that were not too deeply submerged. It was finally found necessary to shift quarters as quickly as possible to a sand ridge bordering the beach.

In the midst of the storm the little British gunboat Hornet returned, to remain in the neighborhood a considerable time, as was stated.

The savages were now becoming fully aroused, and the engagement, our author's account of which follows, will give the reader an idea ot the difficulties met with in combating the Formosan sa\ag<-s on their own ground:

•' On the 21st of May, a detachment of twelve men was sent out to examine the locality where the Satsuma soldier had beeu killed four days before. Their instructions were t>> visit the village at which they had previously halted, to inquire into the circumstances, aud to ascertain beyond a doubt to which tribe the unknown enemies belonged. It was recognized that the murdered man had been roaming in places where he should not have beeu, aud that the assailants were perhaps not bound to know that his errand was innocent ; but, on the other hand, apart from the fact that the Japauese were in no case

THE ISI,ANO 0 'M ISA.

i his death with iodiffi had b nowhere l iblished limits of the

b ! well as ai n ; id bi en on I le of i rages.

ar, and was to confine itself to

gathering such i i as could b risk; bul the restless spirit of the men

was, as usual, entirely beyond reasonable i I found the place to which they had been sent

entirely deserted, and though! proper to push forward to tl ettlement, a oonple of miles beyond.

When the] were about four miles from the camp they were suddenly confronted by a body of not loss than

fifty natives, who fired upon them, si indiug two of their nnmbe . They returned the fire, and

killed one of the enemy, whose corpse was afterward found by the coasl villagers, half-concealed in the

jungle, after which they retreated hastily to the shore. The alarm being given, the entire Japanese force

not on' guard duty, about two hundred and fifty altogether, turned out ami marched rapidly to the scene

of the encounter. Thev reached it about half-past i clock in the afternoon and were greeted by an

bushes, which they could only return at random. They advanced, however, at

a double-q i Bhowing tl d making every endeavor, even

ui ti, of order, to press forward to the front. But their alacrity was not equal to the speed of

, who, from their familiarity wil enabled to retreat, without injury, sending

a f,,v otual dischai bi hind them. As it was growing dark, the Japanese abandoned

the ] the night, and divided their force : one half bivouacking near the foot of the mountains, to

receive tl :l , thej bould attempt to renew the contest, and the other returning to the

" u the last village in the valli i! suspicious ciroumstanoes were observed, The inhabitants

were in a state of unusual trepidation, and their matchlocks were not only seen lying about in disorder, hut, on examination, were found to be b if they had beeu recently used ; whereas

it is the habit of these people to keep their arms in t he cleanest possible condition. Hearing this, the Japai ,i i especially to disarm these villagers, and to post notices

warning them that if they assisted or shell redthi B tan , who were by this time known to be the active antagonists, thev would he treated at Phus far, ever] incident of a hostile character had occurred

in a ' . r which the savag d uo legitimate control, and which lay entirely within the posses.

sion of the inhabitants of the Lis I alley, with all of whom the Japanese had established friendly,

or at least perfectly ps ions. The provocation had been wholly on the part of the mountaineers.

There had Ween no intention even to approach them, for a considerable time to come, and it was clearly [aid down that relations were to be established with them by peaceable means, if possible. The punish-ment for i be lef I to their own rulers, provided they would undertake the task, and was not to be enforced by the Japanese except in the event of an absolute refusal or defiance from the Botan chiefs. But now it ledful to prepare for meeting these repeate I assaults in some effective way. It H lined not to withdraw the outposts— au action which might have beeu regarded as an indication of weakness — but to re-inforce them sufficiently to enable them to hold their ground, at the same time authorizing no forward movemenl that should render a contest inevitable. This condition of inactivity, however, it was easier to decree than to ensure.

" ( In the morning of the 22nd; two companies, led by Colonel Sakuma. who had already won distinction in the Saga contests, 1 went out to the supp it of those who had been left behind the night before, and to perforin those duties, mentioned above, which concerned the suspected villagers and which did not necessarily involve a conflict on this occasion. But curiosity, or some stronger motive, induced them to push forward to the mountain path, near which the savages had been lost sight of. Here, half way through a narrow and precipitous pass, the enemy again rose upon them, and the first genuine engage-ment ensued.! The mountaineers were at firsl estimated to have been two hundred and fifty in number. but this was subsequently found to be a gn ration. They were about seventy. But they had

enormous advantages of position, which I had afterward the opportunity of examining on all sides, and

ih I shall endeavor to describe more particularly in another chapter. Although one hundred and fifty Japanese had marched to the spot, the difficulties of the situation were such that not more than thirty could be actively employed. There was uo road, and the fighting was actually done in the middle

of a river which runs through the rocky gateway by which the Botau I Itry could be approached

from this direction. The savages wen posted behind masses of stone which they had selected before-hand, and the Japanese assumed such stations as they could best find at the moment. The exchange of slmts lasted a little over an hour, at the end of which time the natives all ran away, at least such as leaving not one to he seen in any direction They took their wounded with them, but sixteen dead bodii were left behind, the heads of most of which were cut off and brought back into camp. Six Japai killed, one of whom was an officer; and nearly a score were wounded, most of them

verj slightly.

" War against the aborigines was now fairly in progress. These events had brought about a necessity for immediate action, and, although the only direct engagement that had taken place was of a com-paratively trilling character, it was essential that it should be followed, as speedlv as might be, by operations upon a broader scale. It was unquestionable that the imprudence of a few individuals, moving without responsibility, had tended to preen I ilities ; but it was also evident, from the promptness

CHAPTER XI (PART 2 OF 2)

of 'li" natives to take- advantage of these acts of carelessness or indiscretion, that they were determined

a a eo i] diet, and that no amount of caution could have long averted one "

While the battle of "Stone Gate" was in progress, several large ships enten tl the bay. Two were transports, and General Saigo, the commander-

1. Saga, in Kyushu, was the scene of the insurrection in the early part of 1874. Si. Later known as the engagement of the " st i late."

Till: JAPANESE EXPEDITION, MAY, 1874. [37

in-chief, with his staff and fifteen hundred soldiers and laborers, landed from one, while the other was heavily loaded with supplies, besides fighting men. A Chinese frigate and gunboat followed soon after and excited much curiosity; for since the opposition of the foreign ministers had been made known, there was great uncertainty felt as to the course of action the Chinese might adopt.

'There was, accordingly, a feeling of much relief when it was found that the ships came on a friendly mission, as the officers expressed it. with the special intention of assuring the natives thereabouts, both by personal visits to the chiefs and proclamations to the masses, that the Japanese were engaged in a good work, and that aid should be extended to them whenever possible. They were also bearers of a letter to ( ieneral Saigo, evidently not so friendly in spirit. It thus appeared that the Chinese authorities were naturally not unfriendly to the task undertaken by the Japanese, and that the foreign representatives, in their assumption that the Japanese were declaring war against China, were worrying themselves over an affair, in which the country most concerned saw but little cause for anxiety. The Chines, messengers were loud in their protestations of kindly feelings, and stated that they had been authorized to convey the true sentiments of cordial friendship entertained by the viceroy of Fokien and his court. According to these messengers, the government of China had never felt the least objection to the [apanese expedition.

Although the foreign representatives had been unceasing in their hostility to the [apanese, it was evident that as yet their opposition hail had no influence with any except a few of the highest Chinese officials, and that these hail not deemed it necessary to notify the other officials of the role that they were to play. Mr. Williams, United States charge at Peking, writing on the 29th of May, said that the authorities at the Chinese capital did not at that time consider the action of the [apanese in visiting Formosa to be warlike. Mr. Henderson, the United States consul at Amoy, wrote June 1 st and 3rd that the Chinese had not hitherto " pretended to claim that part of the island where the savages reside, or in any manner to be responsible for their conduct," and that he had been so informed by "a high officer in the Chinese service."

The first inkling the Japanese had that the promptings of the foreign advisers had already produced the seeds of opposition, was the contents of the letter brought to General Saigo. This letter purported to be merely an answer to the despatch from (ieneral Saigo, which was delivered by Fuku-shima Kunari to Li Wo Nen, the viceroy of Fokien, notifying him of the departure of the expedition lor Formosa, as the result of the conference between Soyejima Taneomi and the members of the Tsung li vamen in the spring of 1873 ; conveying anew the desire of the Japanese government to maintain the most cordial relations with that of China, and asking that he, the viceroy, would use his efforts to prevent both his own subjects and foreigners from giving aid to the savages or supplying them with arms and ammunition or other materials of war. The viceroy's letter now stated that China claimed authority over that pan of the island,

l j8 i in: [Si \\i> I 'i 1'' >RM< >SA.

.uid expressed the wish that the Japanese general should withdraw his troops. Under any circumstances this communication was a subject to be settled bj diplomatic agencies, and a commanding officercould not allow it to affect the course of his operations, even were he so inclined. General Saigo

had been ordered to investigate the circumstances of the original murders, to enforce retribution, and to take measures to prevent the recurrence of massacres l>y the natives. The Chinese officers present furthermore proposed a joint expedition, Japan to accept a Chinese force to aid in punishing the Botans. But even had their aid been desirable from a militarj or diplomatic point of view, it would have been decidedly unwise to have joined hands with a people who wen- so intensely and. one might add, so justly hated by the savages.

After the Chinese officers had carried out their intention of representing the expedition in a friendly light to the people ol Liangkiau — which, inas-much as the people of that quarter refused to recognize Chinese authority, was received with the utmost indifference — the warship departed.

The [apanese in Formosa derived much satisfaction from the visit ol these officials. It now appeared that, regardless of the reports <>t certain foreign ministers, China was inclined to look upon the expedition as a justifiable one.

This was the condition of affairs in May : hut a month later, no doubt encouraged by the support that was given them by (Sir) Harry Parkes and others of the diplomatic corps in [apan, all was changed, the Chinese assuming an attitude which they could not lone maintain ami from which they were eventually forced to retire. Mr. Bingham, the United States minister had always keen a true friend of the Japanese, always heartily opposed to the system of oppressive interference which was exercised by many of his colleagues, and at every opportunity, both in private and in official communications, he had keen found supporting the Japanese in all their actions deserving of consideration. In the' Formosa affair alone he had deviated from his usual path and expressed himself as heartily displeased with the [apanese. The steamship New York was held hack at his instigation, and he was constant in his opposition to the Americans who had joined the expedition, and now protested that their early departure aboard the Yuko Main from Nagasaki had keen in violation of his instruc-tions. But as he hail issued no peremptory orders as minister of the United States that they should not go, they did not see tit to comply with his private wishes. It was, however, taken in a more serious sense by certain members of the Japanese government, with the result that Okuma Shigenobu was directed to hilly investigate the matter at Nagasaki, and later Okubo Toshi-michi, a member of the Imperial Council, was sent from Tokyo to further examine into the affair ami settle decisively all questions* as to the propriety of the successive methods adopted in the organization and workings of the expedition. I he conclusion was arrived at that the engagements of the American officers in no way conflicted with the public law of nations — a con elusion that was later confirmed by the opinion of the State Department at Washington. As to the expedition, Okul o stated that he was convinced

Mil. JAPANESE EXPEDITION 01 MAY, I <v> 7 4 . I39

that every reasonable precaution had been taken to preserve the good faith ami credit of the government. With regard to General Le Gendre, the only question raised was as to the (lace where his services could he best utilized. In consideration ol the difficulties which wen- now thrown upon them, it was decided that the capital would he the best place lor him to remain.

The presence of the commander-in-chief now in Formosa rendered it desirable that the whole subject should lie reviewed and a plan of action in dealing with the savages he determined upon.

The [apanese at the time of this expedition had apparently not entirely done away with the barbarous custom of decapitating dead bodies, which had been ;> regular accompaniment of Japanese warfare in all former times. Our author says it existed to no great extent, and probably would not have been begun at all hail not the Botans been so free with their knives, which incited some Japanese, principally Satsuma men. to retaliate in kind. 1 his retaliation led, however, to the identification of the son of the chief of the Botans, whose head was one of several which were carried from the battle-field, Evidence of the disabling of the chief Ak>k himself was also present. Me had been fatally wounded, and among the weapons picked up after the encounter his ^un was found.

General Saigo expressed strong disapproval ol the mutilation of the dead, and gave orders that it should not occur again. He approved the decision that had been agreed upon several days before, that the first two attacks, in which one soldier was killed and two wounded, should he passed over for the present : hut that the third hail, been upon too extensive a scale. The hormosans were watching closely to see what action the Japanese took, and to hesitate then would he to give confidence to the savages, who, in their own minds, would he convinced that the Japanese remained on the defensive because they were afraid. This might result in an aggressive combination of many tribes, an event which the Japanese naturally desired to avoid. At this time it should he noted, only the Botans and their closes! neighbors were known to he in alliance against the Japanese.

The discipline of some of the members of the force seems to have been decidedly doubtful, and control over them was exercised rather by the personal influence of the general than by the application of any strict rules. These men seemed to he semi-independent adventurers, seekers after martial lame, who were determined to he at the front at every opportunity, and if opportunities did not occur in the regular course ol events, to make them. Valor they had in abundance, hut in discretion and tact they were sadly lacking. An illustration of how much authorit) some of these volunteers assumed is furnished in the performance of a young interpreter, which came under the observation of our author.

" lie was a native of I tieen, the province in which the last Japanese rebellion occurr< J, ami many ui his friends anil family were concerned in thai ill-advised outbreak. Some of them committed suicide, and he himself fell under suspicion, and was closely watched in Tokyo, for a time, Kuowiug this, and longing for an opportunity to prove bis fidelity to the Government, lie asked for and received an appointment as one of the translators for this e He felt confident, although his functions were

those of a non-combatant, that hi uld find, or make, an occasiou for giviug some i i oual

devotion. A day or two after his arrival, he began to lay plans for private enterprises, lortv

which he carried into effect, somewhat to the am It was ho who led ofl a party

plorers un the 12th, and he also, after the murder of the Satsuma man, on the I7lh, wout inland 6u

THE isi vxi> i 'i FORMOSA.

his own accounl, to look into the affair. At last the forward movement of the 22nd gave liim his chance. Hi started ofl with his rifle and plenty .if ammunition, forgetting his hat and coat in his eagerness to get to the front. Being observed, and asked what he was about, he replied that he guessed he was out deer-hunting abiti ted by experiences in Yezo, where he had long resided. That was the

last seen of him until he oame into camp at nightfall bringing three heads with him. [regret to say that he had cut them off himself. I suppose it would not he fair to regret that lie had killed their owners, the work oi destruction being a foregone conclusion, and he having so much more to gain — at least from his point oi view than any of his associates, by taking a prominent part in the day's work."

When the rattling of musketry was heard in camp at the commence-ment of the engagement of the twenty-second, die inhabitants of the villages in the Liang-kiau valley expressed their desire to join in the fighting against the Botans, and appeared on the scene with their rude weapons ready for instant combat. There seemed to be no doubt that the Botans were not only the enemy of strangers, but of their own neighbors as well, and there was no lack of friendly advances from many quarters, as soon as the news of the defeat of Alok had spread abroad.

The camping place proved not unhealthy, for although the intense heat still continued, most of the Japanese who were prostrated by it at first, were sunn in good health, and all but one oi the wounded eventually recovered.

I he [apanese soldier, compared with his European compeer ot that time, surely lived in luxury. He was relieved from the fatiguing labors of the held and even of the light task ol preparing his rations. I lis food, of the best to be procured and in profuse quantities, was brought to his tent, and beer and spirits were added if he needed them. When off duty, he lounged about in loose cotton robes and straw slippers freely provided for him, and il he was not happy, he should have been. Nine-tenths of the troops were young men from twentj to twenty-five years oi age, Quarrels were unheard ot, and the serenity at all times, except when in chase of the enemy, was uninterrupted. The national love of personal cleanliness was easily gratified by the nearness of the sea and the rivers, in which the men could dip a dozen times a day. The anxiety for cleanliness about the camp evidently did not exist to any great extent, and sanitary laws, if then: were any, were wofully disregarded. Masses of refuse and foul matter were allowed to collect about the tents, from which danger might have been apprehended, but the occupants remained unconcerned. It was not the future but the present that engaged their attention, and this was spent in slumber, social sports, and athletic contests on the sands near the camp.

The Japanese authorities were desirous of meeting the chief Isa that the\ might make known to him their intentions concerning the hostile tribes.

I he chief at first appeared apprehensive lest his party should be mistaken tor the enemy by outposts of Japanese, but upon being assured that the soldiers would be withdrawn from the place of rendezvous, he made known his consent. 1 laving made the journey and arrived at Miya's house in Sialiao, the place selected, he and his companions were immediately joined by the two Generals Saigo and Tani, Admiral Akamatsu, the American officers, and a few others. The chief "won the respect of all by his demeanor. For the first time in his life, he was confronting strangers, who, instead of re-cognizing his supremacy, were prepared to dispute it if necessary. I lis position was one that would have caused agitation to many a man whether diplomat or soldier ; but the savage was tranquil, composed, ami dignified.

i in: i.\r.\\i.M. expedition, \iw. [874. 141

The absence ofLe Gendre was very severely felt, tor he alone bj past experience was familiar with the organization, power, and location ofthe tribes. However, information already gained convinced the Japanese officers that the strength of the savages had been greatly over-estimated, and that the hundreds and thousands of usual accounts could more correctly be regarded as tens. In fact, the word tribe, as commonly used when speaking of the savages, gives an erroneous impression, for a so-called tribe, as the term is used in Formosa, practically means the occupants of a single village, and in the south it is unusual to find any village oi more than a couple of hundred inhabitants. There was also reason to believe that the entire number of Tokitok's former followers would not exceed three thousand persons, while the able-bodied fighting men would be very few. That the chief could not successfully oppose the Japanese with this small force must have been very evident to him, and left but one path for the proud savage to choose : he must submit to the Japanese demands. This would not be a difficult task, nor a humiliating one.

" Ou the part of the Japauese, it was desired that lsa should signify his friendliness by promising not to harbor or protect the Botans in any manner, and to hold as prisoners any fugitives that might escape into his territory; by 'allowing the Japanese free circulation among his villages, and such intercourse with his people as might become necessary during their expeditions to the interior; by sternly admonishing the Koalut and other tribes that had shown signs of animosity, of the danger they were incurring, and by making such arrangements in the seitlemeuts along the coa*t as would enable ships to anchor unmolested, and their crews to go on shore for water or provisions. These were the only demands presented, and the chief was repeatedly assured that whatever force the Japanese might bring to Formosa, and however powerful they might prove themselves against their enemies, they would ask nothing of their allies hut these few aud necessary evidences of a friendly dis-position. On the other hand, the Japanese proposed to guarantee immunity to the people for whose good behavior lsa would answer by issuing papers of protection to their ' head men,' and by sending them flags with certain inscriptions, the display of which would prevent all aggressions from the soldiers. In respouse, lsa readily agreed to the several requests, in a manner that implied a seuse of their moderation, aud in one or two instances went voluntarily far beyond the requirements in his offers of co-operation. He said, for example, that everything haviug now been made clear to him, he would sanction the free admission of the soldiers aud sailors wherever they needed to go ; that he did not believe the Koalut or any other tribes would hereafter oppose them, but if they did, he would himself come into the camp, guide the Japauese to the treacherous region, and assist them in punishing the breach of faith to the extent of utter exter-mination, if it must be. He objected, however, to visits from the inhabitants of the villages of the west coast, sayiug that he could uot have any dealings with them, and that their presence would lead to endless quarrels. He was, iu return, assured that there was no intentiou of forcing these or any other uuwelcome intruders upon him, and that there would certainly be uo interference in any of their local disagreements. With regard to the Botans, he signified an entire willingness to see them all extirpated, together with their unruly neighbors, the Kusukuts. It appeared to be established beyond a doubt that these two tribes were actually of the eighteen over which Tokitok had been supposed to rule, and that they did atone time form part of the confederation ; for, iu accepting the offer of the flags, lsa said that he should require only sixteen, that being the number of villages uow within his influence ; -the other two he left to the Japanese.

" The conference lasted about two hours. During the whole of it, the native chiefs, of whom there were four besides the leader and spokesman, sat upon one line of benches, while the principal Japanese aud American officers occupied another line, opposite to and parallel with them. The interpreter Johnson, who was a treasure of intelligence and acuteuess, stood at one end, nearest to the speakers. All that was said in English was translated by him into Chinese, which language, it now appeared, was understood by lsa, though he could not use it. He nodded at the end of each sentence, to signify his comprehension of the meaning, and gave his answers in the strauge rapid guttural accents of his own speech. It seems to be a language the souuds of which are produced almost entirely by the throat and tongue, hardly requiriug any movement of.tbe lips. While he was talking most emphatically, the muscles of his mouth were motionless, and it was often a question, iu the partial obscurity, whether he or one of his companions was speaking. Whatever he said was put into Chinese by one or another of his attendants, and thence into English by Johnson. His associates took very little part in the discussion. One of them showed con-siderable confusion when the recent misbehavior of the Koaluts wi sp ken of, and it turned out that he, though not the actual head of that tribe, was a sort of responsible agent for two or three villages, "f which Koalut was one. He endeavored to excuse the discharge of the fire arms at the time of the Jfishin's visit, and, I believe, declared that the Japanese had mistaken the shooting of birds, by some boys, for a hostile attack. It was not thought desirable to examine into the question at this particular time. One

request lsa had to make on his side, lie stated that the settlement belonging to his 1 pie which lay

nearest to the scene of the recent skirmish had been entered by soldiers aud coast inhabitants, aud S

I.|j I ill. ISLAND i H I ' IRMOSA.

of the hou fed, in oousequsnce of which the people had Med to the mountains, llo wished tlie

troops to be particularly notified (hat the village in question was not a fair object of attack. It was ex-plained to him tliat this, as well 8 rtain adjoining places, had beeu suspected of giving aid to the Botaus; but that if he would be answerable for them, aud it should be found they had beeu unjustly treated, they should not only be proti i bould receive ample compensation.

" All matters of business having been adjusted, the chiefs wore noj\ notified tluvt General Saigo had some presents to offer them, which were duly brought iu and dis" ributed, Tiny eousisted of two Buperb Japanese swords, packages of silk, woollen and cotton cloths, and a variety of what we .should call ' fauey goods.' They were uol received with much warmth, hut that was rather to be attributed to awkwardness, I imagine, than to iudiffereuoe. In return they handed over their gifts of dressed skins and live chickens, 111 loiiing that the cattle ware waiting outside and would be delivered in the morning. A few tubs of l;ip:ii. were added to the endowments of the aborigines, half a dozen cups of Chinese 'Sam-

shu' were handed around, and the meeting ended a little after midnight."

CHAPTER XII (PART 1 OF 3)

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION OF [874. JUNE— JULY.

Projected inarch— Estimated strength of Mirage tribes t'.S.S. " Houocacy " appears

Movement towards the inteHor- Ijalntrious progress Costume oj a war correspon-dent- -Arrival nt Stove Gate— Details of the engagement of Stone Gate Singular discovery of graves of the murdered Loochooans — Mountain climbing Native barricades— An Amiga rillagt — Capture and destruction oj Rotan and Kiisukut — Results of the expedition- -Third conference with savage tribes— Poire? of the Gatlings as explained by Johnson Voyage tu the east coast Reception In/ llir savages -New camp established — Tapanese explorations — Second risil from Chinese officials- — Personnel of tin- party — Yanagiwara the Japanese envoy in Peking — First suggestion of remonstrance from China — Conference in Shanghai — Violation of Chinese pledges — Interviews between General Saigo and Commissioner Pan IVi — Chinese visits to the interior— Einal conference -Local Chinese view <</' affairs — - Consternation among Chinese generally- — Chinese garrisons strengthened — Military improvements — View of the. inhabitants oj the north— Japanese at Khelai — Chinese expedition to Suao — Punic tinning Amoy Chinese — Action of United States officers — The viceroy's litter.

It was now time to devise plans for active operations, with the design of driving the hostile savages from their strongholds, occupying the principal posts, and keeping open the avenues of communication. \\ hile it had been found that the number of savages to be conquered was much less than had been expected, difficulties of travel in the interior wen- far greater than had been anticipated. The opportunities of foreigners for personal observation had been so limited, and their information, such as it was, not now being available the march was to the expedition a trip into an unknown territory.

The headmen of the Liangkiau valley had given estimates which placed the number of effective men of the whole eighteen tribes at 2,360. ' < >t all

1 Botan 250

Sawali 220

KuBukut 190

Mantsui 175

Kudiilai 165

1'iuingi KJU

Peiqu 86

Koatan 60

Koalufc 50

I'akolut 155

Siapuli U3

< lauantao 130

I j- .put 126

Cbinakai 120

J.iiiKluau lit

Bayn 'M

Tuilasok 74

Chiksia 58

these tribes only two were known to be openly in arms against the Japanese, — the Botans and Koaluts, but a few other villages wen- thought to be in sympathy with them, though they had not so far expressed any hostile in-tentions. If the information was correct, there were at the outside not more than 375 <>r 400 men to be overcome. Thirty had already been killed or had died from wounds. The number seemed insignificant enough, but the real strength of the enemy was in the formation of the country, affording, as it did, natural barriers which for foreigners were extremely difficult of penetration. Of their absolute inaccessibility the savages were themselves com inced.

It was first of all necessary to gain some knowledge ol the roads and

passes, ami the general topography oi the savage districts. It any successtul engagements should take place with hostile natives, so much the better, but it was not expected that any opposition would be met with. To accomplish this survey, it was arranged that three columns should be sent out with instructions to concentrate in the heart of the hostile territory. 1 he-departure was commenced on the first of June, having been delayed on account of heavy rains, which fell on the 24th .May: tin- roads being in some places almost impassable, and the rivers were so swollen that it was extremely dangerous to ford them.

These storms, which were of frequent occurrence, came with great suddenness, raging with fun for two or three hours, ami then giving way in the day time to an intolerable heat lasting for an hour, which was then followed by a fresh deluge. At night it was the same, except that the alternations of heat were omitted.

On May 20th, the I'.S.S. Mmwcacy had appeared in the harbor in the morning, but. owing to the very unfavorable weather, left without being able to communicate with shore, in fact she was at one time in considerable danger. Her visit was intended as one of observation, and the United States consul at Amoy was on hoard as a passenger.

The first detachment of troops, five hundred in number, was sent to Hongkong, a settlement some six miles north of headquarters, which was still in the territory independent of China, the practical authority of the empire extending then only as far south as Pangliau, some twenty-five miles distant. The next day, three hundred men started east-ward for the scene of the "Stone Gate" skirmish of May 22nd, and the third column, numbering four hundred men. marched to the south-east towards Chiksia.1

1. The general purposes of these combined movements were stated as follows: " The headquarters of the hostile tribes were known to be Botan and Kusukut. A few tributary settlements in their neighbor-hood were believed to be held by their men, and it was tolerably well nscertained that the northern roads, as far a* Ninai, wore in their possession. The J ity assigned to the Hongkong force, under Geueral Tani, was to proceed to Ninai, starting before suurise on the :ind,and to descend as rapidly as possible to Botan. The Chiksia column, under Admiral Akamatsu, was to move upon Kusukut. The central body, which was led by General Saigo, was to pass over the difficult road from the •• Stone Gate" lo either Kusukut or Botan, as might be desirable. This road, which is, in fact, nothiug but the roughest kind of mountain-pass, ins known to be not only full of natural impediments, but, also to have been artificially obstructed by the enemy; circumstances, which account for r I ■ - - greati r length of time allowed for the troops to reach their destination."

r III: JAPANESE EXPEDITION, JUNE-JL'LY, 1^74. I45

For various reasons, the foreign officers accompanied the central bod) under command of General Saigo. Our author also chose that route that lie might examine with closeness the scene of the conflict of May 22nd. which he had known by observation from only one side. That the march was not without considerable hardship is evident. The sun was at its fiercest, and the streams to be lorded, although some were not passed without difficulty, were most gladly welcomed. The advantage ol a campaign in savage territory was that it at least permitted a disregard of personal appearance, and our author, who (bund that a suit of thin "pajamas" a straw hat, an umbrella, and a pair ol straw sandals was the- proper uniform for a journalist in the tropics, mentions that he was humorously con gratulated by an officer on being able to go to war in a sleeping dress.

The Japanese soldiers wore close fitting leg-coverings from the knee to the ankle, and soft thick sandals, both familiar articles of Japanese dress, while extra sandals were carried suspended from the waists. Leather shoes were entirely unsuitable for such a march. With the alternate swelling and shrinking from soaking and sudden drying, leather shoes became extremely painful to the wearer, while the sharp stones of the hills tore them to ra.es long before the completion of the journey.

As the expedition drew near to the circle of hills inland, the country was found to be of much richer verdure than on the coast and alone the Liang kiau valley, which for the greater part was destitute of trees. As they slowly ascended, patches of shrubbery and clusters of willows by the side of the rivers were seen, but such views were not frequent, as a rule the country still preserving a rugged and barren appearance. It was not until reaching the neighborhood of the " Stone Gate " that abundant foliage was seen. Here the trees on the hills showed a luxuriant growth.

They passed through the gate about noon, and the opportunity was taken to gain a closer view of the locality which was the scene of the memor able little engagement now familiarly known as the "Battle of Stone date." It was a brilliant affair for the [apanese, only some forty of whom were actually engaged, and was the single opportunity of distinguishing themselves they had during the expedition. The savages needed no second lesson, and were willing to bow in submission to the conquerors from that time forward. Mr. 1 louse describes the engagement as follows : —

" The situation held by the Botaus appears as Dearly impregnable a^ am stronghold possibl) c m be. The sides of the "Stone Gate" are two rocky acclivities which rise at sharp angles, and often per-pendicularly, to a height of nearly five hundred feet on one side and four hundred and fifty on the other. The distance between them, at the base, is about thirty feet, which is entirely tilled by a rapid stream that dashes in foam over rough rocks through the greater leugth of the pass, and is waist deep at its only fordable point. Kxcept uuder pressure of the most desperate necessity, uo one would ever dream of attempting to scale these heights; and in fact no earthly power could accomplish such a task if any attempt, however feeble, were made to defeud them. The crag on the ri-iit hand pillar i> tupped by sharp spires not uulike the ucedles of the Chamouni valley in form — though of course much smaller— and certainly as forbidding iu their defiance to intruders. But over this barrier a score of Japanese marine^ did actually pass, with the view of assailing the savages from above.

" Before the action really began, a few shots were fired at the advancing line from a rude fortification that had beeu thrown up just within the right side of the gate— that is, to the left of the Whether this was intended only as an outpost, or not, I cannot say. but it was hurriedly abandoned on the approach of three of the unattached volunteers of whom 1 have spoken, who took possession of it and remained there for some time, quite unconscious that the enenn were lying concealed behind rocks and trees within a few yards of them. It did not suit the purposes of the Botaus to destroy them, which they might easily have doue. their plan being to lie iu wait for a greater uuinbct of Victims. Iu Course of

I III. ISLAND ' 'I Fi 'KM' >^\.

1 1 1 lie Borne twenty-five other Japanese oajne iuto tin ]>ti-^, carelessly aud withoul precaution, as is their injudicious custom ami began looking about for tin: ford. When all exposed, and fur tlic

moment defenceless, tiny were fired upou from a distance of oertainly not more than forty feet, ami in

some cases loss. By this first discharge two or thr f th were killed, and more than half of

them were wouuded. They immediately sought such concealment as they oould Bud among the rocks wbioh aro soattered over the !><-il of the river. Ihe Botans held a tolerably regular line ol boulders, which creates a sort of fall or rapid just above the ford; and thus, for several minutes, the opposing silently confronted each other. As nearly as 1 could learn, by close inquiry from natives and others, there were about seventy savages present. 01 oourse the Btrength of tbeir position gave them advantages equivalent to au infinitely greater superiority of numl

•• liter the few inactive moments of which 1 have spoken, other Japanese began to enter the pass and

establish themselves, and. at the same time, some of the wounded endeavored to retire. This was the icond discharge from the Botans, But, in rising to fire, they partially uncovered their bodies, which was at once taken advantage of by the Japanese, who threw in an effective volley, under cover of which some succeeded in shifting their position t" points a little nearer the enemy. This manoeuvre was several times repeated, a soldier rising purposely, in ease of need, to draw the tire of the defenders. By these means all the Japanese gradually worked themselves closer, hut the progress was so Blow and the number of the wouuded increased to such an extent that the oliieer iu command. Colonel Saknma, ordered the bugles to sound a recall. Nobody oould misconstrue such a command, coming from Sakuma, his reputation for bravery i" action having been long ago established, hut as the greatest of English Bailors was once blind to a signal for retreat, so these ardent pioneers were deaf to 'his unwelcome strain. Not to put too tine a point upon it. I suppose I must admit that they disobey, d orders: but I have not learned that anybody has since greatly blamed them for it. 1 afterward heard one of these contumacious warriors, when called upon to give his reason for not returning, say that it would have been more dangerous to go bad; than to advance, and that me e prudence would have kept him where he was. lie was reminded, however, that he had been seen to leave his place, rejoin the main body, and then return to the lighting ground ; to which be answered, with some embarrassment, that it was true, but lie had been compelled to do as he did, as he had a wounded comrade who had been shot, just beside him, in the arm and the stomach, to assist to the rear

" Thus irregularly, and with no directions except those suggested by their own minds to the partici-pators, the contest went on for nearly an hour, the Japanese steadily, though very slowly, getting nearer their opponents. It might bo supposed that a sudden rush would have' put an end to the business, as indeed it would have done on dry land, in anything like a fair field. But here the soldiers were up to their waists iu a stream the current of which was so powerful that they could only with great effort force their way against it. The best and only thing they could do was to watch their opportunity and creep from behind one rock to another. At length, Colonel Sakuma conceived the idea that a small body of riflemen might ascend the cliff, to bis left, and assist iu dislodging the savages by firing upon them from that commanding height. About twenty marines started npon this errand, and, after a ■ ere struggle, reached the summit. 'Their task was undoubtedly the most laborious of the day. It was not only difficult, but dangerous as well, for no previous attempt had ever been made to effect a passage, and the whole acclivity was iu its primitive condition of unbroken irregularity. Prom the bottom, many parts of it looked like sections of smooth and polished stone, affording no hold for feet or hands. As they worked their way upward, the sealing party seemed to be clinging and crawling by the aid of some insect-like property of adhesion, and not by human efforts: and the ibility of their accomplishing the work was often doubted by those who watched them. At last, after many disappearances in chasms and crevices, or behind coucealiug masses of rock, they sprang upon the topmost ledge with gestures of triumph and ■.bouts that, though only faintly beard, were vigorously echoed in the valley. By this time the Botans were closely pressed from below. Some of the attacking party bad approached so near them that their boulders no longer afforded them a secure protection. One Or two had already tuned and tied when the marines appeared over their heads. 'That sight decided the matter. They broke in a body, and made for the river. banks, leaving sixteen of their number dead behind them, of those who escaped, fourteen were mortally wounded among them, as has previously been stated, the leader of the Botau tribe Of the UUlubei of less severely wounded we never had any account. Our own casualties were six killed and thirty wounded, all but 011c of the latter of whom recovered."

From Stone Gate and beyond, the course of the river, which was be-lieved to 1>e that which flows into Liangkiau Bay, north ol Sialiao, runs for nearly a mile through a narrow plain. About halfway there, the expedition turned from tile river to the left, and began an abrupt ascent. In passing through <>ne of the several deserted villages belonging to the half castes or people of Chinese descent, in the plain below, the remarkable discovery was-made ol the actual graves of the murdered Loochooans whose deaths the expedition was there to avenge. It was a striking coincidence that there, upon the threshold ol the Botan country, the troops should be reminded ol the cause of their coming. The inscriptions on boards erected above the graves

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were explicit, and after inquiry made it clear that the men were really buried there. Regarding their deaths the Liangkiau people had reported that the

wrecked part) were mistaken by the Botans, into whose hands they had fallen, for Chinese, and in hopes of a reward, they were brought by them across to the nearest Chinese speaking village. The Chinese of course did

not recognize them, and although told that, unless a hundred dollars were paid for them, they would he killed on the spot, did nothing to save them, but on the contrary, according to some reports, expressed themselves ;is ready to join in the slaughter, and did so.

Proceeding, the march became hourly more difficult, until less than a mile an hour could be done. Numerous mountain streams were forded and steep hill sides scaled, until at last the troops reached the highest elevation of a lotty ridge, beyond and below which could be seen a deep valley. Upon entering the valley, however, rapid progress was still impossible, owing to the numerous barricades made by the savages by means of felled trees and interlaced houghs. These obstructions increased, until bj night-fall the part}- was confronted by a maze of barricades, in which the largest trees yet seen in the island were thrown across the pathways in such tangled profusion, that to pierce through them was practically impossible. It required perhaps half an hour to clamber over one, and there were always more beyond, causing such delay that all hope of reaching Botan that daj was abandoned, and the order was given to encamp that night where they were. The soldiers, worn out by the day's exhausting march, were soon asleep in the open, regardless of the painful positions in which they wen-obliged to lie, caused by the sharp stakes and twisted boughs that were everywhere about. Little did these tired, hungry men then know that only a quarter of a mile ahead was a village with water and food in abundance and with comparatively luxurious sleeping quarters. General Saigo, a man ol powerful frame, and less sensitive to fatigue than many others, hail with a lew companions pushed on and reached this favored spot believing that tin-others would follow. General Saigo, however, was evidently not wholly insensible to the hardships of the situation, for it is said that his hunger was so great, that he slilv dug potatoes from th<- field with his own hands and devoured them raw on the spot.

Early next morning the troops arrived at the village, which was found to be a place of little importance. King about seven miles from the western and two miles from the eastern coast, and containing only a dozen houses, all built in the same way — eight posts set in the ground, straw plaited over and between them, and a fragile upper frame supporting a thatched root. This village, it was later learned, was called Amiya after the people who inhabited it. This tribe, which is scattered in various parts of the south, is looked upon as an inferior one, and is allowed to exist solely because ol its weakness, which is taken advantage of by its stronger neighbors, who force its members to perform menial services.

Botan was soon discovered, not far distant, and a few shots were fired from the thicket as the soldiers approached, slightlv wounding two or three

14's 111!'. rS] AM' O] i < iRM< ISA.

nl the part) . A volley was fired in return which silenced the assailants. The place was then burned and the troops encamped in the vicinity.

The column commanded by Admiral Akamatsu had reached Kusukut, its destination, on the afternoon of the 22nd, but on attempting to enter. it was received by a sudden tire from an ambuscade. 1 hree Japanese were killed and two wounded. The savages were speedily driven from their position, the houses of Kusukut destroyed, aad a cam]) pitched not tar distant. Early the next morning the column started with the view ot joining General Saigo, but owing to difficult roads and the ignorance of the guides, they travelled all night only to find themselves close to " Stone Gate " in the morning. Hence, however, it was an easy matter to follow the course of the central party, and the column arrived at Amiya about noon.

Nothing having been heard ol the Hongkong party under command of General Tani, which was to have left for the interior before daylight on the 2nd, small squads were sent by various northern pathways to gain news ol it if possible, and also to burn all deserted villages identified with the interests of the enemy. The latter task was completed, but no information was obtained regarding the missing column. In consequence of this, another night was spent at Amiya, and on the morning of the 4th, the missing column arrived, having been delayed owing to the bad condition of the roads.

CHAPTER XII (PART 2 OF 3)

It was now decided that as all the villages of the offending savages had been destroyed, the main body should return to Sialiao to prepare for further operations on the east coast, leaving sufficient men to guard and

keep open the communications in the captured districts.

( >n the return trip, our author was the subject of an act of noble heartedness, which is so worthy of being recorded that I quote it here: ' 1 he last two or three miles were as bitter as any I ever passed over, hut I was happily stimulated, at the most depressing point, by a charming little trait of kindness and good feeling. Several wounded soldiers were carried by me in litters, most of them King at full length, and speechless. One, however, was sitting upright, his injuries being such as to make that position the least painful to him. I lis arm was shattered and the flesh of his breast was toin away. Seeing that I was limping along with an extremely awkward gait, he stopped his carriers, and asked what was the matter. I told him that my feet had been bruised and cut, whereupon he insisted that I should throw away my useless shoes, and take his cloth socks and sandals. ' You see, he said '1 have no use for them now.' This was from a man who, while suffering from two dreadful wounds, spoke in the brightest tone, and smiled as cheerfully when he spoke, as if he had lain on a bed of roses. For a tew moments, certainly as long as he was in sight, I strode erect and forgot that I had ever felt a smart."

I he kind treatment extended to the Americans of the party, was con-sidered by them to he such as was not often found in close alliance with the rigors ot rough campaigning, and was often commented upon by them.

I fpon returning to the headquarters camp, the troops rested and refreshed themselves. It was evident that no further general movement would be

Illi: JAPANKSE EXPEDITION, JUNF.-JUI.Y, I S 74 . 149

necessary for some time to come. The heat, although much greater than in any part of fapan, was, owing to the cool sights, such ;h could be tolerated without excessive discomfort. Much had been accomplished in a few weeks which, it had been thought, would require months ; and that even then the Japanese would he unsuccessful, was the opinion of the Chinese officers who were visitois the month before. Their own government, they said, had some time before undertaken the subjugation of the savages, in a war which lasted over a dozen years, and had then to abandon the enter-prise as hopeless. It was true that the Botans believed themselves invinci-ble, and were generally so regarded by their neighbors. Yet scarcely thirty days had elapsed ere the Japanese were in supreme control.

A third conference was held with the headmen of the friendly tribes, with a view to establishing ports on the east coast. Flags were distributed as had been previously promised, to be used as symbols of friendliness, and thus guard against unwelcome visitations. The recipients were Isa of Sawaii, Kalutoi of Mantsui, Sinjo of Pakolut, Lulin of Laput, Pinali of Lin-guan, Minat of Tuilasok, and a representative of the Koalut chief. It was finally agreed, but not without some hesitation on the part of the chief, that the Japanese should occupy temporarily a piece of land on the east coast as an additional point of departure against the tribes. Offers of payment were made by the Japanese, but declined by the savages. After consider-able persuasion the)' were induced to go to the camp, not far distant, ami to visit the general's tent. There they were evidently not at their ease, and stayed only long enough to receive a few gifts of colored cloth and pictures, and to catch a glimpse of the Gatling guns, which they begged might not be fired. Their extreme anxiety over this matter was better understood, when it was later discovered that the interpreter Johnson had represented (ladings as being endowed with the extraordinary power of projecting missiles across the island, over and even through the mountains, at the pleasure of the operators.

( >n the 1 ith of June, after a passage lasting from ten in the morning until three in the afternoon, the frigate Niskin under the command of Ad-miral Akamatsu, assisted by Major Fukushima, passed the bay in which the Rover tragedy had occurred, and reached a small indentation previously selected as a landing place, which, although affording but slight protection from gales, was one of the very few points on the east coast where land-ings could be made. Even on their arrival, when the sea was comparatively calm, it was with considerable difficulty that fifty marines and some others were- landed. Three chiefs, with their followers were at hand to welcome the Japanese, and three of the flags given the day before were seen among them. A blazing fire had been built by them, with what design no one could conjec-ture. The savages apparently expected the new comers to sit down, and were somewhat concerned at their unwillingness to subject themselves to any heat besides that which the mid-day summer sun was already supplying. The savages were in much better humor than the\ had before been, and seemed

to be at ease. During the afternoon numbers of aborigines and natives ol Chinese descent came in from various directions. The) were all heavily

I 50 THE M ami < '!■' n IRMI SA.

armed, but prompt in their protestations of friendship, which were expressed l>v placing the liand upon the breast to signify, it is said, that the heart is good. Among the arrivals was the Koalut chief himself, who now near his native domain was devoid of fear. He was a small man with a wreath of (lowers tastefully woven into his hair, and is represented as having an effemi-nate face and large mild eyes ; yet this man was the leader of the most bloodthirsty tribe, except the Botans, in the south. Another of the visitors was noticeable for a most extensive decoration composed of leaves and twigs, while another, the son of a chief, was embellished with a pheasant's plume o! great length. While thus prettily dressed with the simple adorn-ments of nature, they were disfigured by bored ears, and lips stained with betel-nut juice. A feast was prepared by the chiefs, consisting of rice and eggs ami sweet potato samshu, which liquor when heated, was passed around with persistent and. to the foreign guests present, oppressive hospi tality. It was very evident that with the natives the samshu was the powerful part of the feast, and it was not long before its effect became noticeable, in the increasing jollification, and the affectionate tenderness which the natives were showing towards each other.

liven Isa himself, who had during the afternoon conducted himself with unbending dignity, began to make jokes, and several times "distorted his face in what was intended to he a smile." When accompanying the for-eigners to their boats, he kicked about the sand involuntarily, and pretended he had done it out ol pure gaiety. When last seen by our author, " I le was trying to walk through a fishing net that hung in his way, but of which he was as oblivious, lor the moment, as ol the ancient lends of his race." It was an extraordinary affair, this demonstration of thorough good feeling, on a shore which had never before hen approached by strangers without excit-ing hostility, and in a spot which only twenty days previously had witnessed a murderous attack on the part of the inhabitants, against the very guests ol to-day.

The following day the camp was pitched, the process being scrutinized, apparently with interest, by an English gunboat that had followed the Xis//iu the dav- before.

On the 14th, General Tani with the latest reports was conveyed to

Nagasaki, on hoard a small transport which also carried many invalids. Two days later Admiral Akamatsu and .Major Fukushima sailed in the Nishin for China, hearers of despatches to the [apanese minister at Peking.

I he ground first occupied between the two rivers of Liang-kiau valley having keen found inconvenient, unhealthy, and generally unsuitable, a new encampment was made to the south of Sialiao, on a level plot of ground some twenty acres in extent, slightly elevated above the sea. and open to the breezes at all times. A healthy, airy site.

I here was but little to interest the participants of camp life. ( )nce a week or so, a company comingin from the mountains, and another departing to take its place. An arriving steamer at rare intervals, bringing news-papers and letters from Japan. And occasionally, they gathered together

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION, (UNE-JUI.V, 1874. 1^1

to hear the narratives <>l Japanese explorers who had returned from various parts of the interior, whither they had been sent to gather information. Major Fukushima had already travelled extensively through the Chinese districts, but the later observers went exclusively among thesavages. From these latter reports, it appeared that the different tribes were alike ignoranl of all but the rudest methods of cultivating their small fields of rice, tobacco, and potatoes. Of the same wild and barbarous nature, they were also alike in their hatred for the Chinese, whose skulls formed prominent displays in all villages, as a result ot the frequent headrhunting expeditions. The occasional visits of friendly headmen from the interior also afforded some relaxation. Imitations to visit their native homes wen- numerous, but failed to afford a lasting pleasure.

Relief from the excessive monotony oi the situation came in the unexpected arrival, on the 21st ot fune, of two Chinese ships of war from the north, which anchored in the usual place in Liang-liau Bay, about two miles distant. On hoard were, according to a message sent ashore. "Certain officials of high rank, who had been commissioned by the govern ment of Peking especially to confer with the Japanese representatives in Formosa with a view to the adjustment of all questions concerning the present condition of affairs, and to establish satisfactory arrangements for the future."

They landed early the next morning, and were escorted by Japanese troops, looking unusually picturesque, half of them being clad in the old national war costume, and the other half in the modern military garb, to the village of Chasiang, a mile north of the old camp, where quarters had been obtained for them. Every consideration and respect was shown them 1>\ the [apanese, and to such an extent that it was commented upon by the foreign attaches accompanying the visitors.

fhe part\ consisted of an officer named Fan YVi, who indirectly repre sented the central government; Ya Hen Lin, the taotai or governor of

Chinese Formosa; an assistant of the latter, and Messrs. Giquel and de Segonzac, two French gentlemen long connected with the administration of the Foochow arsenal, and high in the confidence of the Chinese authorities.

A conference was at once granted, General Saigo representing the Japanese. Arriving at the old headquarters, after a tew formal salutations, the conversation was opened with the announcement that the principal Chinese delegate, Shen Pao Chen, was detained by sickness at Taiwan-fu, and so could not he present. Inquiries were then made by Pan, asking if a copy of the report of certain interviews, held at Shanghai between himself and Yanagiwara, the fapanese minister to Peking, had been received, and he was informed by General Saigo that the) had not.

It is here necessary to state that the Japanese official in question who was a skilled attache of the Foreign ( >frice. Tokyo, had received his appointment without reference to the question in hand, and. having keen delayed in leaving Tokyo owing t<> the manifestations of foreign interference, did not reach Shanghai until the 20th of May. He carried

I 52 THE ISLAND OJ FORMOSA.

credentials which had been prepared as early as the 8th <>! April, the chief purport of which was to again assure the Tsung Li Yamen of the friendliness of [apan. While Yanagiwara was on his way. the first word of formal warning that the Chinese government might be moved to take a suspicious view of the [apanese proceedings was sent in a despatch from Peking to Tokyo. This document, while admitting that the subject had been previously discussed at the time of the visit of Soyezima in 1873, lHlt forth the pretence that the Yamen had never supposed that it was intended to send an armed force to Formosa. To attempt to ileal with the hostile savages without an armed force to fall hack on, must have appeared as preposterous to the Chinese, as the statement did to both foreigners and Japanese.

Upon the arrival at Shanghai ol Yanagiwara, he was visited by Pan W'i. then on his way to Formosa. The interview which resulted seems to have been encouraged by the Japanese envoy, principally with the idea of ascer-taining the views of the Chinese government, for the Chinese official seems to have gained nothing except the advice to abandon the trip to Formosa, for although General Saigo's powers in the internal management of Formosa were full and unrestricted, he had no authority to adjust disputes that might arise between the two governments. This information evidently did not discourage the Chinese Commission, Coras stated above, they arrived in For-mosa tor the purpose of securing an interview with Saigo.

Pan Wi having put his question in regard to the report of the Shanghai meeting, and received his answer from General Saigo, the interview continued

as follows : —

" He (Pan Wi) proceeded to express his regret that a notification had not been sent to China in regard to the intention of the Japanese to visit Formosa, and punish the offending savages. If such warning had been given in time,, the Chinese government would have supplied a force to accompany the Japanese, and assist in the operations — but the work having now been completed, it was too late for China to attempt to participate. Saigo answered that word bad certainly been sent to declare and explain the purposes of his government, and, furthermore, that Soyezima, the Japanese ambassador, had requested the whole subject to be examined, at the time of his visit, one year ago. The Chinese

commission,-! said it was quite true that a messenger had recently passed through China with letters from the Japanese authorities, but that the bad condition of the roads between Foochow and Peking bad mad<) it impossible for him to deliver his news in time. Saigo remarked that it was a mistake t" suppose thai the work was entirely done, and that he expected to be obliged to remain yet souie time, to execute all the instructions of his government and BBCUre guarantees for the future safety of his countrymen; to which the commissioner replied that he understood and respected that view of the affair, and did not dispute the general's right to entertain it. He entirely comprehended the purposes of the Japanese and admitted the propriety of their fulfilment; but, inasmuch as the whole of Formosa, with all its inhabitants, savages and others, belonged t" Cbina.it became the duty of the Chinese authorities, also, to inquire as to who had been the assailants in the slaughter of the Loo-chooans, in 1871, anil to discover, in a more general way, who among the population were well-behaved and who were criminals : this was one of the most important parts of the service with which he was Charged, The taotni of Taiwan then observed that he had heard it was the intention of the Japanese to attack the aboriginal settlement of Pilam, on the eastern coast, and be wished to inquire if this was true. The question, for some reason, was not answered, — possibly because the fact of Japan having no cause whatever of Complaint against Pilam rendered it unworthy of a serious reply. The commissioner next produced bis own record of the interview, before alluded to, between Pan and Yanagiwara. which Saigo read and found to contain, on the part of the Japanese minister, a repetition of the frequently declared object of his government,— namely, to destroy or sufficiently punish the Botan murderers, by means ot an expedition which should furthermore take effective measures to prevent the recurrence of such outrages. This document having been lead, the Commissioner said he would like to know what plan the general had decided upon, if any, for the prevention of future misdeeds. In response. Saigo stated that he undoubtedly bad a plan which seemed to him suitable and sufficient, but be did not think it desirable to reveal it, especially as his operations were still in progress. The savage tribes were not yet completely brought to terms, and his troops were scattered in various parts of Southern Formosa, audit seemed to him altogether inexpedient to communicate

the details ..f hi- plan The commissioner said that be bad come t" Formosa by the direction of his

the Japanese expedition, june-jUly, 1874, 153

government, to superintend tlie settlement of the affairs of the entire disturbed district, in co-operation with the Japanese commander; and asked if the latter had nothing to disclose, with a view to mutually carrying out this design. Saigo answered that he also came under very distinct directions from hi.s government, but that they related solely to the punishmenl of the savages and the security

of life for the future, ami did not contemplate anj -operation with Chinese officials; that on his

arrival he found that the Chinese-speaking ] pie of the region were in no way under the control of

China, and that the savages were utterly wild and lawless, beyond the control of everybody, and requiring to l>e dealt with by a vigorous hand. This he had done by himself, and he had now no scheme of co-operation to propose, nor could he accept or submit to any. The commissioner — counselled, I think, )>y the foreign gentlemen beside him, though 1 must not be positive on this point — continued to press his proposal for repeated eonfeivnees and combined action, but Saigo steadily declined, particularly as these suggestions were always accompanied by declarations that the legitimate sway of China extended over all Formosa and its people — a position which the Japanese general was

not disposed to admit, conceiving that the question had already been debated and adjusted by Boyezima in Peking, and that, under any circumstances, it was not necessary for liim to discuss it

here. In fact, he remarked that it the commissioner desired t ntinue discussions based on that

theory, he thought it would be more appropriately done through the Japanese envoy to the Chinese court— that it was more correctly a subject of negotiation between the two nations than between individual commissioners at a distant point."

This concluded the official pari of the meeting, but arrangements were made for a second interview on the 24th lor the presentation of certain points held in reserve by the Chinese.

The Chinese were evidently disposed to make up for lost time in attempting to establish friendly relations with the natives, for the next day was spent in sending communications to the independent coast villages and messengers with presents, etc., to those savage tribes, with, of course, the exception of the Botans and Kusukuts, who, as a result of the exertions of the Japanese, could now be visited with safety.

The last and most important conference between the Japanese general and the commissioner began on the afternoon of fune 24th and was con-tinued through the 25th. Our author reviews it as follows :

"The results arrived at promised a speedy termination of the active operations of the Japanese-Although the refusals of Saigo to assume the responsibility of absolute decision were as positive as ever, he nevertheless found it possible to promise that the Chinese proposals should he forwarded, with favorable endorsements, to his government, and to indicate his personal satisfaction with their general tenor. There would have been slight occasion for subsequent proceedings, if the course of the Chinese officials bad been sustained by those who sent them, and the conditions which they expressed themselves ready and empowered to fulfill had been faithfully and promptly executed by their superiors. It is hardly desirable to follow minutely the course of a conversation which extended over so many hours, and in which many points were introduced, at times, which proved to be irrelevant to the final settlement. Each party conducted his side of the discussion in the way that best suited his individual or national character, The Chinese officer was circumspect, deliberate, war)', and highly polished in tone and expression. General Saigo was frank and straightforward, and, though always courteous in manner of speech, was, f presume, far too abrupt in his declarations of determined conviction to suit the circuitous smoothness of Chinese statecraft. A single instance will show the vast difference in the methods of treating the ques-tions at issue adopted by the two men. The topic of the future control of the savages was under consi-deration. China's representative declared the readiness of his government to give pledges that they would maintain a sufficient force to keep perfect order in future. The general replied to the effect that he did not doubt that pledges would be given, hut was by no means assured that they would be adhered to with fidelity. On being asked why, he intimated that the whole course of the Chinese, in the Formosa busi-ness, bad been one of duplicity ; that they perfectly well knew the Japanese causes of complaint two years ago, and now pretended ignorance of them up to a late period : that they bad disclaimed jurisdic-tion over the savage territory until within a few weeks, and now announced that they had always assumed it ; that it had been open to them at any time since 1871 to punish the Botans, by themselves, for the massacre of the Japanese subjects, whereas they now affected great regret at not having been invited to accompany the expedition for chastising them, and that, all things considered, he did not believe they would keep the savages in subjection, even if they promised to. Whereupon Pan Wi flew into a rage, prudently directing his ire, however, not toward the general, but against the interpreter, whom he accused of falsely translating what Saigo had said ; averring that it was impossible that the Japanese commander could have used such language, and directing him to report to bis master exactly the rebuke he bad received. But it is not at all in Saigo's nature to accept a proposal [or this sort of evasion, so be stated that his interpreter was not at all responsible, and repeated bis conviction ; but added, when the commissioner gave indications of irrepressible wrath, that if this particular subject was disagreeable, it could be abandoned for a while, and resumed al another time. Episodes lib this were certainly not frequent, hut their occasional occurrence served to show that the Japanese officer would not

CHAPTER XII (PART 3 OF 3)

i S I l Hi: ISLAND <>\ i ' 'KM' ^\.

agree to any terms of settlement that should not strictly hind the Chinese to the oomplete fultilmeui of all their obligations. This detail i~ anticipatory. From the beginning, the sole desire of the comniis. doner, 1'an, seemed to be to establish the right of his government to jurisdiction over the whole of the soil of Formosa. Equally from the beginning, the Japanese general pointed out how repeatedly that claim had been waived. At the same lime, he did not. hesitate to assure the Chinese oflieial that tho Japanese had no purpose of attempting to wrest from China even an imaginary possession. His design was, as it had always been, to inflict a necessary punishment, and establish a state of security for tho future. Gradually, the idea was brought forward, on the other side, that the difficult; might be arranged by China's assuming the task of preserving peace throughout the disturbed region hereafter. Then arose the amusing little break io the discussion which 1 have described above. In course of time the suggestion arose and gained favor that the Chinese might give substantial guarantees of their intentions. This grew out of an intimation, on the part of the Japanese, that, if all this region had really been under China's control, then Japan bad been doing the work that China ought to have done but had neglected, at an expenditure which should properly have fallcu upon the other party. Although merely an incidental observation, not intended as especially pertinent, this was, I think, somewhat eagerly seized upon. Suppose that the Peking government would undertake to reimburse the Japanese for their outlay, — would that meet any of the questions in dispute? It seemed to be agreed on all sides that this would at least stand as strong evidence of good faith. And so. after many divergencies and variations of slight import, it was ultimately agreed, on the evening of June "25th, that the active operations of the Japanese should be suspended, pending a reference of terms of settlement, for tinal consideration, to the respective govern-ments. These terms were to be substantially as follows :

' The Chinese authorities to reimburse the Japanese for the cost of their expedition.

The Chinese to guarantee such occupation of the savage territory of Formosa as should prevent tho recurrence of outrages upon strangers.

' These conditions effected, the Japanese forces to be withdrawn.'

The Chinese commissioner expressed not the slightest doubt of the willingness of his government to subscribe to this agreement, and gave it to be understood that he was acting with full authority In offering it, and that the reference to Peking was solely a matter of formality. It was, therefore, reasonable to believe that the occupation of Southern Formosa would terminate in a very short time, and that the duties of the Japanese, iu that island, were virtually ended. They wire, in fact, required to do nothing until the time of their departure, which took place in December, and which might have taken place much earlier but for the had faith exhibited by the I 'eking government."

From the arrival until the departure of the visitors no opportunity was lost of showing them all the formal courtesy and respect the occasion admitted. On the 26th of June they took leave, but were obliged to travel overland to Takow, forty miles distant, before embarking, as their ships had been forced to leave Liangkiau Bay owing to a violent storm the day In -lore.

From other writings we arc informed that, at least by the Chinese throughout the island and even in certain of the coast ports of the mainland, the Japanese expedition was considered to be but a preparation for a general attack on China. Even the same Chinese envoy who had lately been sent to confer with General Saigo, but was excused on account of illness, considered the necessity of strengthening the defences of the island so immediate that he personally remained in Formosa to superintend the work, and M. Giquel, of the Foochow arsenal, who, it will be remembered, accompanied the acting- commissioner on his visit to the Japanese camp, was placed as assistant. The object seems to have been not to prepare for offensive operations but simply to oppose the Japanese, should they attempt to advance northward.

Mud forts were erected at many different stations along the western sea-board. Every important garrison from Tamsui, in the north, to Pithau and Takow, in the south, received additional reinforcements,' and special efforts were made to strengthen the defences of the old city of Taiwanfu.'-'

1 The total number of Chinese troops lauded in the south of Formosa during the period between the 35th August aud the 17th November, amounted to 10,970. " Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs Reports -Takow, 1874."

2. Campbell's " Missionary Success in Formosa."

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION, JUNE-JUI.V, 1 874. 155

Especially in Taiwanfu and Takow wen- remarks about the [apanese a

never-ceasing topic of conversation, and junk after junk departed loaded with Chinese seeking passage to China, where it was thought greater safety awaited them.

Before the arrival of the expedition, Japanese visitors had been very numerous, and now that troops had followed, it was thought that ever}- spot previously visited by the Japanese spies, as they were now considered to be, would soon be occupied by Japanese forces. A state of considerable excitement was the not unnatural result, anil that this -excitement was not confined to the lower classes is evident from the energy which was aroused among the officials.

To give the Chines*; a base of operations, should the Japanese attempt a Hank movement through the savage territory, sub-prefect Yuen was entrusted with the construction of a road to extend from a place near the village of Ch'ihshan. twenty-five miles inland and to the east of Takow, across the summit of Kunlun mountain to Pilam on the east coast.

The route was important also from the fact that on the Kunlun mountain was the point from which savage tracks converged to different points of importance, such as Hongkong village and the Botan territory, in the south, and Suao and Changwha villages, in the north. The undertaking was commenced with 500 workmen protected by 500 soldiers, and as tin-work advanced three different camps of Cantonese troops were established in support of it. However, owing to the unusually wet summer, but little progress was made, so that by the end of September the road had only reached the summit of Kunlun mountain.

From this point the original plan was abandoned, and an old path by a different route, formerly used by Chinese travellers, was improved, and used for a great part of the distance. This, combined with that which they had already built, gave them, by the <-nd of November, direct communication with Pilam. It must be remembered that what is usually called in Formosa a Chinese road, is, in reality, but a foot-path by which pedestrians can pro-ceed, but utterly impassable lor cavalry or artillery. In the present case beasts of burden and even sedan-chairs could not be utilized, and further more it was entirely unavailable during the wet season, as a river-bed formed a portion of it.1

In the north of the island during the early days of the expedition, the Chinese officials were not without considerable anxiety. But as time passed and no bad news was received, they felt somewhat easier, believing that the Japanese expedition must have had the countenance of the Peking govern ment. Consequently the [apanese ships, bound to and from Liangkiau, that put into Kelung for coal were supplied without hesitation. Hying as they did the ensign of a friendly power.

The reconnoitring parties which, towards the end of [une, reached tar toward the north on the east coast, and eventually emerged at Khelai, a place north of the settlement usually marked on the maps as Chockeday,

t. Campbell's " Missionary Su S in Formosa "

'5

6 THE 1st AND I >F FORM »SA.

created a fresh scare in official circles. The position being strategically one of importance, the inference was that the Japanese were meditating a second landing either in the neighborhood or perhaps at Suao, the well known east coast harbor forty miles to the north.

As a result Suao was at once garrisoned and strict enquiries instituted as to the strangers' doings while at Khelai. By this time, however, the [apanese were through with their work and away, their departure being re-ported to the Chinese officials as due to the wrecking of their steamer, a sea-going cargo boat, and the outbreak of lever among them. Chinese settlers, who for years past had been trading with the savages in the vicinity of Khelai. gave the information that the Japanese on their arrival had taken -real pains to ingratiate themselves with all the inhabitants, whether abori-gines or Chinese. Presents of dollars, foreign clothing, cloth, bangles, fans, rings, etc., were lavishly given. Permission was sought to erect a number <>f straw huts. Plans of the locality were drawn, man)- trips made into the neighboring hills, and what appeared strangest of all to the informants, over one hundred samples of soil were collected, packed, anil carried away. In consequence of an outbreak of lexer, the camp was struck, and the [apanese retired. In proof ol these assertions, the informants produced presents which they had received, besides handing over to the Komalan-ting a quantity of effects, including a national ensign left behind by the [apanese.1

About the middle of [lily, a claim was made on the Chinese officials ol the island by a Japanese merchant at Suao Bay, for the alleged robber) ol his property while trading there. The Chinese, now effectually aroused, were not inclined to give any more excuses for the Japanese to settle Formosan difficulties themselves ; so they at once despatched Taotai Hia with a force ol fixe hundred men and some light artillery to Suao. With the rumors then current among Chinese, their anxiety lest the [apanese should land at Suao is not to lie wondered at. For, once established there, it would have been an easy matter to combine with the powerful factions of tlie Changwha district, then in almost open rebellion against the Chinese officials, and, together, notwithstanding the small Japanese force, the island would in all probability have fallen an easy capture!

The claim of the Japanese trader settled, a victory gained over a savage tribe in the vicinity, ami work commenced on a road from Changwha across the mountains to Suao Bay were the results of Taotai Hia's expedition.*

( m the mainland, the greatest anxiety was felt at Amoy, the principal China port engaged in trade with Formosa. In fact, it resulted in a partial panic among the lower, if not the higher, classes, shared to some extent by the local authorities. At any rate, no official attempt appears to have been made towards arresting it. Many of the populace fled into the interior, and numbers of merchants suspended their business in anticipation of the necessity for sudden flight.

1 hat Americans were assisting in the Japanese expedition was to the Chinese officials a matter of great importance, and it would seem that as a

1 and 2: Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs reports— Tamsui, ls?4.

Mil l\r\\l-l EXPEDITION, JUNE-JULY, 1874.

'?/

result of their protestations, the United States consul was led to interfere. Even the viceroy of Fokien had become so impressed with the trend of events that he had directly addressed Consul Henderson on the matter, such direct transmission being quite without precedent. The translation of this rather unique document, omitting a few opening lines of courteous greeting, is herewith given : —

"Now we have investigated this Formosan business, as well as the statements of the taotai of Formosa and the captain of the Yang-tea, to the effect that this expedition to the savages of Formosa has heen planned by the former American consul at Amoy.Le Gendre; also one Cassel, and many others assisting. We have also examined and found that Formosa has long belonged to China, and the savages are certainly under Chiuese jurisdiction, and other nations have nothing to do with them. On this occasion Japan has sent soldiers to punish the savages without previous consultation with the Foreign Office, and the Japanese commander-in-chief, without awaiting a communication from me, on his own motion took soldiers and formed a camp at Liang-kiau, in entire violation both of International Law and the treaty between China and Japan. We twice sent communications to the commander-in-chief, requiriug him to take back his soldiers, and twice sent communications to the Board of Trade to be presented to your honorable self, to be examined and acted on ; all of which are on file. We have received your despatch, in which you show your desire to carry out treaty obligations, and, in settling matters, to preserve lasting peace and friendship, as well as your purpose to perform your duties ; for all which we desire to express our hearty thanks. We have appointed Shen, second iu the Board of Trade, and formerly acting prefect of Fuchow, to go to Amoy, and also have sent a communication to Li, admiral at Amoy, telling him to await the coming of Shen, and then with him to have a consultation with the U. S. consul, and together conceit some plan of action. And iu accordance with the provisions of Art. I. of the Treaty of the 1st year of Hieufung ( 1858), that the two countries shall mutually assist in preserving friendly relations, we ask your honorable self to request the commander to take his soldiers back to Japan. And if in the vessels that have gone to Formosa there are American citizens aiding the Japanese, we ask you to punish those that are acting improperly, whether on land or sea, iu accordance with the 11th article of the Treaty and the laws of your country. From the time when your honorable self arrived in China, you have always managed affairs iu strict accordance with right, so that the streets are full of praises of yourself by rulers and people, and ourselves are truly thankful Now that there are affairs in Formosa, over which you are consul, you can show your friendly feelings by acting in accordance with the treaty, and by taking measures iu connection with Admiral Li and Prefect Shen. Thus cau you show friendly feeling. We have sent a communication to Admiral Li, aud also one to Prefect Shen ordering him to go to Amoy and arrange the whole affair with you, for which purpose we give them full powers. And we request you to act with these two, not only as officials but as friends. Hoping thus, with best regards, etc . etc., etc."

The interview which followed still further showed the great anxiety of the Chinese. They appeared to be under the delusion that were the Americans withdrawn the whole project would fall through. Especially were they concerned regarding the connection of General Le Gendre, who, as a former United States consul, still appeared to them to be in some way an agent of the government. Not satisfied with the assurances that notifications had already been sent by the consul to the Americans in Formosa, it was at their solicitation that duplicates were sent by a small Chinese gunboat, which they were only too anxious to offer for the purpose.

This boat arrived in Liangkiau harbor on the afternoon of July 1st. A messenger landed, who announced himself as deputy marshal of the U.S. consul at Amoy.

The communication from the consul, which he delivered to the Ameri-cans, warned them against participating in any hostile action against the" Chinese government. It is believed the Americans addressed considered it sufficient to semi in response, a brief statement explaining the actual condition of affairs, that there was no intention of assisting in warlike operations, and promising to withdraw in the event of war with China. The consul had also drawn up and had printed a circular, which, as there were only three Americans on the expedition, seemed an extravagant waste of printer's ink, warning all citizens of the United States to "at once with

IvS

111 I- ISI.AMI "!■ I'liRMdSA.

draw from the [apanese armed expedition now operating in the island of Formosa, and hereafter to avoid any connection with that enterprise, under penalty of arrest and trial for violation of the laws of neutrality. That the three American citizens thus addressed did not obey was, considering the misapprehensions under which it was evident the instructions had been issued, a credit to them as well as fortunate for the consul, whose superiors in Washington saw fit to severely condemn his unjustifiable interference.

After frequent protests that the)- were not responsible for the conduct of the savages, these not being under Chinese jurisdiction, the Chinese now came forward with the assumption that the whole island and people of Formosa were under Chinese authority. That this was an after-thought was sufficiently clear. Specially remarkable was the assertion of the viceroy of Fokien in his letter to the consul — " the savages are certainly under Chinese jurisdiction" — when it is noted that in a letter from the Fokien authorities in 1867 in answer to the demand for reparation made by the United States consul in regard to the Rover massacre, it was stated : " Hut as in the Rover case the Americans were not murdered in Chinese territory or in Chinese seas, but in a region occupied by the savages, relief cannot be asked for them under the treat)-. The savage territory does not come with-in the limits ol our jurisdiction." * "We believe those savages to be wild animals with whom any one would disdain to contend." Again, as late as May, 1874, the Chinese admiral at Amoy, in consultation with the United States consul, reiterated the statement that the Chinese government admitted no responsibility for the deeds of the savages in Formosa.

CHAPTER XIII

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION OF [874.

JULY— NOVEMBER.

Public feeling throughout Japan — Mission oj General /.< Gendre In Fbkien— His arrest mill release— Formal disapproval declared by United States officers — Okiilin sent on special mission t<i Peking — Frequent conferences — Chinese de-clarations— Unsatisfactory progress — Valuable assistance rendered by Mr. ll'mle. British minister — An ultimatum — Okitbo's last word — Message from Prince Kung — The agreements signed — Chinese destruction of Japanese works in For-mosa — The effect in Japan — Affairs in Formosa — Serious outbreak of fever — Proclamations presented ti> savages — Evacuation by Japanese — Chinese author-ities tnhe command — An attempt to exert authority over savages jails — Gliinese military expedition enters savage territory — They are surrounded, muted, and two hundred and fifty hilled and mutilated by savages — Sanities not again disturbed — Japan justly commended — The ocean highway secure.

In Japan, with the knowledge of a serious dispute existing with China. the inhabitants were in a high state of patriotic excitement. China had insulted them and China should be immediately dealt with severely. There was no doubt that the masses were ready for instant combat, but fortunately the officials were able to restrain the people and promote the better interests of the country by a peaceful solution of the difficulty.

An intended measure in the interest of peace was the despatch of General Le Gendre to the south of China. He left Japan towards the end of July, and was to proceed to Fokien and there enter into negotiations with the viceroy. This was not suffered to be, however, lor upon arriving at <Amoy. through which it was necessary for him to pass, he was forcibly arrested by the United States marshal of the Amoy consulate, who had called in the assistance of officers and marines from the U.S.S. Yantic. lie was then sent to Shanghai, but here he was immediately released. It was then too late to fulfill his mission to Eoochow. and he consequently made no attempt to return south. It is not necessary to speak further of this second interference in the affairs of the Japanese, inasmuch as the action of ever)- official connected with this arbitrary and illegal exercise of consular authority was at once repudiated, ami the strongest disapproval, short <>l

160 'I HI. ISLAND I '1 I okM' sA.

actual dismissal from public service, was expressed by the United States government at Washington.

A Uw days after the departure of General Le Gendre, Okubo Toshi mitsu, an eminent minister, who was well worthy oi the implicit confidence placed in him by the Japanese, was sent upon a special mission to China with full powers to act in the name of the emperor. At Tientsin he was joined by General Le Gendre, and the party reached Peking on the toth of September.

Meanwhile the [apanese minister, Yanagiwara, had Keen a witness ol repeated acts of Chinese duplicity. The report of the negotiations held between General Saigo anil Han Wi has been related in a former chapter. Yet Commissioner Shen, earl)- in June, had caused to In: sent to the Chinese government a statement that he had himself arranged affairs with the savages, and that Saigo had declared his readiness to return to Japan with his troops " at the first command of his government." This was com-municated to Yanagiwara, by the taotai at Shanghai, on the 8th of July. Arriving later in Peking, the minister found that despatches from the late Chinese visitors to Formosa were on several occasions produced tor his inspection as evidence that the affair was already settled, and that nothing remained but for tin- Japanese to withdraw their troops.

The arrival ofOkubo soon put a stop to this perpetual chicaner), and, at his instigation, negotiations tor an immediate and final settlement were begun at once.

After thoroughly reviewing the subject, Okubo stated his own view to the Tsung-li Yamen and concluded l>y submitting, on the 14th of September, two propositions, namely: That although China claimed jurisdiction over the savages, she had taken no steps to govern or reform them, and that, it the alleged power ol control existed and failed to be exercised, it was not possible lor China to escape the accusation ol virtually encouraging the natives in their barbarous aits towards shipwrecked people.

On the 1 6th, a second conference was held; the Chinese, equal to any occasion, answered the above propositions by boldly asserting that China had "improved the manners " of the savage aborigines, "organized their communities." " educated those who had good and intelligent dispositions," and "actually established government over them." It was admitted, how-ever, that their "policy was to civilize them, not by hasty and precipitate measures, but gradually and steadily." Regarding the maltreatment ol castaways, they stated that if foreign ships were wrecked and the sailors injured, if the ministers of those nations demanded satisfaction, "minutely setting forth the circumstances attending each event," China "would examine into such affairs and would never neglect them." "Consequently," it was added, " if your government had written minutely about the present matter, our Yamen would have taken the proper measures to examine into and settle it. Then our Yamen would have established proper laws over the savages, and would have instructed them to protect foreigners in the future." Such assumptions require no further comment.

( >n the discussion continuing on the 19th, Okubo could but express dis-

MIK JAPANESE EXPEDITION, JULY-NOVEMBER, I S 74 . 161

satisfaction with the replies as given. As to the appliance of International Law to the question, their attention having been called to it, the Chinese stated that as such codes had but lately been compiled by Europeans, and " there beiner no mention of China in them," they "intended to negotiate without adopting any ol the opinions therein contained.''

It is not necessary to describe in detail the declarations which followed, except to refer to one statement which appears specially significant. " As to the evidence concerning aboriginal Formosa," said the Chinese officer, " we fear there may be some obscure points in it ; but henceforward, we will extend our laws and administration over the territory of the savages, restrain their wicked and violent actions, and take such measures as will preserve forever the friendly relations between the two countries. If, on the contrary, you will not consent to entrust our government with the management ol the present affair, we shall then have nothing more to say."

Respecting the evidence spoken of, the Japanese commissioner replied that none whatever had been produced, and that until some substantial proof of the Chinese position had been offered, he should continue to dispute it. Speaking from another [joint he said : — " Now that communication is estab-lished between the Eastern and Western worlds, safety and protection must be accorded to the navigators of all nations. Formosa is a very important island in the direct highway of commerce, but its people are like pirates in their practices."

Meetings between the representatives continued at intervals through the month of September with no satisfactory result, the Chinese confining themselves to reassertions of their previous statements, and Okubo refusing to accept them. The ignorance of the Chinese on questions oi international law became so apparent, it is said, that on one of these occasions Okubo presented to the Yamen a condensed translation of the code. On the 5th of October affairs had reached such an unsatisfactory state that the Chinese became almost menacing in their tone, and, even intimated to the commis-sioner that it would be well for him to return home at once while he could do so with safety. To this Okubo stated: "If you hold that further discussions are impossible, and will not answer my questions, our conferences shall end to-day. and the object of my mission (the desire of maintaining the friendly relations between the two governments) shall be- arrested here." The meeting then terminated by < )kubo announcing his intention ol returning to Japan at once. He was afterwards led to reconsider this determination by the courteously expressed desire of the Yamen officials that the negotia-tions should continue. Furthermore it was requested that the unpleasant observations that had passed should not be included in the record <>t the transactions. This proposition to amend the record Okubo declined, stating that he himself could make no alterations 'in the transactions, but that such might be rectified by after correspondence.

Soon after the arrival of < )kubo, the British envoy. Mr. Wade, who was inclose touch with the Chinese authorities, expressed his desire to learn from the Japanese the precise nature of their functions and the progress th<\ were making. Okubo declined to give this information, stating that the Chinese

i<>2 THE ISLAND I >!■ FORMOSA.

refused to acknowledge the correctness of the statements made by Soyezima, former ambassador to Peking, as to the denial by the Tsung-li Yamen of

Chinese authority over the savages of Formosa. As long as this was not conceded and the question of veracity between the two governments remained unsettled, the negotiations could not he such as would justify their being revealed. Apparently Mr. Wade appreciated the propriety of the Japanese view of the situation, for he thenceforward confined himself to getting information from Chinese sources. It does not appear that the actions of the British minister were at any time the result of a feeling of hostility towards lapan, and although he on one occasion expressed his intention of telegraph-ing to England for armed support, it seems that this was with the special desire of protecting English commerce, which then amounted to many millions of dollars a year. That he was desirous ot acting as arbitrator was evident, hut while the Chinese were not averse to accepting his assistance, the Japanese- commissioner declined from the first.

On the 10th of October, an ultimatum was transmitted by Okubo, allowing hut five days for further negotiations, when at the conclusion of this period, if a definite answer was not given, the meetings must come to an end. A message having heen later received to the effect that, as the emperor was absent from the capital, an extension of the time was desired, ( )kubo readily consented to an additional delay.

( >n the 15th an answer was received by ( )kuU> which showed a decided inclination to bring the matter to a speedy end.

At an another meeting, on the iSth, at < )kubo's apartments, the Chinese, while wishing to avoid a discussion of the question as to their right to south Formosa, expressed their willingness to recognize their negligence and offer a sum of money in compensation for the slaughtered Loochooans. A step backward was taken on the next day. however, when the Yamen notified Okubo that a difficulty had arisen, the special points of which were that, while willing to pay an indemnity for losses sustained by Japan, they could not consent to give a written declaration to that effect, neither could they deliver the amount until after the Japanese troops had been withdrawn. They furthermore objected to stating the precise sum of the indemnity, but said it should be left to the discretion of their government.

I hese conditions did not satisfy the |apanese commissioner in the least. As the Chinese had already once repudiated their oral declarations, he was not inclined to give them another chance, and as he informed them : "If I should rely upon your words at the present moment, and afterwards there should l)e found in them some points unsatisfactory to our government, we must again charge you with a wrong, and some great difficulty might arise. I therefore want some trustworthy written proofs." On the 24th, the offer was renewed and again rejected. ( >n the 25th, what was expected to he the final letter was sent by < )kubo containing the following expressions of opinion :

" Xow I am quite hopeless and am ahout to leave. The notice given to you of an intention to punish the aboriginal tribes was set at naught by your Tsung-li Yamen, and when we sent a commissioner with troops to take

THE JAPANES1 EXPEDITION, JULY-NOVEMBER, I N 7 4 .

vengeance upon the tribes that had murdered our shipwrecked people, and to remove the evils which threatened the navigators of those seas, you afforded us no encouragement in our difficult and dangerous task, but affected to be very proud ot your mercy in not ' shooting an arrow at us.' Under these circumstances, our philanthropic action, to our lasting regret, has been desig-nated by you by the bad name of a hostile deed, while our undertaking to punish the savages arose only from the necessity ol protecting our own 1 people. Henceforth, inside and back ot the mountains, we shall continue to clear land, protecting those tribes which submit to us. and punish-in!; those who oppose us. and shall complete our plan ot action without permitting any molestation on the part of your country. Finally, I have to say that, as the present case cannot be decided by arguments, each country must go its own way and exercise its own rights of sovereignty. I do not wish to hear any further explanations and arguments you may have to offer. I am in haste to depart, and cannot go to your Tsung-li Yamen to take leave of you."

Of all public men in Japan of that day, Okubo was the most conspicuous for qualities ot forbearance and toleration. That he should have been forced to express himself in so peremptory a tone was, at least to those who were acquainted with his character, sufficient proof that leniency and gendeness had been carried to their extreme limit, and that every honorable means of conciliation, on his part, had been exhausted.

Preparations were made for leaving Peking without delay, and during the afternoon General Le Gendre and a part of the suite set out on their journey to Tientsin. Upon being informed of this and that the withdrawal oi the entire mission was imminent, Prince Kung went in haste to the residence of the British minister, Mr. Wade, and requested him to take a message to Okubo which might have the effect of detaining the party. The visit was made at once and Mr. Wade informed the Japanese commis sioner that he was empowered to declare that there would now lie no objection made against Okubo's resolution to obtain written evidence of consent to the terms proposed, that the payment ot one hundred thousand taels should be made immediately "as relief to the sufferers" (meaning the families ot those who had been slaughtered in 1S71, and the survivors) and four hundred thousand taels " as indemnity for the various expenses of the expedition," after the troops had been withdrawn.

Now convinced that at last a sincere effort at settlement would be made, Okubo deferred his departure, went the same da)- to Mr. Wade's resilience, and there stated that the amount of money to be paid being a matter of secondary importance, five hundred thousand taels would be received subject to the conditions that the Formosan expedition be publicly recognized as just and rightful and the money paid before the withdrawal of the troops. Acting again as willing messenger, Mr. Wade conveyed this decision to the Chinese authorities. Whether he used his influence or not to induce the Chinese to accept the terms is not known. With the Japanese official, however, he never attempted to exert the slightest influence.

On the 27th, Mr. Wade rendered most valuable service, inasmuch as he

1<>4 THE rS] AND OF FORMOSA.

guaranteed that the draft of the articles of agreement which had been prepared by the Yamen, should not be subject to any alterations.

The terms having now been pronounced satisfactory by ( )kubo, the document was on the 31st of ' >ctober duly signed and sealed at the Office of the Tsung li Yamen. '

The following are the contents of the several papers, given in as literal a translation as is compatible with presentation in the usual English form.

"AGREEMENT.

"[Preamble.] Whereas, Okubo, High Commissioner Plenipotentiary of Japan, Saugi, Councillor of State and Secretary of the Interior Department [on the one part], and [names of Prince Kuug and nine other Chinese officials] of the Tsung li Yamen of China [on the other part], having discussed the subject of Articles of Agreement and fixed the manner of their settlement : and it having been understood that the subjects of every nation must be duly protected from injury ; that therefore every nation may take efficient measures for the security of its subjects; that if anything [injurious] happen within the limits of any state, that state should undertake the duty of reparation ; that the aborigines of Formosa formerly com-mitted outrages upon subjects of Japan : that Japan sent troops for the sole purpose of inflicting punish-ment on these aborigines, and that the troops are to be withdrawn, China assuming the responsibility of measures for the future ; therefore, the following Articles have beeu drawn up and agreed upon ;

ARTICLE 1.

" The present enterprise of Japan is a just and rightful proceeding, to protect her own subjects, and China does not designate it as a wrong action.

ARTICLE II.

"A sum of money shall be given by China for relief to the families of the shipwrecked [Japanese] subjects that were maltreated. Japan has constructed roads and built houses, Ac, in that place. China, wishing to have the use of these for herself, agrees to make payment for them. The amouut is deter-mined by a special document

ARTICLE III.

" All the official correspondence hitherto exchanged between the two states shall be returned [mutually] and be annulled, to prevent any future misunderstanding. As to the savages, China engages to establish authority, and promises that navigators shall be protected from injury by them.

CONTRACT.

" With regard to the question of Formosa, Mr. Wade, H. B. M.'s Minister, having spoken ou the subject to tin- two parties, they, the said Commissioners of the two nations, have arranged for settlement thus: —

"I. — China agrees that she shall pay the sum of one hundred thousand taels, for relief to the families of the subjects of Japan who were murdered.

" 1 1. — China wishes that, after Japan shall have withdrawn her troops, all the roads that have been re-paired and all the houses that have been built, etc., shall be retained for her use ; at the same time consent-ing to pay the sum of four hundred thousand taels by way of recompense ; and it is agreed that Japan i-hall withdraw all her tn ops, and < lima shall pay the whole amount without fail, by the 20th day of December, the seventh year of Meiji, with Japan, or on the 22nd day of the eleventh moon, the thirteenth year of Tung Chi, with China ; but, in the event of Japan not withdrawing her troops, China shall not pay the amount.

" This settlement havirg been r-nclnded, each party has taken one copy of the contract as voucher."

Our author explains that the " special document" referred to in Article 11. was made a separate subject of consideration chiefly because grave doubts existed as to the Chinese fulfilment of an agreement which would involve the complete surrender of their strongest points of objection. It was thought desirable by the Japanese commissioner that the name of Mr. Wade, who had ahead)- (Oct. 27th) given a personal pledge that the terms of settlement should not be altered, should appear in testimony of his knowledge of China's submission in respect to the questions which had been disputed with so much persistency. It w;is consequently introduced in the subjoined contract as given above.

With regard to certain peculiarities of phraseology in these documents, it is also explained that the acceptance of the sums of money ostensibly as "relief" or "consolation,'' and as payment for improvements that were to

1. The valuable assistance rendered by Mr. Wad, was much appreciated bv the Japanese, and gained the emperor's personal thai

THE [AIWKSF EXPEDITION, JULY-XOVEMUER, J H74. 165

be diverted to the use pi China, was in consequence of repeated and urgent representations that the dignity of that nation would thereby be saved from a rude shock. Okubo had naturally at first spoken only of " in-demnity : " but the Chinese were almost piteous in their appeals to be spared the humiliation that they fancied would be implied by the use of that word. Never once during the discussions, did Okubo show himself un-reasonably obdurate, and he was frequently read)- to waive points of mere nominal formality, so long as the vital requirements of his duty were not assailed. On the 21st of October he had written, in regard to the ex-penditures, as follows : — " Your country must be responsible, but, to save appearances; you wish that 'consolation money' shall be paid to our ill-treated countrymen by the special ^race of your emperor." And. on the 23d : " Your proposal that the compensation should take the name of 'consola-tion ' was at first unsatisfactory, but, considering the circumstances of your country, it has now been consented to." The Yamen, unfortunately for themselves, were not altogether content to let the matter stand thus, and subsequently. conceived the idea of suggesting that the larger share of the payment should be understood as having reference to the roads and other works commenced or completed by the Japanese in Formosa. This was also acceded to.

It will be remembered thatthe Yamen had requested that the larger part of the indemnity should be given to the Japanese in payment for the houses built, roads constructed, and other improvements made in South Formosa. And now, this point gained, we find how baseless were these representations, when our author tells us that, after the departure of General Saigo, " sud-denly forgetful of her anxiety to save appearances, China ordered the immediate destruction of every vestige of Japanese occupation, so that the laborious structure of deceptive artifice fell to pieces by her own action. If she did not want the houses and other improvements, then the monev could be regarded as nothing but a direct indemnity — small in amount but sufficient to establish the principle ; and that she did not want them, she proved In-obliterating all traces of their existence as soon as she could lay hands on them."

The details of the settlement were wired from Shanghai to Tokvo by Okubo on November 7th, and the news was at once transmitted to the various departments. The peaceful termination of the difficulty was wel-come news to the Japanese at home. With the exception of the lower classes none were attracted by the prospect of actual war, although the nation was prepared in case hostilities could not be averted by honorable means. Large contributions offered by the people of every rank, from the

1. "During the night iuceudiarisin on the part of the villagers who had had their queues cut off for loot-ing laid waste the greater portion of the Japanese camp, so that out of the one hundred large wooden huts that composed it, only thirty remained intact." Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs Reports — Takow 1874.

This is the Chinese explanation of the affair, and while it may be true that a portion of the camp was destroyed by angry villagers, it appears odd that such extensive damage could have been done the first night after the departure of the Japanese and while the place was occupied by Chinese soldiers, unless the latter had either given their consent or had made no attempts to check it. As it is, this only speaks of a portion of the camp. Visitors to the same spot a few months later [omul that every trace of the Japanese occupation had been carefully removed.

1O0 TIM [SI VND OF I'' 'KM' ISA.

Imperial Family to the peasantry, had been placed at the disposal of the government. Great numbers of citizens had enrolled themselves and offered

their services as volunteers. Large accumulations of war material, the establishment of formidable armaments at the points nearest the Chinese coast, were all a part of the desire of the nation to he well prepared for war should it come.

The success obtained by Saigo was not more complete than the victory ofOkubo. None doubted die bravery of the Japanese in war, but many were disinclined to believe that diplomatically the younger nation could prove itself a match for the cunning ami smartness ot a government whose only marked achievements have been the development <>t political stratagem.

Okubo, after visiting Formosa to personally acquaint General Saigo with the result, returned to [apan, reaching Tokyo towards the end of Novem her, where he was received with numerous manifestations ol approval by the masses and unusual favor by the Imperial House.

In Formosa, after the visit of the Chinese delegates in |une, no incidents of importance occurred to vary the unceasing monotony of camp life. Ac-knowledgment ol submission had before the end of July been received from all the southern hostile tribes. There is nothing left to record except unfor-tunately the very serious outbreak of Formosan fever which brought death to more than five hundred Japanese soldiers and coolies. After the first serious outbreak of the disease, which occurred in August, it spread with such rapidity that, for the last few weeks of the occupation, the deaths averaged thirteen per day, and it is stated as a fact that (General Saigo and one subordinate officer alone, out of the several thousand there assembled, escaped entirely untouched by the disease'. 1 >uring this period it had been necessary to bring successive reinforcements from Japan to take the place of those on the sick list. The American attaches suffered with the rest, Mr. Cassel's illness being of such severity that for some time grave doubts were entertained as to his recover)-. Mr. Wasson left the island before the malady had assumed its worst form and was among the first to recover.

The required compensation was paid by China before the 1st of Decem-ber, and General Saigo having previously (17th of November) been formally presented with orders by a special messenger ol rank, took leave of Formosa with his whole force on the 3rd of December, more than two weeks before the stipulated time. Before departing" he issued two proclamations. To the friendly aborigines the first was presented and read as follows.

"Our intention in coming here lias already been announced to you; and you have well understood our motives and offered the best assistance that lay in your power. All the wild savages trembled and bowed before our arms. After this, wo continued to occupy the land because of the opposition which was made to our acts by the Chinese government : but now, the negotiations between the two nations being brought to a conclusion, we have ceded all the land to China, according to its wish. We well know and deeply acknowledge the good and affectionate filial feeling you have shown towards us ; aud wo heartily recommend you to henceforth attach yourselves 10 the Chinese officials as you have love 1 us, and to nobly obey their laws without making any opposition." '

1. That the Japanese commander did not exaggerate in referring to the affectionate regard existing between the savages and the Japanese of the expedition, I am assured. Rev. Wm. Campbell in his publi-cation " The Articles in Formosan " in referring to the probable policy the Japanese will adopt in dealing with the savages now that the island has become a possession cf Japan, says :— " So far as mere govern-ment measures are concerned a change will doubtless be made in the old Chinese policy of doing little more than attempting to exterminate the aborigines; beo»use the Japauesc are shrewd enough to know

THE JAPANESE EXPEDITION; JULV-NOVEMBEK, 1^74- 16?

The second proclamation was to the tribes that had united in hostility against the Japanese.

" A few years ago, tlie Botans committed an unpardonable crime in murdering some of our Loochooau subjects, and I, Yorimichi, respectfully obeying an Imperial order, came and chastised you. But as vou repented of your evil deeds and asked for mercy, I forgave you, thinking you would wish for a peaceful and long life under our Imperial and benign government. But now, arrangements with China having been concluded, our empire has complied with the wishes of that nation, and we shall presently leave the place. Henceforth you must nobly obey, without making any opposition."

The embarkation1 of the troops was a memorable event for the inhabitants

of Liangkiau valley, who were present in great numbers and wen- joined by an unusual gathering of aborigines.

The savages had been apparently treated with consideration by all, and with extraordinary kindness by the officers, of the expedition, for they were visibly affected upon the departure, and when the general and his staff finally moved towards the boats, they clung to them, seizing their hands and clothing, and had to be detached by gentle force.'

On the 7th of December, the commander-in-chief landed at Nagasaki, and ten days later arrived in Tokyo, where he was received with much honor and distinction.

During the following January an address was sent to the emperor by Okuma Shigenobu preparatory to the closing of the department which had been created to meet the requirements of the Formosa expedition. It read as follows : —

" In the first mouth of the past year Shigenobu aud others, in accordance with the confidential instruc-tions they had received, laid before Your Majesty a project for the chastisement of the savages. In April the Formosa Department was established and Shigenobu was appointed its chief, to superintend all business belonging to it. In May the commander-in-chief Saigo Yorimichi departed to the land of the

1. " About S a.m. on the 2nd December, the Prefect Chow arrived in the Japanese camp accompanied by a Formosau military regiment and 200 regular infantry as a body-guard. This cortege having no pre-tensions to military splendor, found its way to headquarters, where the prefect was received by General Saigo, a small body of Japanese infantry dressed, armed, drilled and disciplined in the French style, being drawn up iu columu and facing the Chinese troops,— also drawn up in military array.

"The geueral offered to hand over the outposts of the camp still held by the Japanese infantry, aud on the prefect declining his offer, the geueral gave orders for his remaining guards to be withdrawn. These joined the infantry column, headed by tleueral Saigo aud his staff, and the whole body marched oil with the greatest precision towards the seashore, to be then and there embarked on the vessels awaiting them. A few of the Japanese soldiers still remaining engaged in packing their belongings into carts, a body of marines came up for their protection; aud indeed the fine military bearing of these men had quite an imposing effect, as with drums beating and bugles souuding they marched up to headquarters and took possession of the compound.

" The marines quitted the camp early in the afternoon, to keep guard over the considerable quautity of material that remained on the beach awaiting shipment, of this all that the Japanese wished to take with them was shipped during the early part of the night; the remainder was set lire to by the sailors of the Japanese corvette, who were the last to leave the shore.

" A salute of twenty-one guns was fired by the Chinese corvette Yang-wu on the embarkation of Geueral Saigo on board the transport, a compliment that was immediately returned by the Japauese corvette with the same number of guns.

" By 9 o'clock on the morning of the 3rd of December, the corvette Yawj-int was in solitary possession of Diaug-kiau Bay, which had been for some time previously, one may say. thronged with war vessels and transports; and thus was amicably settled the Japanese Invasion of Formosa, which had at one time threatened to be so serious an affair."

Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs Reports — Takow, 1874.

that something of a parental attitude towards them will not only bring the practice of head-hunting to an end, aud thus gain six thousand square miles of very valuable land, hut strengthen their own hands by the creation of many loyal and most useful fellow subjects. In view of all this, it is impossible to forget the Japanese expedition to Formosa of 1871. The punitive nature of that expedition will be remembered, but the self restraint with which the members of it acted is less generally known. Bunkiet, second son of Tokitok, once told the writer that the native tribes wen very sorry when 1 he time came for the Japanese soldiers to leave, and it is quite possible the name of General Saigo continues to be mentioned with feelings of respect in the villages east from Liang-kiau. May a like linn, yet generous, course be followed iu the present much larger undertaking."- Preface pages VIII aud IX

[68 TIIK ISLAND OF FOMtoSA.

savages al llie head of a. force, i xtermiuated the wick ibmissive, and remained tliere a

long time eacamped. During the same month the Minister Plenipotentiary Vanagiwara Sakimitsij was despatched to China, and in August the High Commissioner Plenipotentiary Okubo Toshimiehi also wiis sent to that country. Toshimiehi and the Others worked diligently arid devotedly in the discharge of the important trust committed t>> them. Ill October a convent 'hanged with the said country, and

ill November Toshimiohi and the rest reported the fulfilment of their mission. In December Yorimiohl returned in triumph, From the institution of the Commission up to this date a period of eight months had elapsed. Hereupon the wrongs of the sufferers were for the first time redressed, the position of a subject ■ ban ' for the first time cleared up, security restored to the mariners of all countries for the first time, and the dignity and influence of the State consequently vindicated.

" After our troops had started and were on their way, foreign public servants remonstrated. The Chinese Government hastily despatched an Envoy, sent letters and manifested a wide difference of opinion. Some persons not comprehending the views of the Government, began to doubt whether it was justified in the course which it was taxing. Others discusse 1 the want of funds, and rumor became so noisy that the State was again imperilled.

" Shigeuobu and the others nevertheless accepted the responsibility, but day and night they were so busily employed that they feared lest their strength might be unequal to the task. Fortunately, the wise resolution of His Majesty never wavered, and the councils of the Government became still more resolute. Oreat military preparations were made, and the mind of the people, both in the towns and in the country, learnt to recognize the Imperial purpose. Some desired to cast away their lives and to die for the national cause, others offered to contribute towards the army expenditure. The civil and military oflicers united all their efforts, and the great work of chastising the savages became an accomplished fact. We have nothing to be ashamed of before foreign nations concerning this measure, and its glory will not pale before the deeds done in ancient times.

" If, while public rumor was clamorous, we had hesitated or drawn hack, the iujuries done to the sufferers would not have been redressed, the position of a dependent ' ban ' would not have been cleared up, the mariners of the world would never have known security, and a land of marauders would havo been established for ever. Had BUch been the result, we should uol only have been disgraced in the eyes of the world, but it would have been a sign that the dignity and influence of the State were about to fall prostrate. Consequently important interests were involved in the chastisement of the savages.

"I humbly pray that His Majesty will eagerly carry on the work and carefully pouder, that by reflecting on the past he may he enabled tj think out the policy of the future so as to exalt bis wise work to the highest pinnacle and glory, aud that he will not stop with the chastisement of the savages."

The Tsung Li Yamen did not deem it of sufficient importance to ac-quaint their Emperor regarding the peaceful settlement arrived at, and had they done so His Majesty would have been filled with wonder, for it is , as-serted that no word of the entire transaction was ever allowed to reach the throne, and that the Emperor died earl)' in 1875 without a suspicion of the danger that had once threatened his dominions.

I )uring the first months of 1875, the Chinese made a few vigorous efforts to assume authority over the savages of the south. They made flying visits hen: and there, but prudently avoided any approach to the interior. Shen Rao-Chen, profiting by his late experiences, submitted a memorial to the Throne recommending that henceforward Formosa should l)e governed by a system commensurate with its position and requirements, and that the vice-roy of Fokien should he removed to this more important locality. In accor-dance with this design, a small body of soldiers was sent down to Hong-kong, the small village to the north ofLiangkiau Bay, in which locality they were believed to be safe from savage intrusion. They were soon to be undeceived, however, for in January, a couple of Chinese, while travelling along the roads to the south of the village, were waylaid and murdered in the usual way.

To retaliate on the savages, an expedition was arranged and the gar-rison of 500 men marched into the mountain fastness of the Sai-tao (Lion's head) tribe, to seize the village from which it was supposed the offenders had come.

They were able to reach the place without opposition, promptly burning it to the ground, while the occupants, old men. women, and children, were immediately put to death. Believing they had accomplished all that was

CHE JAPANESE EXPEDITION, [ULY-NOVEMBEK, I S 74 . 169

necessary they turned back towards Hongkong, Inn before proceeding far a detached column of three hundred men was most furiously attacked by the

savages, who rose up on all sides throwing the soldiers into great contusion. although, it is said, their leader behaved with coolness and courage. The savages were not particular as to weapons ; firearms, spears, arrows, and rocks hurled down from the heights above, wen- all used with effectiveness against the enemy. At last with a fearful rush, savages, armed with swords and knives, closed in about the terror-stricken Chinese, with the result thai about two hundred and fifty headless bodies were left rotting in the savage jungle, only about fifty men returning to report the deplorable ending of the first attempt to extend Chinese rule over the inhabitants of south aboriginal Formosa.'

From the day of the departure of the fapanese, up to the present, then-has been no act of hostility towards foreigners on the part of the South Formosa savages. In fact, on several occasions foreign parties have travelled in their territory and met with no mishap. Towards tin-Chinese there has continued to exist the hatred which no influence can eradi-cate. The two have been at war from the days of the earliest history, when a Chinese pirate driven by storm landed in Formosa and, after killing all the natives whom he met with, painted his ship with their blood ; and although actual war may be prevented by outside influence, the traditional hatred will find some means of expression as long as the two classes come in contact.

[apan did good work in ridding the Pacific ( >cean of a scourge which had threatened the safety of mariners for more than a score of years, and she should receive abundant credit for it.

Even those who, at the time of the expedition, believed Japan hail some ulterior design, must now agree with the testimony pi a certain foreign employe of the Chinese government- who was in the best possible position to understand the situation and who says: —

" Whatever had been the original purpose oi thejapanese in fitting up an expedition oi so costly a nature, it is impossible to shut one's eyes to the fact that their action has resulted hitherto in unmixed good, the interests of the island alone considered. The punishment of the Bhootans (Botans) can onlj b- looked upon as a necessary piece of severity which, will, in the Ion-run, have consequences beneficial to humanity in general.'1"

1. As io the number killed iu this engagement several versious exist, by wk of which the Chinese loss is placed at only ninety, including the chief officer. Bat I think we may safely take the statement of the Commissioner of Customs o£ Takow who, in the Imperial Maritime Customs reports for 1875, >tates in his version, which he says is a " resume of the actual facts," that out of " the body of 300 " Chinese, " The coimnauder and most of his men were killed, only about fifty returning to tell the sad tale."

2. Mr. Henry Edgar, acting Commissioner of the Chinese Maritime Customs Stationed at Takow, South Formosa at the time of the Japanese expedition.

3. After all expenditures had been paid the total cost of the expedition was fouud to be 3,018,05!) )cd. The troops sent aggregated 3,058 men carried in thirteen transports.

It is of special interest at this time in reviewing the different papers relating to the Japanese expedi-tion to note the high rank to which many of the Japanese who participated iu the expeditiou have risen. Most noticeable are the following : —

Admiral Marquis Saigo, the present Minister of the Navy, then a major-general.

Admiral Count Kabayama, former Minister of the Home Department, then a major in the army.

blear-Admiral Tsuuoda, ex-Chief of the Navy stun" of Formosa, then a navy lieutenant.

Rear-Admiral Tanakaaud Rear- Admiral Kodaioa, former prefects in Formosa, then navy lieutenants.

Mr. 8. Mizuao, first Chief of the Civil Department of the Pormosan Government, and Xfr. Sugiruura, attaches to the expedition.

CHAPTER XIV (PART 1 OF 5)

I-ORMOSA OPENED TO FOREIGN TRADE.

1850 — 1868.

British occupation »J Formosa suggested- —Parker, Perry, and Harris recommend American occupation— Early foreign traders— The opium clippers — Formosa opened by America and Russia — Confirmed by English anil French treaties — The first consulate — Hubert Swinhoe — Trade, in tin early " Sixties"- First foreign linns and their representatives— Opening oj customs— Early residents Early trading vessels— Formosan pirates- Formosan wrecks — The " Kwang Fbtmg " ami " Snlirruiiii " ins,); Experiences of John Kcley whilea captive of pirates — Ohinest mi /In- east coast— JF^rst steam-engine intivdueed -Flireigners assist the Pepn-h oa ns — Private attempt to establish n colony — Tin- Talamo affair — The British government interferes— Great earthquake of 1st;; — Vrffiadties with tlie Chinest — Mr. Haiubow attacked — . I merchant force enforces order — English naval force frequently landetl — Unceasing trmihles with officials— Attempt In collect illegal mast dues— A crisis f 1868 J in tin' smith — Unman Cathtdie chapel destroyed — < 'h nations persecuted — Mr. Bardic murderously assaulted —Taotai's insolence $500 offered for a foreigner's head— Mr. Pickering attacked -A missionary accused ni murder Ambuscades erected ami troops gathered to oppose British Consul (jibson—Amoy taotai arrives — Consul Gibson decides in seize Fort Zelandia and An ping English naval force landed Anping shelled — Lieut. linidnii storms tin' town — A daring enterprise — Engagement with Chinese troops —Mandarins comply with consuls' demands — English force withdrawn — Satis-iminrii conclusion — Unjust amdemnation — Troubles in the ninth — Messrs. here and Bird attacked by Batilca natives — Resetted by Loochooaus The American war-vessel ''Aroostook" and English f/unboat "Janus" arrive- -Peace ami order restored.

In the five preceding chapters we have dealt, in chronological order, with events occurring in that portion of Formosa known as the "savage territory." We must now carry the reader hack to the middle of the century, to continue with that portion of the history in which foreigners and Chinese were concerned, and which we last recorded in chapter VIII, concluding with the account of the massacre of one hundred and ninety m-\ in British subjects,

FORMOSA OPENED TO FOREIGN I RADE. I 7 I

The latter half of the present century embraces a period of great com-mercial activity, when the leading countries of Europe and America were

reaching' beyond their native shores, and searching the world to obtain a foot-hold, wherever trade prospects were promising. With the invention of the steamship, distant lands were brought in closer touch, and the Orient with its riches attracted large numbers. In ICS42, Hongkong was taken by the British; in 1.S54, Commodore Perry forced Japan t<> unlock her treasures ; anil in 1859, France obtained entrance to Cochin China.

Although Formosa was nominally possessed by China, it was well known that, over the larger half, that nation claimed no jurisdiction, and that even in the Chinese districts the authority of the emperor was weak and dubious. This, combined with the well known productiveness and the wonderful tales of the island's hidden riches which occasional travellers hail placed before an eager world, drew the eyes of Europe and America to the ' Beautiful Isle."

The British were the first in modern days to suggest the occupation of Formosa. It was during the period following the withdrawal ot the British Fast India Company from China, when the English, now free-trailers, were on the lookout for a position where British trade might be conducted without the interference and oppression of the Chinese mandarins. First in 1833, and afterwards in later years, Formosa was frequently suggested by the British in China as a convenient and desirable acquisition. In fact, towards the close of the "thirties" the choice lay between Chusan, Ningpo, and Formosa; anil Hongkong, which was ultimately occupied, was but rarely referred to.

With the opening of trade in Hongkong the number of foreign ships in Eastern waters greatly increased. America shared largely in the China trade, and her swift clippers were familiar visitors. With uncharted coasts and frequent typhoons man}- a good ship came to the Fast only to find a grave. Of all the Orient, Formosa was most feared ; the large number of wrecks occurring on "its shores and the blood-curdling massacres of the crews, or the life of slavery to which the captives were reduced, if the)' fell into the hands of the savages, placed the island prominently before the world, and humanity demanded that the cruel outrages should cease.

As Americans were the chief victims in these disasters, the attention ol the Washington authorities was called to the advisability ot occupying a portion of the island : ml thus rendering assistance to the shipping world in general, as well as securing to the United States a naval station in the Orient and an entrepot for American goods.

Mr. Gideon Nye, an American merchant well known in China, was the first to broach the subject to the United States authorities. 1 le had been for sometime endeavoring to induce the government to search for his missing brother, who, having been a passenger on board the clipper ship Kelpie, which was thought to have been lost on the Formosan coast, was believed to be exist ing among the savages of the island in a state of slavery. It was principally, no doubt, with the idea of preventing a repetition of these disasters, that

1 ~2 I HE 1ST \\l> OT F( iRM< »SA.

Mr. Nye with the assistance oi Dr. Peter Parker, then U.S. commissioner to China, e'ndeavored to induce the U.S. government to take possession oi a portion of the island then occupied by the savages. Commodore Perry was also favorable to the suggestion, and some of his officers made a trip to the

island, and a complete report was drawn up in which the commodore strongly advocated its occupation. In a letter to Dr. Parker, Mr. Nye in [853 writes : " Formosa's eastern shore and southern point, with the conti-guous Island, Botel Tobago-Xima, in the direct route of commerce between China and California and Japan, and between Shanghai and Canton, should be protected by the United States of America ; and 1 will willingly assist in its colonization, if I receive the assurance of the government of the United States that I should therein he recognized and protected,

"1 am quite aware of the willingness of some other persons to aid in this under a similar assurance ; and I am quite clear that at this time a com mencement might he made without objection from any power."

Mr. Townsend Harris, the first American envoy to Japan, was greatl) struck with the benefit to he derived by America as well as by all other countries having commercial interests in this part of the world, if the island of Formosa, in part or in whole, was secured to America. To interest the government in this proposal he applied himself diligently to the task of collecting material from man)- sources, from which he was able to draw up a paper of considerable length on the island's past and present, its resources, etc., which was presented to the Secretary of State with the suggestion that the territory he purchased.

What would have keen the result of these recommendations under ordinarj conditions we cannot say. Scarcely was the question laid before the United States government when the existence oi the American Union was threatened by civil war. and all citizens of the Republic were called to arms.

Thus while the U.S. government was disinclined to consider propositions for adding to her domains when even her own integrity was in. jeopardy, other governments eagerly scanned the voluminous reports ot Parker, Perry, and Harris, ami applied to themselves the advice of the three Americans. France and Germany were specially interested, and both looked wistfully towards this eastern jewel. But with matters ol great importance at home these governments were obliged for the time to give up all plans ol eastern colonization, and. with the exception of the merchants who had an eye on the island's commercial possibilities, Formosa appears to have eventually dropped out of view of European nations and remained unthought of for a number ol years.

As the foreign commerce of China developed and American and English vessels frequented the China seas, an occasional schooner called at a Formosan port in hopes of picking up some profitable trade; or more often, a fast clipper darted across the channel with a store of Opium to be disposed of at a large profit. Takow and Tamsui were important ports for this traffic, and at the close of the "fifties" an Irish American, commonly known as Mboney, had settled in the harbor ol the former port, aboard

FORMOSA OPF.NET) I" FOREIGN TRAOE. ] J T,

a hulk which he had placed then- as a receiving ship for the opium brought at intervals by his swift clippers.

The large opium merchants, whose headquarters were generally at I long-kong, had receiving ships, heavily armed and manned by full crews, usually of Manila men, at each of the four treat) ports on the China coast, so that the inhabitants could purchase the drug.

The clippers ran up and down the coast carrying to the receiving ships the amount of opium required, and returning with the silver or other com modities obtained in return. The)- were engaged in an adventurous enter prise, exposed to numerous dangers, and requiring courageous skippers and daring crews to pull them through safely. The vessels wen- usually from one to two hundred tons burden, strongly built, splendidly outfitted, and on lines that admitted ot great speed, some of them having been built by the famous yacht builder. White of Cowes. They were, for their size, heavily armed, commonly mounting from six to ten guns. A well equipped craft carried, perhaps, three or four guns (on the largest clippers eighteen pounders) on each side; a large gun, even up to a sixty-eight pounder, on the largest vessels, amid ships, and very often another gun on the forecastle. The necessity of such an armament in comparatively modern days arose from the existence of numerous Chinese pirates, who. in their fast lorchas, did not shrink from attempting the capture of a rich prize like an opium clipper, whether on the outward trip with opium or on the return voyage with silver. The clippers were also commonly provided with long heavy oars some forty feet in length, which, if the ships were threatened by pirates in calm weather <>r in the near vicinity of land, could be run out of the ports and manned by five or six men each, moving the ships some three or lour knots an hour, it conditions were not unfavorable.

Trade was usually conducted on board the receiving ship, or, it no per-manent vessel existed, on board the clippers themselves as they arrived. Chinese shroffs looked after the sale of the drug and the care of the treasure.

Precious metals in any shape were accepted, but silver was principally used. It came sometimes in sycee bars, sometimes in blocks eight or nine inches in length, and not a little in broken vases, decorations from temples and even personal ornaments, while the larger quantity was in Spanish or Mexican dollars, the principal trading coin of the Hast.

Hie beginning of the commercial career of the island may be dated from [858, when the two Hongkong firms, Jardine Matheson & Co. and Dent & Co., first engaged in the Formosan trade. True it was not until i860 that they had representatives actually established in the island as general merchants ; still in 1858-9 they both handled a large quantity ol Formosan camphor, which was obtained as prearranged from the mandarins who had a monopoly of the trade.

The first step in opening the island to foreign trade was taken by the diplomatic representatives of America and Russia, Mr. Reid and Count hitiatine. who in 1858 were successful in inducing the Chinese government

I 74 THE [SI \\l> I 'I- P 1RM0SA.

to declare Taiwan open t<> foreign residence and trade. Subsequently other ports were opened by the English and French treaties ratified in r86o, at the close of the war with China,1 France obtaining the opening of Tamsui in the north," to which Kelung was added in 1 86 1 with the consent of the Imperial authorities as a dependent port of Tamsui; the British obtaining, three years later, the recognition of Takow as a dependent port of Taiwan. Though Taiwan was thus nominally opened in 1858, yet it was not until [865 that local provisions had been made and the place was actually opened to foreign residence. KoI>ert Swinhoe, the first consular representative to visit Formosa, was in December, 1S60, nominated by the British government as vice-consul at Taiwan, and Geo. C. 1'. Braune as assistant. In July, 1801, Mr. Swinhoe arrived at Takow, having been conveyed from Amoy aboard the British gun-boat Cockchafer. He and his staff travelled overland from 'Takow to Tai-wanfu, and on arriving at the capital they were installed by the authorities in the Fungshin temple outside the city walls, close to the canal.

The neighborhood of the temple, however, proved to be an unruly one, and the foreigners were pestered by crowds of people who were not always polite in satisfying their curiosity. Mr. Swinhoe was obliged to ask assistance from the mandarins to disperse the mobs, who were becoming very disagree-able. But to the dismay of the consul, an officer returned with the informa-tion that the mandarins were quite unable to drive away the crowds. In fact, but a week had elapsed since the people were in open riot against the authorities, who had attempted to impose likin to raise funds for the main-land military expenses.

Under these conditions it was apparent to Mr. Swinhoe that quarters inside the wall would be more pleasant, and he accordingly accepted an invitation to spend his first night at a well-to-do Chinese merchant's house within the walls. Later he secured a comfortable residence within the city, and remained there during the rest of his stay in Taiwanfu.

With the disappearance of the commodious harbor of the Hutch, Tai wanfii lost its importance as a port. In i860, the produce exported from the city consisted mainly ot sugar and rice. The imports were opium and a small quantity of shirtings. Takow to the south was now springing into prominence. It possessed a harbor sufficient for those days ; it was nearer the sugar district ; goods could be easily transported to and from the capital ; Messrs. Jardine Matheson & Co.. had stationed;! the hulk Pathfinder there and Messrs. I )ent <S: Co., the Teitiate, both of which were used as receiving ships. Mr. Swinhoe found Taiwanfu very unhealthy, three out of seven of

1. Art XI -In addition to the cities and towns of Canton, Amoy, Foocliow, Ningpo, and Shanghai, opened by the Treaty of Nanking, it is agreed that British subjects may frequent the cities aud^ports of Newchwang, Taugchow (Chefoo), Taiwan. Chao-chow (Swatow), and Kiuog-chow (Hainan)

Treaty of Tientsin, 1858. Great Britain and China. ( Ratified in 1860.)

2. Art. VI. - Kxperieucehaving demonstrated that the opening of new ports^to foreign commcrce'-is one of the necessities of the age, it has been agreed that the ports of Kiung-chow and Chao-chow in the province of Kwangtnng, Taiwan and Tamsui in the island of Formosa (province of Foh Kien), Tang-chow in the province of Shaugtung, and Nanking in the province of Kiangsu, shall enjoy the same privileges an Canton, Shanghai, Ningpo, Amoy, and Foochow.

Treaty of Tientsin, 1858. France and China. (Ratified in 18f,0.)

Formosa opened to foreign TkAi>E. 17;

his servants died, and towards the end of the year he was obliged t<> cross to Amoy to recuperate from an attack of fever.

Ultimately it was decided that Tamsui offered greater commercial possi-bilities and that the consulate at Iaiwanfu was for the time unnecessary. Accordingly, Mr. Swinhoe transferred his office to Hobe, the port of Tamsui district, arriving there in the middle of December (1861) on the British gunboat Handy}

Mr. Swinhoe was unable to obtain quarters on shore until a year later; so for the time he established his office and residence aboard [ardine Matheson ct Co's receiving ship . Idventure, which had arrived but a few months before to participate in the trade of the newly opened port.

At tin's time, there were no foreigners resident on shore in any part of the island, and at Tamsui the only foreign subjects were the master and crew of the Adventure, who were under British protection. The fast little clippers, 1 )ent & Co's Wild Wave, a brigantine of 159 tons, and (ardine Matheson & Co's J 'index of about the same size, were regularly appointed to look after the Formosan trade of the two companies. Tlie)- were well armed against pirates, each vessel carrying seven guns besides large crews. the Wild Wave having a force of forty Malays. These little clippers darted into Tamsui and Takow with opium and out again with currency and native produce.

Contrary to general belief, Formosan tea was regularly exported to China previous to the arrival of foreigners in the island. Mr. Swinhoe states in 1 cS6 1 that it was much imported by Chinese dealers at Amoy and Foochow to mix with the better class of teas. Furthermore. Mr. Swinhoe was the first to call the attention of foreigners to these teas, he having sent samples to three different tea-tasters for inspection the same year.-

The exports in 1S61 consisted of rice, indigo, sugar bark, ground nut cakes, camphor, coal, grass cloth fibre (ramie), wood, rattans, tea. pickled vegetables, pulse, barley, wheat, and sulphur.

In 1S62, Dent ct Co. and Jardine, Matheson & Co. were lx>th regularly established at 1 lobe, with agents residing there, and also kept Chinese establishments with shroffs at Banka, which was at that time the most im-portant city in the north. P. F. daSilvawas the agent of the former, and the latter managed its business through Chinese agents, with an Englishman, Captain William Morrison, who travelled between Tamsui and Takow, to keep a surveillance over lx>th. Farly the next year an Englishman, Churlton C. Rainbow, arrived in Tamsui and took charge of Messrs. Dent & Co.'s business as resident agent, and in 1X64 both firms had residences for their agents and godowns on shore. Although the treat) port was at Hobe, the trade of the north was found to be all conducted at Banka (a city adjoining

1. Consular Notification. — Owiug to the greater advantages offered by the harbor of Tamsui above all others in the islaud of Formosa, the undersigned lias removed his establishment thither from Taiwaufu, and Tamsui therefore will henceforth be recognized as the Consular Port opened to British trade in Formosa.

The limits of the harbor are defined by the bar at the mouth of the river to seaward and the gorge some four miles up the river to laudward.

'1. See chapter on tea.

i ~h i iik ISLAND i 'i t< iR&tOSA.

Twatutia <ni the north, and some eleven miles from the port.) Consequently, die Rnglish acting-consul at Tamsui succeeded in gaining permission from

the Chinese authorities to extend the boundaries ol the treat} port of Tamsui so as to include Banka.1

The Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs opened at Tamsui in [863. The first commissioner (acting) was Mr. I lowell. an Englishman, and his successor was Mr. Schenck, nephew of Admiral Schenck, U. S. X.

Vessels trading with Takow were obliged to proceed to either Amoy, Foochow, or Tamsui to have their cargoes assessed before they could go to Takow to discharge, two tidewaiters being established at the latter port to guard against smuggling, hi a similar manner, vessels leaving I akow were obliged to make use of one of the before-mentioned ports before they were allowed to proceed to their several destinations.

This great hindrance to shipping was, however, but of short duration; for on the 5th of May, 1X64, Mr. William Maxwell opened the customs at Takow. as first commissioner, and established his office on board the opium receiving hulk Pathfinder, previously referred to. A branch office of the customs was opened at Anping at the close of the year to start work from the 1st of January, 1865. Mr. W. A. Pickering, who became in later days a prominent character, then a tide-waiter, was placed in charge.

In the south, trade now appears to have improved, and was soon double that of Tamsui. The two pioneer firms had built godowns and acquired property in both Takow arid * Taiwanfu, and quite a large foreign population, including the representatives of two new firms, had gathered there.-'

1. Notification.- This is to give notice to all whom it may concern that the limits of this port aro extended up the river to include the town of Banka.

I'.ritish Consulate (Signed) (leo. 0. P. Braune, officiating Consul

Tamsui, Formosa, 7th July, 18G2.

(Published in the North China Herald 6th Sept. 1862.

2. The foreign firms already established in Takow in 1864 were as follows:—

Jardiue, Matheson A Co. ) I 'nit & (Jo. British.

MacPhail & Co. )

Lesslei & Co. (afterwards Lessler & Hagen), German. The foreign rcsidcuts in Takow and Taiwanfu at the end of 1861 were as follows!— At Takow : Robert Swinhoe, H.li.M.'s Consul. William Maxwell, Commissioner of Customs Brodie A. Clarke, Assistant in Customs. William G. Merrick, Tide Surveyor, Customs.

cge ( rue, Tide Waiter, Customs. British.

(leorge P. Henry, Tide Waiter, Customs. James W. MacPhail, Partner in MacPhail & Co. Robert R. Itotbwell, Clerk in MacPhail & Co. /

M. ii Lessler of Lessler ,v. Co., German.

P. F. da Silva, Agent, Dent & Co. } „ .

Mrs. silva. \ Portuguese.

At Taiwnnfu: — Neil MacPhail, Partner in MacPhail & Co. \

Alexander Morrison. Agent, Jardine, Matheson & Co.

William Alexander Pickering, Tide Waiter in Customs (Anping). | Bri',Bh' John William Mingort, Clerk in MacPhail & Co. )

In 1865, a second German firm started at Takow: Kielmann and Alisch. Dr. James I,, Maxwell, a ten Medical Missionary, arrived the same year, < liner changes and additions in 1865 were the arrival

F( IRMOS \ i IPI NED 1" I ' iRF [ON I 1 . \ I > I . 1 77

Consequently Vice-Consul Swinhoe,1 who had encountered considerable difficulty in communicating with the Chinese officials at Taiwanfu, re-established his consular office in the south; this; time at Takow, when- he hoisted his flag on board the opium receiving hulk Ternate, belonging to Messrs. Dent & Co., (remaining there until [866 when he removed to a residence on shore). .Mr. Hraune was left in charge of the consular office in the north, which was continued as an agency of the south, and in 1865 a British consular office was opened at Taiwanfu, under the charge of Mr. Thomas VVatters (Assistant).

Of the trade in South Formosa the chief article of import was opium, practically the only import in which foreigners were interested. Exports consisted of" brown sugars, from Takow. and white from Taiwanfu. turmeric (chiefly to the northern parts of China for food, dye. and medicine', lungars and ground nuts, and sesame oils. Rice was exported from Takow in large quantities until 1865, when the Chinese government prohibited its export, except to Amoy and Foochow under pass — which pass was difficult to obtain. Although this prohibition was removed two years later, it was again imposed in 1869. In Takow and Taiwanfu. in 1866, the valued imports was $1,608,789 and of exports $1,158,778.

At Tamsui and Kelung there was less commercial activity. Until 1866

1. No other foreigner during either the past or present has succeeded in associating his name so firmly with Formosa as the late Robert Swinhoe, P.R.G.S., F.Z.S. Although iu Formosa but a few years, so thoroughly possessed was he of that important faculty to the scientist— great powers of observation —that lie was enabled to gather much general information about the island, while his contributions on scientific subjects and his discoveries among the birds and beasts of Formosa will carry his name down to posterity. It is not inappropriate, therefore, to devote a few lines to his career. — Mr. Robert Swinhoe, the Rritish Foreign Office List informs us, was educated at King's College, London, and matriculated at London University in ltf53 He was appointed Supernumerary Interpreter at Hongkong in 1854, transferred to Amoy the following year, and a year later was appointed second assistant at the same port and at Shanghai. He was attaciied to Lord Elgin's special mission to China ( 1856) and at its conclusion returned to Amoy, where he was later appointed Interpreter. En 1858 he accompanied II. M.S. Inflexible as Interpreter on an expedition to Formosa in search of certain Europeans who were believed to be existing in a state of slavery at the sulphur mines on that island. He accompanied the expedition of 1800 to North China acting first as interpreter to General Napier aud later to the Commander-in-Chief, Sir Hope Grant, and received a medal for this service. He was appointed Vice-Consul at Taiwan, Formosa, Dec. 22nd, 1800. He sent an exhibit of Formosan produce to the Great International Exhibition of 1802, and obtained honourable mention and a medal in return. He was made a corresponding member of the Royal Zoological Society of London, of the North China Branch of the Asiatic Society and of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. He was appointed Life Fellow of the Royal Zoological Society of London in 1863; Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society and corresponding member of the Ethnological Society iu 1803; towards the close of the same year lie was elected an Honorary Fellow of King's College, London. He was promoted to be Consul at Taiwan iu ISO.1", and placed in charge of the Amoy Consulate 1800, and of the Ningpo Consulate the next year, where he remained until 1875, when he closed his con-sular career and retired on a pension. He was soon after elected fellow of the Royal Society of London. His death occurred on the 28th of October, 1877.

CHAPTER XIV (PART 2 OF 5)

of a new custom's assistant, Henry James Fisher, aud the establishment at Takow of Brodie A. Clarke as a mercantile agent.

In 1866 Dr. Patrick Man son, M.I'., arrived. Dent .v. Co. closed their agency in Takow this year, and P. F. da Siha was taken into partnership in the firm of Lessler and Hagen. P'.lles ft Co. opened ar Takow with (>. Remedios in temporary chaise, V\ . H, Taylor arriving at the end .>f the year and assum-ing charge as first agent. A. W. Bain arrived as assistant in the firm of EUes & Co. al the end of the same year.

In 1H07 Tait ,V Co. under .T. C. Masson, and Boyd A Co. under Robert Craig starled business in South Formosa. Macl'hail & Co. suspended business during this year. Rev. Hugh Ritchie of the Presbyterian Church Mission arrived during this year and joined Dr. Mauson of the same nii-^i. n.

In 1809 Rrown &. Co. commenced business in the south, and Robert J. Hastings arrived as tide-waiter in the Customs.

Of tTieso pioneers but two remain in the island at present (1897): V. W. Bain, now at the head of jBain * Co., and Robert J. Hastings, now at the head of Wright .V I

I 7N THE ISI \\'l> > >!• M pRMi »SA,

liritish subjects numbered only nine, against fourteen in the south,1 but there were three new mercantile arrivals. Mr. John I )odd, who established himself in Tamsui in 1864, Mr. lames Milisch, a citizen of Hamburg, who started the firm of Milisch and Co. in 1865, and the Americans Field and Hastis who about this time started in the coal and camphor business at Kelung, associating with them (I)r. I Yung Wing, a Chinese who later attained a high position in official circles, and was eventually naturalized as an American citizen. 1867 saw a considerable increase, and by the end of the year there were ten British subjects resident in Tamsui and three in Kelung, four Americans in Tamsui and three in Kelung, and five continental Europeans in Tamsui, twenty-five in all. The value of exports from the two northern ports in [866 was #379,321 and of imports £1,058,682.

Previous to the establishment of a foreign consulate in Formosa, the island's camphor trade had been exclusively in the hands ot two or three ot the wealthiest foreign firms, who employed schooners to collect it as fast as native agents stationed at the chief ports along the coast had purchased it. These large firms found this trade extremely lucrative, but upon the establish-ment of the foreign inspectorate, it was declared that the whole coast was not open to foreign trade. Thus limited to the treaty ports, Tamsui and Kelung, it appeared that business was not so profitable, and the firms with-drew their vessels. Chinese who had been former!)' hampered by lack ol capital were now not slow to avail themselves oi this lucrative trade, and by a judicious distribution of gifts, as well as by promises ol certain sums to be paid regularly to the officials, they succeeded in obtaining the exclusive right of dealing in camphor, which right, however, was again lost in [868, when the monopoly was abolished after considerable foreign pressure had been brought to bear.J

With an increase in the trade came a corresponding improvement in shipping facilities. Captain Thomas Sullivan, master of the Wild Wave, Captain Roper, master of the Vindex, and Captain Alexander Morrison, agent of Jardine Matheson & Co., were the pioneer skippers of Formosa. True, occasional tramp schooners, often of Hamburg or Danish origin, visited the Formosan ports, but none of them were so identified with the earlier trade as were the Wild Wave and I 'index.

For several years the only arrivals were schooners, brigs, and small barques of from 100 to 250 or }oo tons. Sailing ships up to about 600 tons occasionally arrived at Kelung, and steamers at extremely rare intervals entered the same harbor. The first steamer to identify herself with the Formosan trade was the L 'nion — 204 tons — commanded by Captain Wilson. 'This vessel was owned by Pent & Co. and made her first

1. British subjects residing at Tamsui in 18CC :—

William Gregory, Acting British Consul. John Dodd, Agent, Pont & Co.

John William Howell, Customs Agent. John Batty, Gunner in Dent k Co.'s hong.

George F. Hume, Tide Surveyor, Custom?. Robert Rimmer.

Charles Powell, Tide Waiter. Customs. Richard Hicks. Richard Goodridge, Tide Waiter, Customs. Neil McPhail and Alexander Mnrrison, entered as residents of Taiwanfu, spent a portion of their time in Tamsui.

2. See chapter on Camphor

Formosa oh.m.h ro foreign i-rade. 170

tri|) in 1863. Among the other crafi most familiar to the pioneers were the schooners Dodo, the Salamander — 106 tons — Captain Roper, Pearl — 85 tons — Captain Fbert, and the Eliza Mary, which first arrived in 1S66 under command of Captain Hoole. The Pearl made frequent trips between South Formosa and the mainland ports until [une, r866, when she was lost with her cargo and all on board save one. while on a voyage from Takow to Amoy laden with rice and general produce. The Elisa Mary made numerous trips between Amoy and South Formosan ports with opium and general cargo. She continued to run on this line until the middle of [870, when she was wrecked at Takow. Captain Beattie being her master at that time. A year previous to her loss (Captain) Hermann \ osteen1 first arrived in Takow aboard her as boatswain. The Rubicon, of 204 tons, also a well-known schooner on the Formosan coasts, ran until 1N71, when she was wrecked on the Pescadores."

Among the visiting steamers previous to 1X70 were the Yucn-tsze-fu Of 315 tons. Captain Storks, the Vulcan of 130 tons. Captain Randall, and the Elfin of 174 tons, Captain Thomas. The last named was the first to visit Japan with Formosan produce. In I )ecember. 1X64. this vessel arrived from N okohama with a general cargo, and was despatched to Yokohama in the following month also with a general cargo. The S. S. Island Queen, a paddle-wheel steamer of 1 20 tons under Captain Burkett, made occasional trips from Foochow in 1865, and was the first and last side-wheeler to appear in the South Formosan ports. She was afterwards sold to the Chinese government, was renamed the Hai-tong Yuen, and was destroyed at the bombardment of Foochow by the French in 1884. The Taiwan of 217 tons, Captain Roper, was the first regular liner from Hongkong via Swatow and Amoy to Takow, Anping (Taiwanfu), and Tamsui. She was not a success, however, and was soon withdrawn. The steamers Douglas, Kivangtung, and Yes so were all well known in the north Formosan ports. The latter vessel was built at Xew York in [864 with labor at $7.50 a day. She was brought out tor Dent <S: Co. by a Captain Dearborn, and was then bought by J )ouglas Lapraikand his associates. She bore the name <>l Yesso for some time until it was discovered that the Chinese characters were those used to represent the heavenly deity, a discovery which somewhat shocked the more religious of her patrons, and the characters were thereupon changed.

Life both on land ami sea was not without hardship and danger in those days. On shore the natives frequently gave exhibitions ol their hostility to foreigners, and on the unlighted, and, we may say uncharted, coasts of the island, numerous pirates hovered. These-, if they could not capture the speedy foreign craft on the open seas, frequently joined with the natives on shore in pillaging any vessels that were unfortunate enough to be wrecked.

1. CapL Vosfceeu remained iu Suutii Fuimu.^a ami became a well-known pilot. He continued to be engaged iu shipping matters iu Takow and Anping until the late occupatiouof the island by the Japanese.

2, The whistle of the steamer soou proved to be the deatli knell of the little clipper.-, at least so far as Formosan trade was concerned. The Wild Wavt was sold to the Japauesc aud lost with all hands ou hoard uu her first trip to the Loochoos. The proud little Vbldex was degraded to the rank oi a junk, aud

now converted into a lorcha is carrying poles from Foochow to shanghai. The Sulaiuander was sold '

the Portuguese at Macao.

jNo r 1 1 1 : Island ot Formosa.

So numerous were the pirates in south Formosa that they frequently defied the mandarins. They formed a village known as Koksikong, five miles to the north of Taiwanfu, then the capital, and there they gathered in large numbers, varying their exploits on the sea by preying upon the inhabitants of the surrounding country. The fishermen of Anping appear to have been their constant victims, and towards the end of [866 a party of pirates landed at Anping, plundered, ravished, and rioted for three days, and then returned unmolested to their stronghold. And this with the capital and largest city luit two miles distant. In the north the pirates had their headquarters at a large village called Pe-sua-tun, lying just behind I'aksa Point, a promontory on the coast between Tamsui and Teckcham, (Shinchiku). where frequent w recks occurred.

Formosa was indeed notorious tor wrecks, and escape from the pirates and other wreckers was quite exceptional for any vessel that happened to 1»- cast on the coast out of sight of the principal ports. Upwards of one hundred and fifty foreign \essels were wrecked and lost on or near the Formosan coast (occupied by Chinese) between 1850 and 1869, and out of this number over thirty were plundered ami many burned by the pirates, wreckers, and villagers, while the known loss o( life is over a thousand. Instances ot these cruel attacks may be learned from the list ol wrecks. The most noticeable of these outrages (wrecks occurring alter 1S70 are treated in the following chapter) were the cases of the foreign vessels lima. Moon Keen Kele, Kossuth, Martha and Emily, Soberana, /.itchy Star, . I /nana. Kwang Foong and Mabc}

1. Tin: following list refers to the important wrecks occurring on m near uhe Form->.-,au coast between 1850 ami ISC'.). The author regrets that this list is not complete. The facts that there was no record kept of wrecks previous to 1861 ami that many vessels were surmised to have heeu lost on the FnriiMsaii or adjacent islands regarding which do definite information was ever received render it necessarily imperfect, liven iu later year- wrecks were not always recorded ; the material for this list together with that contained in the following chapters, was obtained only after extensive research in many different charters With the exeeptiou of British vessels, the later lists of which are believed to be complete, it is likely that there are some omissions. For wrecks from ls7(> to 1SS.5 see concluding pnges of Chapter XV. For wrecks in subsequent years see Chapter XVII.

Of the wrecks previous to 1850, we have but little information. Foreigners were not resident in the island at that time aud the Chinese, of course, kept no records. Among the most promiueut of the disasters was the wreck of the British brig Ann, which was lost in March, 1H42, on the northwest coast of Formosa, and the British ship Nerblldda iu September, likewise on the west Formosan coast. Out of fifty-seven souls belougiug to the former and two hundred and forty belonging to the latter there were but twelve survivors, the others having been either put to death by the officers of the Chinese government in Formosa, killed by the plunderers, or perishing through ill-treatment and starvation (See Chapter \ III). Iu 1810 the -hip Sarah Trottinan with a cargo of teas was lost off the southern coast of Formosa. The English opium clipper KelpU was also thought to have been lost on the Formosan coast about this time.

Wrecks on coasts of Formosa and adjacent islands :— 1850-1869 :

1850 The British ship harpeilt was wrecked ou the south Formosa coast. (Jut of her en -w of

thirty, there were but three survivors, the others having heeu either killed by the savages or drowned while trying to escape. The three survivors were kept in slavery iu the islaud for some time, but eventually reached China (See Chapter IX.)

1855 The Xew York clipper ll'ujU Vlyer was lost with all ou board on the south Formosa

coast, she was commanded by Captain G. B. Waterman, whose wife as well as Mrs. Charles Spencer Comptou and three hundred or more Chinese, were passeugers ou board.

The American clipper I 'oqtu '•.;■ disappeared during this year, aud is believed to have heeii

lost on the Formosan Coast. She had a large number of passengers on board.

1S5T The vessel Vixen was wrecked during a typhoon on the Formosan coast.

1859 The British ship Kctia was wrecked near Tamsui. Plundered by soldiers and natives.

1861 The American brig Moon Keen Kele wrecked and plundered near I'a-te-chui.

, — December — The Sin grounded near Kok-si-kong, whence -h,' might have

been got "IT had not the natives froiu shore (Chiuese) conic ou iu large numbers and, after pluuderiugaud

FORMOSA OPENED TO FOREIGN IU\I>I.. I N I

The two most dreaded districts on the west side oi the island wen' the dangerous shores in the vicinity ot Koksikongin the south, and Lamkan and Paksa Point near the village ol Pe-sua-tun in the north. Theusualcruel methods of the residents of these two piratical villages may lie understood from tin-two instances below.

In a violent typhoon on the 29th ol September. [866, the British barque fCwanr Fo<m<r was driven ashore at Koksikonef. Soon alter striking, con siderable confusion was observed on shore, and but a short time elapsed before a crowd of 300 Chinese, armed with long knives, came on board and commenced to plunder. Not only was the ship stripped, but the clothes of all on board were torn from them, and they wen- driven from the ship. Onshore, naked and helpless, they were obliged to agree to pay one ol the pirates S600 for showing them the way to Taiwanfu la few miles distant!. The crew reached the capital, but in a pitiable condition, having travelled for two days under a scorching sun. They were quite naked save for a few pieces of old mats which they had picked up along the way. and their feet and legs were severely cut by the oyster shells over which they had walked when wading through the shallows and creeks. The mandarins either did not desire, or were powerless, to punish or control these fierce pirates of Kok-si-kong.

The wreck of the Spanish barque Soberana, December 31st, 1663, at Lamkau, North Formosa (Captain Olano's protest. Spanish Consular Reports, Amoy). " It grew dark with fresli breeze, rather dense mist, and some rain, thus preventing us from seeing about ns, ami so it continued until 2 o'clock, when the vessel gave a stroug jerk forward. The order was immediately given to luff her, but it was of

wrecking her, set her on fire. The captain and crew finding it useless to resist such large numbers of armed men deserted the vessel and went to Tainan.

1862 February The Singapore registered vessel Uncle Tom was wrecked al the cutrauce of Tamsui harbor. The vessel sank leaving only above the water the tips of the masts, to which a few of the unhappy victims were clinging and calling for assistance. Theses raged so high that, every attempt to put off a boat proved futile, and out of forty souls only three were saved. These managed to reach shore by availing themselves of pieces of brokeu timber.

1862. — November. The English vessel Maulm and Emily went aground on the X. W. Formosa

coast. Shu was in no great danger and could have been floated had not one of the Chinese would-be plunderers shot the captaiu dead. This so terrified the crew that they deserted the ship, which was then immediately plundered.

1863. . The Hamburg vessel Esther was wrecked on the Formosa coast.

December. The Spanish bark Soberana was wrecked at Lamkan and pluudercd by the

Chiuese (See main text).

. The Americau vessel Lttcky Star was wrecked on the west coast of Formosa. The

captain, his wife and crew were very harshly treated by the Chinese and released only ou the payment of a considerable ransom by the foreigu agent in charge of the Customs.

1864. . The vessel Tulamo was wrecked on the Formosau coast.

. The Hamburg brig Herer was wrecked on the Formosau coasl

. The vessel Mathilde was wrecked on the Formosan coast,

March. The British brig Siistui Dongltu while on a voyage from Hongkoug to Niugpo was

wrecked ou the island of Samasaua off S. E. coast Formosa. The captain and crew were kindly treated and supported over a mouth by the natives, the captain then obtainiug passage to Takow aboard a juuk. The others, with the exception of one Hawaiian who died in the island, woe rescued by the liritish gunboat Bustard. (Lieut Tucker.)

1864 -April— The British ship Netlierby with a cargo of tea grounded on a rock to the north of the Pescadores. She was immediately hoarded by piratical villagers who plundered whatever they could lay hands ou. Iu this instance, however, good resulted from evil, for the removal of bo much cargo lighl the ship considerably, and a strong north breeze springing up she stood out to sea and proceeded on her voyage without loss of life and with hut little damage to the ship.

September— The British barque Truro was wrecked near Lokiang W. coast, Formosa. The

vessel was looted by the natr w being stripped and plundered.

1865— September— The Hanoverian bring AmphitriU was wrecked :tn miles north of Taiwaufu. W. coast Formosa.

October The barque J6twia was wrecked on the sand hank near Gocbe, W, coasl Formosa. The boat was al once surrounded by native-. The master Win. Murray oudoa\ ired to keep them oil. and

jSj I ill tSJ AM' i 'I I ' 1RM0SA.

no avail, and we found thai we were tiglit on the rooks, and that it was impossible to gel tlie vessel oil. Owing to the heavy sea breaking over ber she Buffered greatly ; still as we wire mar the shore we hoped to be able to save something in the moruiug. We were iuteudiug to dismast her, but shortly discovered that the water iu the hold had risen to B feet, and consequently we got the boats in readiness bo as to save our-selves and the ship's documents At day-break we saw that we were close on to the island of Formosa, and notwithstanding that betweeu the vessel and land the sea broke fearfully, we were forced to lower our boats in order to convey a rope ashore, and then see it we could save auythiug out of the cargo. Hut, at the moment the tope was being conveyed, a heavy sea upset the boat and shattered it to pieces, the boat's crew being saved with great difficulty. We lowered a second boat with similar results. We then endeavoured to Hoat life preservers with a line attached, but were alike unsuccessful iu this. We Don threw out n water cask which, to our great joy, reached the shore ; but scarcely had it touched before the natives on shore cut the ropns and bore away the cask. We then threw out a large hencoop which also reached the shore, and our Chinese passengers crying out to their coturtrymen on land, the latter this time made fast the rope, to our iuteuse relii f. But in less than live minutes, upwards of a hundred Chinese appeared, and utilizing out line came OU board, armed with big knives. They then searched us taking away whatever we had, whilst others entered the cabin and commenced plundering our provisions and the cargo, which they were taking out through the hatchway leading from the cabin. The ship's papers and other documents, chronometers, etc., we had placed in a junk which was then alongside, but the Chinese discovered it, and tearing off the cover, they threw the books aud papers into the sea and carried away the instruments On board it was general plunder, aud on shore there were upwards of 'J.IXK) men. At this poiut the Chinese commanded us to go ou shore, and as we were leaving they stripped US one by one leaving us with only our shirts and drawers and some ill a state of absolute nudity. Finally they conducted us to a house, minus three of the men for whom they demanded $300 ransom: and not having money on our persons, we of course could not comply, hut the owner of the house said that if we would grant him a document ordering the Spanish consul at Amoy to pay the amount, he would advance the money, which he did, or pretended to do, aud the three men were brought forward, and the document was given iu return. On the 'J4th of January we all assembled together and were sent toTemsui, at which place we presented ourselves to the British consul, who gave us clothes and lodging while a vessel was prepared to send us to Amoy. Signed by the Captain, First and Second Mate, and three of the crew, 19th January, 1863."

The coasting track: was rendered hazardous and subjected to great in-conveniences by this tendency to piracy which manifested itself among certain classes of natives. On one occasion, a foreign vessel was kept lying six weeks in Kelung, waiting for a cargo of rice which had been bought on tht: east coast, on account of a Meet of piratical junks which hovered off

though a few soldiers appeared ou the second day they made but little effort to protect the vessel ; ou the evening of the third day having run out of ammunition the master was overpowered and the soldiers were the lirst to turu to and commence plundering. By daylight next moruiug the boat had been stripped and was then set on tire. The master, his wife, and the crew escaped over laud aud eventually reached Tamstii.

November— The Hamburg brig Hoffnung was wrecked a little to the north of Anping, W. coast of Formosa. Vessel looted and crew stripped and plundered by the natives.

December —The British bc! ner Julia .Um was wrecked 15 miles south of Takow, W. coast Formosa.

1866. — June. The British schooner Pearl bound from Takow to Amoy was lost with all on board except one.

June. The British ship T. E. Boyd was wrecked on the Pescadores, ship and crew stripped

aud plundered by the natives

July The ship Fuirliijhl was wrecked on one of the Miyakojhua group, N. E of Formosa.

A young American. John Oibney. and 197 Chinese were drowned. It appears that the I.uochoo people who inhabit the islands behaved with their usual nobleness ou this occasion. They brought in wrecked property that had floated ashore, fed the sufferers, declined remuneration, aud actually sent a largo quantity of rice aud a couple of bullocks on board the Prince Kioto, which took the wrecked people away.

July. The British ship ilabc was wrecked at l.amkan, X. W. coast of Formosa. Crew all

saved, but the vessel plundered and then burned by the Datives,

September. The German brig Eduard wrecked at Auping during a typhoon.

September. The Dutch vessel Pielides, wrecked at Koksikoug, W. coast Formosa, during

typhoon and plundered by the natives.

September. The British barque Kuang Foong wrecked at Koksikoug during typhoon aud

plundered by the natives, the crew being stripped of their clothing. (See maiu text).

November. The barque Bintang Amnion was wrecked at the eutrauce of Tamsui harbor.

Abandoned by master and crew. Purchased by Dodd & Co. Natives pluudered the wreckage on shore, and English uaval force lauded, burned a few houses occupied by plunderers, aud recovered a portion of the stolen property.

1867.— March. The American barque Bower was wrecked on the Vele Bete Rocks, S. of Formosa. Captain Hunt, his wife, and crew made their way in boats to the south coast of Formosa but were all, with the exception of out Chinese, cruelly murdered by the Botan savages (See Chapter IX.)

_ — October. The British ship Philomela was wrecked near Lakiaug, W. coast of Formosa. Crew-arrived at Taiwaufu destitute.

186'J i tctober, The British sol ner Flying Buck was stranded north of eutrauce tu Takow harbor.

(Unless otherwise mentioned the vessels yivcu above were total wrecks.)

I i iRMl ISA OPENED TO F( iKl rGN I R x I ■ 1 . l8j

the eastern point of the island; and the vessel finally left port with onlj about half her intended cargo. On another occasion a number of piratical

lorchas, which cruised for some days off the north point, caused a suspension of communication by sea between Tamsui and Kelung. The British gun-boat Flamer came in contact with the pirates on several occasions. She figures in the following account in which an American describes his own personal experiences w hile a captive of the pirates and the methods by which these rogues carried on their traffic. (United States Consular Reports. |

CHAPTER XIV (PART 3 OF 5)

" I cleared iu the lugger Bocleway, bearing the American Hag1 on the 4th of March, 1865, from Ningpo, hound for Foochow in ballast. On the morning of the 10th of March at about 1 a.m., it being very thick and dark, blowing hard from the N.K., I came to an anchor off Chiatonan island to the northward of Sanpan pass ; a good many wood junks were also at anchor there, apparently bound for Ningpo. There were also two Canton lorchas lying astern of them. At daylight, while preparing to weigh, I observed that the decks of the lorchas in question were crowded with armed men (with matchlocks and spears) also that they were making ready to fire their big guns. They then hailed me in pigeon English to come on board, but I told them that my sampan beiug broken I could not. Each lorclia then sent a boat, and one also came from the shore, boarded me, and took possession of my vessel, my crew consisting of one European (a passenger) besides myself and 18 Ningpo men, these immediately going down into the hold.

" They enquired whether I had any cargo or money, and on my replying in the negative, they took me forcibly on board one of their own lorchas, they thin locked me up in company with the other European ia passenger) Henry Lee orLeetch, an Austrian, in a sort of quarter-galley from which I could see a little of what went on, through a crack about 9 inches square. We were shut u|> there for about four days. On the fourth day, they were attacked by several mandarin gunboats, of which 1 counted nine, (through the chink) but after an engagement these were beaten oil. This occurred while the lorchas were under weigh. Wo then ran to the northward and came to, so far as I could make out, Tak-sen Hay near Wan-chew. Remaining there some days and theu leaving by night we ran southward to Meichew Sound and there captured two junks laden with charcoal, after which we put into port, sold the charcoal, and turned the junks' crew adrift again. We also took two junks laden with hard coal, and then proceeded to Chin-chew Bay, where we fell in with a Canton lorcha bound for Hongkong with a cargo of salt.

" The pirates hailed her in Chinese, which was answered. They then chased her towards a city called Tong-Boo (to the southward of Meichew Sound) and on her anchoring ran alongside, boarded and took her, cutting her cable and, hoisting her foresail, took her out to sea, and forced her crew into their service by taking out half her hands and distributing them in their own vessels, and replacing them with men of themselves. I may state that always while at sea, they let us out, and everywhere except in any close harbor when we were kept locked up. Shortly after this we fell in with a Foochow lorcha laden with sugar and sugar-candy, with a mandarin, some women, and soldiers on board. They bo:irded and took her, killing the mandarin and all on hoard except one woman and child. They sold her cargo at Meichew Sound and broke her up there. They then proceeded to the coast of Formosa, and anchored in a port, which from the description, must 1 think have been Kelung. remaining there three days. (A European boat boarded us here, but with only Chinamen on board). They then ran to the southward looking for a convenient and safe spot I imasine to lay in, and got into a small river, but whereabouts on I he coast, I do not know except that it must have been to the southward of Tamsui ; utter we had laid there about twenty days, as near as I could guess, a gunboat bearing the British flag made her appearance. (I was then immediately with my companion shut up as before) she remained off the river two days firing at the pirate at long range, sinking one of the lorchas and wounding and killing some of her crew.' No one was killed on board the vessel I was iu, but the shot and shell came very close, splashing all over the vessel, some water even coming through the chink. A portiou of a shell took a piece out of our mast. The crews of the pirates hauled the lorchas quite close in shore, in a foot or so of water, and hoisting several guns from the hold erected a battery on shore. The reason that the juuk sank was that a portion of a shell went right through her bows under water ; while this was going on there were people on board from the shore, who appeared to me to be mandarin soldiers who were assisting.

" On the gunboat leaving the}- immediately weighed and got outside without taking anything out of the sunken lorcha except her crew, and proceeding to the mainland anchored at Nanguan, staying there a day went to Pi-ki-san, an island to the northward and eastward of Wanchew where there were anchored several other pirate junks. They here repaired damages, got in provisions and ammunition and sent their wounded to be treated ashore. Soon after we again put to sea taking two wood junks. After beating off a mandarin convoy, they returned to Pi-ki-san ; here they were attacked by eighteen or nineteen mandarin gun-boats, which, however, did them little or no damage and after some firing disappeared. They then started again leaving their prize in charge of the other vessels. The same kind of proceedings went on until we got into Leishan Bay, where 1 made my escape, under the following circumstances. At about eight o'clock at night while the crew were smoking opium and gambling, my fellow-prisoner said to me. that the sampan was down and hauled close up under the stern, and as the night was very thick and dark we might escape, we then got into the sampan and with the help of a small paddle managed to reach the shore, and pushed the boat well out to the sea and let her drift so that she might not, lend to our discovery. We sat on the rocks all night and in the morning

1. Britisli Gunboat Flamer, Lieutenant Eaton Commander. The port referred to was Aulan.

l8 4 Till IM \\l> I IF I ■'' IRM( ISA.

making out way across the mountain got to the town of Sau-Sah. We went to the mandarin station to

the groal astonishment of the inmatos, wl ould nol conceive where we aame from. However by signs

we succeeded in making them understand, also that we were desirous of going south (to Foochowl where we arrived ou the 28th oi Eter having been captives to the pirates since the 10th of March. I

did not know what month it was, hut fancied it musl be ' lotober, or November. Wo were treated properly by the pirates, let loose and made to work at sea but confiued when we might be likely to escape. T don't know wliat became either of my vessel nr lier crew, but I do not think the latter wcro killed. I whs owner of Che vessel Boclcway. 1 asked them why they kept us prisoners and they said that if they did not, a gun boat (foreign) would be sent after them, and that as I traded at Ningpo, while I was there they would be iinal le to oome near th»t port. They always endeavorel to evade steamers, and on sight of one prepared for action, but they did not the least care for sailing vessels. The junk I was ou board had twelve gnus oh deok, and her hold was filled with raptured goods of all kinds, with numbers of guns and small anus and ammunition, On deck she had four 16 pounders, one IS pounder, and the remainder were 1^ pounders, 1 think the other was armed about the same, but the captured lorcha was armed with '.) pounders taken from the others The principal people spoke a little pigeon English. Some of them told me they had been pirates thirty years, some of them having their headquarters in Formosa. They were well stationed as hoarders, and fought well, and had apparently not much fear of death. They had some watches and clocks on hoard, but more for sale than use. They had good telescopes and opera-glasses whirh they used. They endeavored generally to get in close under the land and send tho watchers on the hills to look out, and on any trading vessels being seen they used to run out and chase them. Tin v had on board a shroff for whom they expected to get a large ransom at or near Ningpo. The shroff of the Boclcway got away three months ago, I found out the fact, separately from me and my companion. I forgot to mention that at Chi-atow an English paddle-wheel steamer tired a few shot at the lorcha which wns returned. (Signed) John Kelpy, Mnstcr of the T'ocl-irmi.

Iii 1 854 Chinese settlers began reaching down the north-east coast. Barter trade on the east coast in the vicinity of Suao Bay was commenced in 1N54, when a settlement now known as Suao was established on that bay. In [858, 1S62, and 1N04. attempts were made by the Chinese to occupy the fertile valley to the south, but they were each time eventually driven out by the savages. Shortly after the second of these attempts, the village, which was enclosed 1 iv a wall of earth surrounded by a ditch, was surprised in the dead of night by savages, and about four hundred of" the Chinese killed. An enterprising Chinese, however, undaunted by these experiences, established himself on a small bay; known as Tang-o, five miles south of Suao, erected there a saw-mill, and engaged in cutting timber for the Kelung market. lie also set up some camphor stills, the locality being verj favorable from the abundance of camphor trees in the vicinity. This was more than the savages were willing to put up with, however, and after numerous brawls the manufacture of camphor in that district was discontinued. From this time on, repeated attempts were made by the Chinese to reach further towards the south. A few years later their persistency was rewarded by the establishment of a small settlement, then known as Sin-cheng, close to the- Pacific coast and forty-five miles or so to the south of Suao. The settlers did little in the way oi cultivating the soil, maintaining themselves by bartering salt, gunpowder, foreign and native clothes, needles, beads, thread, and such like, tor firewood, dye roots, fruits, hemp cloth, deer sinews, horns, skins, etc.

I he Chinese officials gave no assistance to these enterprising pioneers, nor was such assistance desired, for even when the mandarins did consider that they could profitably exert their authority, the colonists refused to recognize their right to do so. So determined were the people in this respect that the fertile Kapsulan plain with its large and prosperous villages for man}- years refused to submit to official rule, and even in late days then-were many settlements which, though they submitted to a nominal rule, refused to contribute to official expenditure, ami the authorities usually met with defeat il they endeavored to enforce payment,

East Coast Views

High Cliffs of East Coast (After GuillemardJ Karenko Village.

Suao Village. Karenko Beach. Savages at Pinam pulling in Beats.

I ORMOSA i 'IT \] i> i" i i >kl ii. \ i k \M . 1X5

The Chinese officers noted, however, the success ol the saw-mill and the utility of the product fur government works. This induced them to take a step utterly at variance with usual Chinese conservatism. They erected, in 1X67, a steam saw-mill at Suao, notable as one of the first instances of the adoption of steam power by the officials of the empire, unin-stigated by foreigners. The hulk oi the timber obtained was used in th<-construction of the government docks at Foochow. With tin's innovation. Suao at once sprang into prominence, and a number of foreign vessels en-tered the bay. A few foreigners settled there, and the port had at one time every promise of becoming a flourishing city.

At this period there was organized at Suao an expedition which, for uniqueness, as well as humanity, of purpose deserves a page in history. The Chinese had cruelly driven the natives known as Pepohoans from their fertile lands, and not content with this, had taken from them whatever little property the fugitives had afterwards amassed by dint of hard and patient labor. These poor people were thus deprived of nearly every means of subsistence. I'pon the arrival of the Chinese at Suao. the Pepohoans were located there in considerable numbers. They were not long allowed to live in peace, however, ami were soon in a deplorable state. The foreigners at the port were much impressed with the condition ol these peaceful natives, ami, with the intention of assisting them, it was decided that a tract of fertile lam! south of Suao, then unoccupied except by roving head-hunters, should be secured, and the Pepohoans placed in possession of it. In [868 the first party, consisting of Pepohoans under the command of a foreigner, met with such local opposition that it was deemed best to wait until the following year when an attempt on a larger scale could be made. During this interval, the plan, which was first undoubtedly inspired by purely philanthropic motives, appears to have assumed a commercial aspect ; — two foreigners being ambitious to secure exclusively for them-selves the possession and government of the proposed colony. It would not be just to them, however, to neglect to state that the success of the original scheme, for the sake of the Pepohoans alone, necessitated that the enterprise should be conducted on a sound commercial basis; and men of business in Formosa, notwithstanding their sympathy for the Pepohoans, were not inclined to give up their time and money without some prospect of at least a return sufficient to meet their expenses.

The leader of this expedition was an Englishman named I lorn. No other foreigner had, at this time, seen so much of the P'ormosan savages ; in tact it was Horn that recovered the body of Mrs. Hunt, who. with her husband ami the crew of the American vessel A'crrr, were massacred by the savages of south Formosa as recorded in a previous chapter. James Milisch, a citizen of Hamburg, and a mercantile resident of Tamsui, was the financial backer. Horn had allied himself to the Pepohoans by marrying, according to their rites, one of their own people, a beautiful girl who had much influence among them. The two leaders received tin- support and assistance of a cosmopolitan assembly such as the bar East frequently exhibits: two Scotchmen, one American, one German, one Spanish Mexican, one Goa Portuguese, and 3

r8<5 i in island oi form< >sa.

large force of Pepohoans. The desired piece of land was secured without

opposition other than from the savages who lived on the distant hills. It was some twenty miles south-west of Suao and was about a five hours' journey by sea. A place called Talamo marked its northern limits, andhere was erected a fort consisting of a square walled stockaded enclosure with projecting corner towers for defence and enclosing a number of grass huts. Here the Pepohoans, men and women, together with the few Chinese who happened to be there on business, were sheltered. In the rear were grown sweet and European potatoes, and tobacco. The possession extended to Lamo which marked the end of the valley. A broad road was constructed between the two points.

1 lorn occupied as resilience, a little, solitary, newly built house on the top of a rock surrounded by branches of the river. He was frequently molested l>v the head-hunting savages, who would sweep down from the hills in the dead of night and attack the colony. On one occasion he received a severe spear thrust in the foot and other slight wounds.

The Pepohoans who settled then- were required to cultivate the land, and were provided with implements and food. The Chinese, other than traders, were not desired, and it they appeared in the neighborhood, the savages of the surrounding hills usually attended to them. Upon the first arrival of Horn, he buried the hones of some fort)- headless Chinese who had disputed possession with the savages. However, some Chinese were tem-porarily permitted to engage in cutting rattans ami dye root and were pro-tected by Horn and his Pepohoan braves. To recompense Horn and his partner, a tax of i 5 / was levied on all productions of the colony. Nor was this exorbitant, as was later proved.

As this venture was in territory over which the Chinese government neither had nor claimed to have jurisdiction, the particular tribe of savages who were the former occupants had consented to the occupation and hail been compensated. But the Chinese officials were not pleased to have their ill-treatment of the Pepohoans made an excuse for an asylum being established by foreigners, and accordingly they represented to the English government that a portion of the emperor's dominions had been seized by English pirates who refused to submit to Imperial rule or to pay taxes. After many months had passed, and much money and time had been expended, without the least hint of a possible objection being made by the British government, the good officials, as English officials are wont to do, listened to the Chinese reports, pictured a force of English adventurers driving crowds of peaceful innocent Chinese with their wives and children by lire and sword from their homes and fields, and then sent orders to China that I lorn should be ordered out of the district ami that the Chinese authorities should bo placed in possession. Poor Horn was thus dispossessed without any compensation, and he and James Milisch, who had invested much money in the place, wen- obliged to declare themselves insolvent soon after. The poor Pepohoans with their families, were immediately driven out by the Chinese authorities; and without homes, without friends, hated by the Chinese and the mandarins alike, their plight was so sad as to make one

Formosa opened n i fori ign i r Ide. 1X7

feel even happy to think that the Chinese who followed were speedily driven from the place, and that quite an addition was soon after made to the rows of skulls which graced the residences of several savages. Horn was visited by an English gun-boat and given but a short time to get together his private possessions. He promised to comply with the demand. It was during the stormy season when the seas that sweep the north-east coast of Formosa are extraordinarily wild and rough. Horn, however, kept his word. He waited for safe weather until the last day of his limit had expired, and then departed with some thirty of his most intimate Pepohoan friends, whom he did not desert even at the last, aboard a small schooner, his only means of transport. It was his intention to sail to Suao, hut his vessel could not heat up against a fierce northern gale, and was driven to the south ot tin-island, where it was wrecked, and the U-w grief stricken Pepohoans who survived brought to the foreigners in the south the news of the death of some twenty persons, among whom they counted their white friend and protector Horn.1

This period was marked by an earthquake the most severe ever experienced in the island since the first days of the Dutch. That greater damage was not done was owing to the limited area in which it was most severe, the scant}' population, and the unpretentiousness oi the buildings. It occurred on the 18th of December i S07. and the vicinity of the town of Kelung sustained the greatest damage, although the shock was felt generally through the island, but most severely in the north. Foreigners in the Custom service reported that at Kelung some fifteen >hocks were felt during the day. but that it was the first movements that did the damage. In fifteen seconds after the first perceptible shock the damage was done and the town of Kelung was in ruins. The- force of the earthquake may be judged when it is noted that the water of Kelung harbor ran out, leaving the bottom of the bay exposed. Fortunately there were no foreign vessels present, but the Chinese junks which were there, large and small, were in one second left dry on the bottom and in another caught by the huge returning wave to be either swamped or dashed into the town with fearful speed, to work havoc among the few remaining houses left near the shore. Multitudes offish were thrown upon the shore and promptly gathered 1>\ the populace. The earth opened in places and closed again. A large gorge was formed by the splitting of a mountain side through which now runs a stream of hot water from a volcanic pit abounding with sulphurous springs and geysers. Many other physical changes were noted, including the deepening by a \v\v feet of the anchorage at Kelung. The loss of life was never known ; it is extremely doubtful if there was any count made, but probably several hundreds perished. A calamity ol this sort is doubly felt among a Chinese population, for there are none to give a helping hand in relieving the misery. The present case was

1. While a guest of Admiral Tsuuoda in 1895 we walk, d about the hills to the south of Suao ou the north-east cnast, and the writer was greatly astonished to m i small village there, a yoilhg woman

of handsome features, fair complexion, aud light hair : the face and form of a Caucasian but otherwise a savage. Her dress wa.-> that of tin. native Pepohoans and ragged and dirty Two small children of darker hue but hair decidedly light in color followed her about, while her compauious appeared to be pore 1' hoaus. On returning from this trip the writer made md obtained in formation which lead-

him to believe that this woman was the daughter of li

188 nil. Island of poftUosA.

no exception. A foreign official at Tamsui states in his description ol the disaster : " The apathy of the populace was astonishing ; they watched the rescue of the wounded with apparently the greatest merriment."

While the opening ol Formosan ports to foreign trade had been secured by treaty, yet treaties were not always respected, and the recognition of the rights and privileges embodied in them was not gained without a vigorous struggle. When we consider the undisguised antipathy which, during the early days, was displayed against the foreign residents, those engaged in mercantile pursuits especially, the officially instigated attacks, the intrigue and trickery which the British consular official, ott times unprotected, had to contend with, we shall willingly give due credit to those plucky pioneers who stuck so manfully to their posts in those stormy days.

In the earlier clays, the foreigners who visited the coast were inclined to take the law into their own hands. Captain Roper, master of the schooner / 'index, on one occasion obtained the release of one of his Chinese who had been imprisoned at Aulan by clearing for action and threatening to tire on the town ; Captain Knscoe of the schooner Madge refused, while at Kelung, to permit his vessel to be searched by the Customs officials. He warned the part\- off and when they appeared regardless of his threat, he opened fire on them and they speedily retired ; Captain Sullivan of the Wild Wave endeavored to chastise some yamen runners while personally appearing before a Chinese official to make a complaint regarding some commercial transaction. ( )n this occasion, however, the yamen runners were too much for the gallant skipper. The)- literally jumped on him, and it was with difficulty that he was rescued and removed to his boat. Such attempts at obtaining justice were; not encouraged after the establishment of consulates, and the merchants who followed the old " sea traders" were sensible men of business and not inclined to break the laws either of their own country or of China.

The- lower classes of I lobe Chinese were an unruly set, and caused the foreigners frequent trouble. On this account, the presence of a gunboat was necessary during the construction of the first foreign house (Dent & Co.'s) in 186^. On one occasion, during the same year, Mr. Rainbow, agent of Dent & Co., was attacked by the coolies, and his house, in which he had taken refuge, was besieged by the truculent natives and ljombarded with stones. Captain Roper, of the steamer I index, then landed a force of armed lascars and dispersed the crowd. Upon appealing to the officials, the foreigners were informed by the former that the)- were unable to punish the offenders. The next day some fifty armed lascars were landed from British ships, and this force, led by the British consul, marched through the streets of Hobe and to the house of the headman of the turbulent coolies, with the intention of seizing him ; but he had evidently been forewarned and had made good his escape. The Chinese throughout the village became very amicable upon c&tching sight of the armed lascars and showed no further signs of hostility. The self declared helpless officials now gave evidence that their weakness was not so marked after all, and the reported leaders in the outbreak were promptly brought to justice.

CHAPTER XIV (PART 4 OF 5)

FORMOSA OPENED TO FOREIGN TRADE.

In 1865, a British naval force was landed and adopted similar tactics. It seems that a certain fortification known as the "White Fort" was a prominent sea mark for incoming vessels. But owing to a rapid growth of

bushes that had sprung up in front of it. its use as a mark was greatly impaired. The Chinese authorities were requested to clear away tin- bushes, and a petty military official with a few men was deputed by the authorities to perform the task. Expecting trouble from the villagers, this offii requested the presence «>l some ot the foreigners. Accordingly an English lieutenant, the custom's agent, the British consul, and a gunboat's (utter with live men in charge of a man-of-war' s-man, Farrin<rton bv name, proceeded to the spot. The work planned had scarcely been commenced before some two or three hundred Chinese armed with spears appeared, seized the military officer above mentioned, and then commenced to stone the foreigners, rhe naval officer advised an immediate retreat to the boats, which advice was acted upon, but before the beach was reached. Farrington received a severe cut on the head. The villagers fortunately did not follow up the retreating foreigners, and the party escaped without further injury. The next day the British gunboat steamed near the place, a strong armed parts-went ashore, cut down the bushes, and then marched through the streets ot the village, whereupon the people exhibited all the signs of undying affection, and, so far as appearances went, there was not a man who would ever think of lifting a hand against the foreign visitors. It seems that the opposition to the removal of the bushes was the work of the pilots, who had incited their village friends to oppose the measure, fearing that, if the sea marks were made clear, the foreign vessels would dispense with their services as guides.

In the month of Decemljer, r<S6o. naval forces were twice actively engaged on shore. The first case was at Kelung where a lieutenant's Chinese servant was seized by village rowdies and confined on shore with the object of extorting money from him. The lieutenant landed a small force, recovered his servant, anil pulled down the house wherein he had been confined. The second landing occurred in Tamsui. A Hutch barque, the Rintaiig . Inam, had stranded on the sands of tin; harbor, and Mr. John Dodd, a British merchant, had purchased the wreck from the master. I he neighboring villagers, however, succeeded in plundering much of the wreckage as it came ashore: on some occasions even using force to wrest it from such Chinese as Mr. Dodd had authorized to collect it. Application was made to the officials, but without success, anil the com mander of the British gunboat Havoc landed a force, secured the return ot much of the stolen property, and -burned two houses to punish the natives. On another occasion, the following year, coolies in Kelung interfered with the conveyance of the luggage of a party of Europeans. A collision ensued, during which one of the Europeans was knocked down with a stone. The party had to retreat leaving the luggage in the hands of the coolies.

The mandarins watched with concern the increasing prosperity of the foreigners, and endeavored by every means possible to check foreign trade. Business was accordingly carried on under great disadvantages. 1 he local

I9O THE I.SLAND OF FORMOSA.

officials had strongly opposed the establishment of the Customs service in charge of foreigners, depriving them as it did of the many and varied squeezes which they had before imposed at their pleasure. Mast dues were a common form of extortion which had always been enforced on junks and foreign vessels, and it was a great disappointment to the officials to find that, after the establishment ol the Customs, foreign ships would he exempt from these dues. They consequently endeavored to avenge the loss of the $40 mast dues by placing every possible obstacle in the wayoi foreign trade. A favorite method was to occasionally declare an embargo, contrary to the provisions of the treat}-, upon the export of rice, thus depriving foreign ships of cargo which they expected. Frequent friction resulted between the British consul and the commissioner of customs — the latter, acting as he did under instructions, refusing to grant an export permit to foreigners shipping rice. In 1 866, on Mr. White, the commissioner, refusing to grant an export permit to Messrs. MacPhail <.\: Co. to ship rice from Taiwanfu to Amoy in their schooner Pearl, the British acting consul, Mr. Watters, disposed of the difficulty, and himself gave permission to the ship to leave without the usual customs clearance, on the owners giving the guarantee required l>y the treaty. The Pearl left Takow on the 9th June, but was lost on her way to Amoy with all her cargo and all hands except one.

Mr. Watters was not superstitious, however, and continued to enforce treaty rights, repeating the action he had taken in the case of the Pearl when-ever necessity arose. An American schooner, the TccuUw was the next vessel similarly despatched. Meanwhile Chinese vessels were almost daily-exporting rice without an}- opposition. In September of the same year a pass was obtained, not, however, without considerable difficulty, by Messrs. MacPhail <S: Co. ami they exported under it a considerable quantity of rice to Amoy.

The difficulties between the local government and the few foreign residents, which had commenced from the first year of the establishment of the Customs, became more numerous and irritating towards the close of the " Sixties." No doubt the aristocracy of the larger Formosan cities, with courage gained by the thought of the distance between them and the main-land, as well as from the knowledge that the appalling attacks on foreigners in bygone years had remained unpunished, thought the island a fitting place to give abundant evidence of their well known hatred for the foreign devil.

During the year 1868, however, a crisis was reached in the series of outrages, which made it plain that either the foreigners must forsake Formosa one and all, or some more effective method than the mere present-ation of written and oral protests must be introduced. That the Chinese hoped that the foreigners would be forced to adopt the former plan, seems evident; tor the persecution was apparently prearranged, commencing as it did simul-taneous!}- in the north and south of the island. In the south, which we will deal with first, British Consular Reports' inform us that the more vexatious of the difficulties began in April of that year, when six thousand dollars worth of camphor, the property of Ellis <S: Co., was seized at Goche, regardless of

J. British Blue Book iua No • 1

1 ( |RM< >P \ i IPEN1 l> TO I I iRETGN I RADE. Mil

the fact that the camphor was bought consistently with the terms of the treat)-, which expressly stipulated that camphor was oik- of the articles of legal trade.

The United States gunboat . Iroostook was then fortunately visiting the southern portion of Formosa, and General Le Gendre, United States consul at Amoy, who was on board, joined Mr. Jamieson, the acting British consul at Takow, in a visit to the taotai at his yamen in Taiwanfu to remonstrate with him on the action of his subordinates in the north. There was not much gained by this, the taotai claiming all camphor in the island, and denying the right of any one to trade in it without his special permission. He, however, came to a distinct agreement with the two consuls that the camphor in question should be returned or a money indemnity paid instead. The difficulties which followed are graphically des cribed by Mr. Dond Matheson1 in a narrative ol the Formosan troubles which he placed before the Earl of Clarendon with the hope <>l inducing that high official to modify his decision of inflicting severe punishment upon Mr Gibson, acting-consul, for the measures adopted by that officer in disposing of the Formosan troubles.

In the following narrative of the difficulties previous to the landing of the naval force, Mr. Matheson's account is taken as the authority: — Liang Taotai, following the policy of his predecessors who had suc-ceeded in expelling the Protestant missionaries from Taiwanfu, refused to ratify a purchase made by the Roman Catholics within the capital city's walls, or to take any notice of an attack made upon their premises — an outrage no doubt instigated by the same officials from whom they were now seeking" redress. " The)' allowed and encouraged most infamous reports, regarding the proceedings of both Catholic and Protestant mission-aries and their converts, to spread unchecked throughout the whole south of Formosa, until the underlings of the various yamens, seeing that the popular mind was sufficiently excited, were able, without fear, to lead parties to the destruction of all the chapels within their reach."

In the beginning of April, a Roman Catholic chapel at Koe-kan was sacked and burnt, the Protestant chapel at Pitow, the district city, was also sacked and destroyed. ( >n the same day, in the streets of Pitow, the yamen underlings brutally assaulted a Protestant catechist who barely succeeded in escaping their knives, and who upon reaching the district mandarin's yamen was coolly shut up in prison by that official and was not released for seven weeks. " On the 24th of April, another Protestant cate-chist was set upon in a village only five miles from the consulate at Takow, and was murdered in open day and in the public street, his bod)- cut in pieces, and his heart eaten by some of the bolder of his murderers at the north gate of the old city, close by. In Pitow, the houses of the adherents of the Protestant Church were broken into and sacked, the women driven out to the streets and the males of the part)- compelled to flee for their lives to Takow. The Roman Catholics in Taiwanfu were, in the beginning of May,

1. Mr. Doud Matheson, of the hrni of.Messra. Jardine Matheson & Co., aud at that time one of the Committee for Foreign Missions of the English Proshyteriau Church.

[92 IIIK IS] Wh 1 >F FORM* »SA.

once more outraged, their premises again destroyed, and one of their number bambooed and imprisoned by the district magistrate of Taiwanfu. The

remonstrances of Mr. Acting Consul Jamieson were utterly without avail, nor was a visit of that gentleman, accompanied by Lieutenant-Commander Keppel and a party of nun from Her Majesty's gun-boat Jamis, to the district magistrate of Pitow, of any farther value in securing the release of the imprisoned Protestant catcchist."

At the v\v\ of June, Mr. Hardie, the agent tor Messrs. Tait and Co. at Taiwanfu, was suddenly and without warning murderously assaulted by one of the official servants of the Li kin office, while traveling from Takow. to

Liiwanfu. The man had, unheard by Mr. 1 lardie, stepped up quietly l)ehind him and with full strength had stabbed him in the side of the chest with a knife. It fortunately impinged on a rib, and Mr. Hardie escaped most miraculously, with but some loss of blood and a severe pleurisy which followed. The would-be murderer was accompanied by another rough of the same stamp, and it was with great difficulty that Mr. Hardie defended himself from a repetition of the attack, which might easily have been fatal. British interests were at this time in the hands of John Gibson, acting-consul, and, at his urgent instigation, the officials did make a show of punishing the offender, but in a manner that was so palpably a sham that the witnessing crowd laughed, and Consul Gibson, who was present, left in disgust, after declaring to the officer in charge that he; considered it an ad-ditional insult. On the departure in |uly of the former acting-consul, Mr.

[amieson, Mr. Gibson had taken charge, but although the Chinese officials were formally notified, the taotai refused to recognize Mr. Gibson as acting-consul, and it was not until the arrival of Lord Charles Scott with H.M.S. Icarus that the taotai would humble himself to acknowledge the consular officer.

( )n the 30th of July, the Protestant chapel at Pitow, while in process of rebuilding, was again attacked by the Pitow soldiery, the new materials carried oft, and the remainder of the building destroyed. Mr. Gibson had counselled the rebuilding of the chapel in hopes that the officials having so often been complained to, might themselves think best to act differently in the future. It was but another vain hope; for only a short time elapsed before the building was again destroyed.

In August, Goche was again the seat of a disturbance of which Mr. Pickering, of the firm of Messrs. Ellis and Co., was the intended victim. As the taotai had refused to grant passports to foreigners for any place outside ol Lakow and laiuan, Mr. Pickering, possessed of only the consular passport, had started out for Goche to inquire after the cam-phor which, in spite of the taotai's promise, had not been forthcoming. 1 pon hearing of the foreigner's departure, Taotai Liang issued a pro-clamation offering a reward of 8500 for Mr. Pickering's head, and gave orders that he should be killed. To earn- this order into effect, the ting of Lokang with a few soldiers made an attack on the lodging place of Mr. Piekering, but the latter, being a man of daring and resolution, stood his ground firmly, and with the. free use of fire-arms routed his assailants. He

FORMOSA OPENED I" FOREIGN TRA 193

then with great difficulty made his way to the seashore, where he boarded a small boat which, encountering a storm, was, after a very dangerous voyage, driven to Tamsui in the north of the island.

On the 29th of August, Lord Charles Scott and the acting-consul hail an interview with the taotai, during which the latter behaved in a most insult-ing" manner and, finally becoming enraged, struck Mr. Gibson sharply over

the hands with his fan, and then withdrew. After waiting some time for his return the officials left. It would seem that such an affront should have been sufficient cause to have broken off relations with this insolent dignitary, but negotiations were continued in writing and finally resulted in eliciting from him a despatch complying with the acting-consul's conditions, accompanied by the usual promise that justice should be done. But it proved to be but the " old old story" for not only were none of the wrongs righted, but new threats were made against the merchants ; and a demand that their goods which were still in the hongs should pay likin, although they had already paid custom dues. To add to these peculiar proceedings, mast dues were asked for the ships besides the customs dues, and to revenge themselves against one hong which had been more obnoxious than others, an attempt to ruin it was made by placing a double likin on all goods proceeding from that hong into Chinese hands.

On the 2nd of September, the British consul, who had reasons for believing that the promises the taotai had made a month before to Lord Charles Scott had not since received a thought, informed the Pitow magistrate in whose district most of the criminal cases had occurred, that on a certain day he would pay him a visit at his yamen, accompanied by the Lieut. commander of the Bustard. He received for answer an injunction not to come to Pitow ; for, as the taotai had not given any orders regarding crimi-nals, the magistrate had nothing to discuss with him, and moreover the people would be much enraged if he came. This despatch was abundant evidence that but little faith was to be placed in any statement, written or oral, that the taotai might make. Mr. Gibson, much dissatisfied with the attempt to bar him from visiting the city of Pitow, only eight miles from the consulate, wrote back insisting that the magistrate should receive him on the day fixed. The next da)- brought a return despatch from Pitow stating that a large collection of human bones, including three skulls and other bones evidently tresh, had been found the afternoon before under the ruins ot the Protestant chapel ; and that they showed clearlv enough that 1 )r. Maxwell, the Protestant missionary physician, and his assistants had l)een guilt)' of the hideous crime of murder ami that they had concealed their act by secreting the bones of their victims. This impossible charge was followed by a demand that the consul should seixe I )r. Maxwell and have him tried, and that a certain Chinese protestant should be sent to Pitow to be punished as such an atro-cious crime deserved. The consul answered promptly that he would come the next da)- bringing Dr. Maxwell and the Chinese protestant to Pitow to be tried before a joint court. The magistrate now effectually foiled, took the only course left open to avoid exposure ot his sham plot, refused to see the consul under any conditions, and moreover warned him that

1 1)4 1 III [SI \\'l> ' IF 1 ■' IRM< ISA.

i! he persisted he would find his way barred by force. Under these circumstances, it would have been unwise to attempt the visit, and it was afterwards found that the yamen had collected a considerable armed force at Pitow and erected three strong ambuscades on the road over which the consul and his |>art_\- would have had to pass. The consul's complaints to Taiwanfu of this outrageous conduct on the pari of the taotai and his subordinates resulted in an insolent and derisive answer.

This state of affairs continued until the end of October, when two events occurred which made future relations with the taotai unendurable. " hirst came a despatch to the consul from the taotai stating that he had referred the mercantile questions in dispute to the viceroy and had been answered that he. the taotai, had erred only in too much leniency toward the foreigners, and that it behoved him to act more strictly in the future." A few days later the house of Idles and Co.'s compradore was sacked, and money and property carried off to the value of several thousand dollars. Not content with this, a mandarin and soldiers were sent down to Takow to seize the compradore who, it was believed, had escaped to that port.

At this juncture, H.M.S. . llgerine arrived, followed a day or two later l>y a Chinese gunboat, bringing over the Amoy taotai, who had been detailed by the vice-regal government at Foochow to come to Formosa and settle the questions in dispute. After a week's delay in Taiwanfu, the official, accompanied by the Taiwanfu taotai. appeared in Takow, where a conference with Mr. ( libson was held in the pr< sence of the commanders of the . llgerine and Bustard and Dr. Maxwell, Dr. Manson, tin- agents of Messrs. Idles and Co.. and Messrs. Tait and Co. As it appeared that the taotai was without any definite power to remove any of the offending officers, it would have been folly to discuss the matter with him. As to the numerous com-plaints, he said that he had discovered that " the bormosan difficulties were o| no importance ; that in a day or two he would start back to Amoy," and when tin- consul informed him that this would not be satisfactory unless he suspended Taotai Liang's commission "he laughed off the whole affair." Finding that Tseng, the Amoy taotai, had no inclination to do justice for the past or even to discourage a repetition of misdeeds in the future, the consul now took a step which instantly altered the whole situation. In the consul's account of the position he states : " If Commissioner Tseng withdrew from the island in a state of dudgeon, I could only apply material force to the local officials ; and 1 at once foresaw that when material force had been successfully applied, I should be still in this predicament, either, first of raising a native rebellion in the island; or second, of having nobody with whom to settle our embarrassments; but perhaps both."

On the 20th of November, the consul started from Takow with the Algerine and Bustard for Anping with the determination of taking military, possession of the Fort of Zelandia, ami the ramparts of the village of Anping, "not only as a material guarantee in the shape of a reprisal, but as a basis for action, Anping being the key to the capital of Taiwan."

Upon arriving at their destination the next day, Lieutenant Curdon, the senior naval officer, who approved of the plan, landed a force of marines

I i (RM0SA OPENED T( I FOREIGN TRAI

anil the boats' crews of the two vessels. A reconnoitring party took mili-tary possession of the fort and the ramparts of the village without opposition.

The doors of the magazines of the fort were found locked, while the soldiers and their commandant had all departed. The civil government was not interfered with, it being the intention to allow the native men haul-, to trade-as usual and to protect the foreign customs house Proclamations were issued enjoining the people to proceed with their occupations as usual, and another set of proclamations were transmitted to Taiwanfu, warning the people that if they molested the British consulate or the foreign houses, the city- should be bombarded. As Lieutenant Gurdon considered that it would not be prudent with his small force to occupy Fort Zelandia, on account of its ruined condition, and as the fort was within ranee of the gunboat's guns, the landing force was re-embarked and a proclamation was published to the effect that the village of Anping and Fort Zelandia were held by British forces and that no other military or naval force, would be allowed to enter it.

The consul returned on the 22nd to Takow on board the gunboat Bustard and the next day informed Tseng, in a despatch, of the proceedings at Anping. This had an immediate effect, the taotai claiming an interview at once. This was granted, and after a great deal of argument, Tseng practically acceded to all demands; the removal of the taotai of Taiwan, of the district magistrate ofPitow, and of the ting of Lokang, to be effected by the Amoy taotai taking his steamer to Foochow, and then; obtaining immediate dismissal of the offenders by the viceroy.

Meanwhile- Lieutenant Gurdon at Anping had boarded a man-of-war lorcha that was lying inside the bar, and informed her captain that he must move her outside before six o'clock that night, or she would be taken possession of. He then proceeded on short; and visited the heptai (Chinese military commander) informing him that he must leave the town within a space of twenty-lour hours, in default ot which he would be taken prisoner. In the afternoon, the lorcha not having moved, boats were sent manned and armed, which took possession of her and she was moved outside, anchored close to the gunboat, and her crew sent ashore with the exception of the captain and two men who were detained on board.

A deputation of merchants from Taiwanfu arrived during the afternoon and went on board the gunboat with a request to the commander that the heptai might be allowed to remain in Anping. In answer they were informed that unless they would deposit the sum of 35,006 dollars with the naval officer as a guarantee that Consul Gibson's conditions with the Amoy taotai were carried out, orders would not allow of their request being granted. One of the terms of the settlement arrived at with the Amoy taotai was that the British gunboat should hold military possession ot Anping until offending Chinese officers had been removed. This decision was appar-ently satisfactory to all, excepting the- Taiwan authorities, who, having been ignored in the decision, determined to retake their seaport, which was now held by the single gunboat Algerine. It is not quite certain but that these officials thought they were assisting the Amoy taotai in this action, but it is shrewdly suspected they were stun- at the thought of the

I96 THE ISLAND 01 h)RM0SA.

single gunboat with its handful of men. On the 25th, therefore', the Taiwan authorities sent down 500 men to reoccupy the place, which they did and began at once to erect fortifications and mount guns. Lieutenant Gurdon upon being informed of this, immediately sent a letter to the heptai stating

CHAPTER XIV (PART 5 OF 5)

that unless he sent the troops out of the town and ceased mounting guns on the fortifications within an hour of the receipt of the despatch, the gunboat would open fire on the town. Word was also sent to the inhabitants ordering them to abandon the town as it would be Bred upon at 3 p.m. No answer having been received, at four o'clock a slow lire was com-menced from the pivot gun with shot anil shell at 2,000 yards, confining the fire as much as possible to the batteries that were being armed, and ceasing, after over an hour's tiring. Early in the evening the lieutenant received a despatch from the consul at Takow informing him of the agreements arrived at and that the British forces were to continue to occupy Anping until the agreement was ratified by the vice-regal government of Fokien. The extreme importance of the position was apparent ; for if the authorities should succeed that night in putting Anping in a state of defence, the small British force at hand could be easily defied and the negotiations which had now reached a successful issue would be worse than useless. With this in view. Lieutenant Gurdon determined to storm the town of Anping the same night. The night attack which followed was, tor the commander and his company — twenty-five in all — as brilliant an exploit as the East records. The descrip-tion of this daring and successful engagement is given by Lieutenant Gurdon in his official report as follows:

•' At 10.30 p. in. 1 left the ship in tlie gig and the cutler, tlie gig containing one officer and eleveu men, and the cutter one ollicer and thirteen men, making a total of two officers and twenty-three meu. I landed on tlie heach about two miles below the town through a heavy surf, in which, notwithstanding every precaution, the gig was swamped and sunk. After forming on the beach I advanced on tlie town, feeling my way with great caution, throwing out skirmishers and taking advantage of every inequality of the ground to conceal my advance ; when I got within 800 yards of the fortifications, seeing that the enemy was on the alert, T took advantage of a steep bank, making the meu lie down behind it, and dctcimiued to wait until tlie moon had gone down.

" At 2.10 a.m., the moon having gone down, I advanced again, and succeeded in penetrating into the heart of the town without bring discovered. I then managed to obtaiu a guide, and made for the llept is Yamen. On breaking into the Heptai's Yemen we discovered a guard-room full of soldiers, in number about fifty, who immediately h.rricadcd the door, and extinguished the lights ; however, port-tires being at hand, they were immediately lighted, the door was burst in, when, notwithstanding all my personal endeavors and those of an interpreter I had with me who assured them their lives would be spared, aud they themselves allowed to go free if they laid down their arms, they would not, and reluctantly, in self-defence, f was obliged to give the order to fire. Tlie Chinese soldiers succeeded in breaking down a door in their rear, aud escaped : Buffering, however, a serious loss of eleven killed and about six wounded.

"I then marched to the Custom-house, halting there till daylight before 1 advanced further, posting sentries on Fort Zelandia commanding the town, and also in the neighboring streets. I managed to write a despatch here, informing the British Consul at Takow of what had taken place, aud requested him to proceed to Anping in Her Majesty's ship Bustard which I ordered up to reinforce me immediately. This despatch I succeeded in getting conveyed to the consul by offering a heavy bribe to a native courier.

" Directly it was daylight I concentrated my men, and advanced to take possession of the line facing towards Taiwan-foo. I had only just reached the lines when I observed a large body of the enemy advancing to the attack, led on by a mandarin carrying a yellow flag. I immediately lined the embank-ment, aud opened a heavy fire on the enemy, who stood aud returned the fire for about five minutes, when they broke and fled towards Taiwan-foo, sustaining a loss, as I have since ascertained, of six killed and about ten wounded I posted sentries and established guards round the entrenchments, barricading the gate leading to Taiwan-foo, aud withdrawing the planks of it.

" During the afternoon a deputation of the chief merchauts of Taiwan-foo arrived, informing me that they had been sent by Liaug Taotai, of Taiwan, and requesting to know what my terms were, as they were empowered by Liang to graut auy demand I preferred. I informed them that I required a sum of 40,000 dollars to be paid over to me before noon the next day, as a guarantee that all Mr. Gibson's

FORMOSA OPENED TO FOREIGN TRADE. [97

demands were fulfilled, the sum in question not to be returned until his agreement was ratified by the vico-regal Government of Fukieu. In ease this demand of mine wa iplied with, I informed the

deputation that I should advance on Taiwau-foo. Daring the night I was informed that my demand of a guarantee of 40,000 dollars would be complied with, they beiug 1 to arrive at my head-qum

not later than 4 p.m. that day, viz., the 27th instant. At daybreak on Friday morniug Her Maje gunboat Bustard arrived with Mr. Gibson, the consul, on board, and about 10 a.m. Lieutenant, Jolmsou and thirteen men from her lauded to reinforce me.

"During the day I employed the force in destroying all stores of arms that I could discover, blowing up the magazine in Fort Zelandia to prevent any accident happening from the large quantity of powder stored there, and which was stowed in a very dangerous and careless manner. The 40,000 dollars arrived at head-quarters from Taiwan-foo about 4 o'clock, and were seut off to Her Majesty's gun-vessel Algerine for safe custody, I giving a receipt and guarantee to the persons bringing it that it would be restored on the fulfillment of Mr. Gibson's demands by the vice-regal Government of Fukieu. On Sunday, the 29th instant, at about 11 a.m., Tseng, Taotai of Amoy, arrived for a conference, and was received with all due honors.

"The consul requested me as senior naval officer to make any demands that I required from the Chinese authorises, when 1 requested from them, before Her Majesty's forces under my command reembarked, the payment of the sum of 10,000 dollars, to be applied as follows: the sn : 1 dollars for

repayment to the British Government of any expense incurred by them in the present expedition, also the further sum of 5,000 dollars, to be paid to me as ransom for all guns and other Government stores remain-ing in the town of Auping. the sum in question to be distributed as prize-money to the officers and men under my command. This demand was complied with, wheu I on my part agreed to return the sum of 40,000 dollars deposited as a guarantee with me, to restore the mau-of-war loreha, taken by Her Majesty's ship under my command, and to embark the forces under my command, at that time in possession of Auping; these promises being conditional on Tseng Taotai fulfilling the following requests: — that he should send Mr. Gibson a despatch guaranteeing the dismissal of Liiug Taotai and other officials impli-cated in the late disturbances in Formosa; that Tseng Taotai should guarantee that no Chinese military force should attempt to occupy Auping until the ratification by the vice-regal Government ol Fukien of the British Consul's requests ; the town of Auping in the meantime being held by 11s from a gunboat; that all indemnity money demanded by Mr. Gibson should be paid immediately, and delinquent cerned in the late outrages brought to trial and punished forthwith. These requests were all complied with, the taotai of Amoy returning to Taiwau-fu about 2 p.m.

" Ou Tuesday, the 1st of December, the Tsien of Taiwau-fu arrived with the sum of 10,000 dollars, the iuderuuity required by me before the embarkation of Her Majesty's forces under my command, for which I gave him a receipt, aud handed over to him in return the 40,000 dollars in my possession as a guarantee for the fulfilment of the consul's demands. The man-of-war loreha had been returned to the Chi officials on the previous day. An arrangement was also made with the Tsien to receive overcivil possesion of the town from me at 10 o'clock the following morning, Her Majesty's forces under my command embarking immediately after the ceremony. At noon ou Wednesday, the 2nd instant, the Tsien of Taiwan-fu arrived, and was received with all due honors at the main guard, where, I handed over officially to him the Civil (iovernment of Auping ; Her Majesty's forces then marched dowu to their boats, aud embarked without delay, after having held Auping since Thursday, 2Gth of November.''

Anping when captured had mounted on its fortifications forty-one guns, and there were in store ready for mounting no less than 101. The above mentioned guns varied in size, hut the greater number consisted ol [8 ami 12-pounders. About 4,000 stand of arms, consisting of gingalls, matchlocks,

including some of British make marked "B. & Co.," hows and arrows, swords and spears were destroyed, besides the magazines of the fort blown up by the captors.

As the acceptance of $40,000 guarantee money was considered unwise, inasmuch as the Chinese might think that the expedition was in quest of money rather than of justice, the consul advised Lieutenant Gurdon to return it, which was done.

The whole affair was a great surprise to the Chinese mandarins. They had been so accustomed to violating treaties and crawling out from under the wreckage unhurt, that to encounter such a sudden anil unceasing display of determination threw them into a great state of consternation. Disputes that had remained unsettled for months were now brought to a close in almost as man)' hours.

The following were the substantial results obtained by Consul Gibson: —

1 9^> THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

The camphor monopoly was abolished and proclamations issued declaring the right of foreigners and their employes to go and buy freely.

Passports were to be issued l>y the taotai on application, to merchants and other-, to travel for business or pleasure within the island ot Taiwan.

An indemnity of <.6,ooo was paid Elles and Co. for the loss of camphor.

An indemnity ot Si, 107 was paid to the Protestant Mission for loss ot property.

A payment was made of all claims of Elles <S; Co.'s compradore for loss of property.

Liang taotai. the district magistrate of Pitou, and the tingofLokang were all removed, and the various criminals connected with the several out-rages were punished to the satisfaction of the consul.

Proclamations were issued acknowledging the injustice of the slanders hitherto circulated against Christianity and Christians, and protecting them thoroughly against a renewal of such.

The right of residence and of work to missionaries in the island was declared.

Proclamations were issued calling for joint courts in dealing with mixed eases.

The consul, with patient determination and admirable foresight, had with the aid of the gallant naval force won a victory that would seem worthy of great commendation. It is much to he regretted that the Earl ot Clarendon strongly disapproved of Mr. Gibson's proceedings, and in a despatch to Sir Rutherford Alcock, then British minister in Peking, he so severely condemned the consul that it could not have been otherwise than extremely humiliating to this servant of the public who had conscientiously labored as l>est he could for the restoration of peace and order in the island. and who, if guilty (and it was generally believed in the Hast that he was not) could only lie accused of having acted with excessive zeal and determination. Whether the circumstances demanded such condemnation or not. this is not the place to discuss, hut it must be noted that Consul Gibson accomplished much good for the island, therein' benefiting every foreigner residing there since.

The Chinese were taught to respect foreigners, and instead of Formosa being known, as it had been for years, as a place where the lives of aliens were in constant peril, it soon obtained a safe reputation, and though there was an occasional outburst against the foreigners, especially in the north, the mandarins were generally prompt to give satisfaction. Influential friends, including Mr. Done! Matheson, wrote strongly in the vice-consul's behalf, but 1 I.I.I 1. Prince Kung had also written and given the Chinese side of the affair with, it would appear, telling effect. Mr. < iibson was dismissed and died soon after, it is said, of a broken heart.

While the clouds were gathering over the south, Tamsui in the north was in the midst of a storm. The hatred towards foreigners, which since the opening of the port had been gradually increasing, had now with sympathetic encouragement from the mandarins assumed such proportions that Acting-

FORMOSA OPENED TO FOREIGN TRADE.

Vice-Consul Holt wrote in a despatch to Peking dated Oct. 14th. [868, that " the situation was so serious that he might be driven at any moment to haul down his flag. Remonstrances, expostulations, despatches, letters, messages, and visits have alike tailed in insuring common justice : and our very lives are threatened by people whose recent course of action has been so atrocious as to prove that the will is not wanting to murder us." Events that had curred gave evidence too vivid, that this was the case.

As yet, although they had the right, no foreigners were established up

river from Tamsui, and the Chinese were determined that they should not lie.

Messrs. I 'odd & Co. were the first firm to make the attempt, and it was this that caused the- trouble in the north. As the first step, a hong in Banka known as the l.ok Tow hone was leased from Mansoon, widow of a former camphor merchant named I.aktow, and bargain money fifty dollars was paid down. The widow had hail a little property left her at her husband's death, and having no influential family or powerful clan to help her, she was most unmercifully squeezed by the Banka mandarins tor imaginary tees said to have been due them for camphor shipped to Hongkong during the lifetime of her husband. Owing to the opposition of these same mandarins who had sealed up the door of the hong in question, and the fear of the poor widow that she would be squeezed still more, Messrs. I 'odd & Co. found great difficulty in obtaining possession of their newly leased property. As a British firm, they accordingly addressed the acting- vice-consul on the subject, who in turn addressed the haekwan. (an expectant taotai and the highest officer at that time in the district) remonstrating against the obstacles thrown in the way of Messrs. Dodd & Co., and demanding that the property should be handed over to them. The consul after a short delay received an answer from the mandarin stating that the seals had been removed and that Messrs. Dodd & Co. were at liberty to enter into possession of the property.

Messrs. Dodd & Co. having been informed of this permission, gave orders to their compradore to take possession. On attempting to carry these orders into effect the employe of the firm was immediately turned out by followers of a hostile clan, known as the Huang-hsing clan, who resided in the locality. Upon hearing of this, Mr. Crawford I ). Kerr, manager of the firm, accompanied by Mr. S. Godfrey Bird, a member of the same firm, for warded a card and letter with which the consul had provided them to the Tamsui ting's yamen. An answer was returned stating that the Tamsui tine was absent at Teckcham, and that the persons left in charge of the civil police refused to do anything unless they received a squeeze, and the squeeze not being forthcoming the)- accordingly did not act.

Not Lelieving that the Chinese would oppose entrance to the hong it made by the foreigners representing the firm holding the lease, the two gentlemen above mentioned visited the property. Arriving at the gat< the court yard of the hong, Mr. Kerr forced open a small wicket which was fastened with a nail and with which the gate had been barred,

1. British Bine Book No. 0 1869 China.

200 i Mi: ISLAND I IF K< IRM( ISA.

when, without a word of warning, and without the slightest provocation, a mob of sonic five hundred coolies swarmed out from the adjoining houses and other places of concealment. The two gentlemen attempted immediate flight, but before they had gained many steps they were assailed in the most violent manner with guns, knives, spears, and stones by the ferocious ruffians, who had now caught up with them. Mr. Bird was struck down by a stone and beaten and stabbed with spears and muskets. Mr. Kerr was also struck down to the ground by a large stone, which inflicted a severe wound. Fortunately the whole affair took place l>ut some fifty yards from the precincts of the Tamsui ting's yamen, and it was towards this that the two foreigners were struggling. But with no weapons of defence it was a difficult task and the) were frequently struck down with bamboos and spears. One of the mob attempted, while Mr. Bird lay on the ground, to dash out his 1 trains with a large stone which the ruffian had lifted above his head with both hands, but in throwing it he fortunately missed his aim. Mr. Kerr was knocked into a vile cesspool by a severe blow in the face from a musket butt. They managed, however, half dead, and covered with blood anil nuul, to crawl to the yamen where, instead of the assistance the) required, the underlines endeavored to force them back into the hands of the mob, although in their weakened condition from loss of blood this would have meant certain death. Fortunately a number of shipwrecked Loochooan sailors, detained in the yamen as prisoners, were present, and they gave the two wounded men kind attention, frequently lifting them from the ground, bathing their cuts and wounds, and washing away the blood anil mud. Without the assistance of these kind hearted Loochooans it is doubtful whether the two foreigners would have es-caped alive. After a considerable lapse of time the mandarins of the yamen, no doubt beginning to appreciate the seriousness of the attack, allowed an escort to guard the- chairs in which the wounded anil almost unconscious men were carried to the river where their boats were waiting to take them back to Tamsui. The property which they had carried to the hong itself was seized by the hostile mob who furthermore, unopposed by the Tamsui ting or by any other authority, cut loop holes in the walls of the neighboring Chinese buildings, through which they could insert firearms, and raised a subscription equal to fifty per cent of the income of the hostile faction "in order to frighten the English and drive them from the port." They also threatened to attack the other foreign hong and swore that they would die-rather than tail. All up-river business in which the foreigners wen; con-cerned now necessarily came to a standstill.

The position had become so perilous not only to business interests but to the very lives of the small foreign colony itself that Mr. Holt, having no other means of communication, despatched a small boat across the dangerous Formosa Channel to Foochow to ask for immediate assistance.

( >n the 15th, the Tamsui ting who had heard that armed assistance had been requisitioned, hurried up from Teckcham to exercise a little of the old fashioned diplomacy, hoping to smooth things over by a few mild words and new promises. After several anxious days of waiting the United States

i ORMOSA i IPENED TO FOREIGN TK IDE. 201

gunboat Aroostook^ with General Le Gendre on board, arrived to look after American interests and the British gunboat j'tiu/ts followed a few hours later.

The good old "gunboat policy " at once resulted in the demands made by the consular officer being granted. In this case, the Chinese- authorities wisely sought, and allowed themselves to be guided by, the advice of the American Consul-General, Le Gendre, who brought the dispute; to a speedy and satisfactory close without resort to any other exhibition of force than the mere presence of the two gunboats. The points gained may be summed up as follows: The offending servants at the Tamsui ting's yamen who had ignored the consul's card and letter were punished with dismissal ; four oi the principal ringleaders in the attack on the two foreigners were kept in cangues and exposed for one month in front of the yamen ; proclamations were issued by the Tamsui ting, one of which was cut in stone and put up in one of the public streets, instructing the people to be on friendly terms with the foreigners ; all property destroyed or stolen was made good ; and the hostile clan was fined 1,000 dollars for the attack. While it would appear that one month's punishment was extremely light for the ringleaders of the mob who were bent on murder, still it must be remembered that Chinese were the offenders, and it was, as it unfortunately is at present, quite the custom for America and England to treat the Chinese with the greatest leniency, not to say partiality.

Taking this into consideration, the year 1868 may be said to have ended in a very satisfactory settlement of disputes lone standing in the north and south; in the restoration of peace and justice; and in laying tin foundation of the prosperity and comparative tranquillity which was now to follow.

CHAPTER XV (PART 1 OF 3)

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND EVENTS OP THE PERIOD,

iS-o 1884;

Alcoeh recommends suspension oj British trade in Formosa— Alcock's suggestion creates 11 reat opposition Increase in trade— Attack on Boyd and Co.'s hong A foreigner speared -British consnl to the rescue with a volunteer force — The mandarins grant compensation— Sarage <<ltttcL on English missionary — A more iti, ndly /■■limj noticeable — Tohn Dodd the first foreigner /<> export Fornwsan tea — A fortnightly service inaugurated — The I><"i<il'ix Steamship Co. — The junk trade — The great typhoon of 1871— Tiro Englishmen bravely rescue tin crew of the " Adele" — Japanese visitors — Official actirity follows the Japanese ex-pedition— The evils <>j' tin- old administration Radical changes introduced The defences streiii TIcngchun becomes <\ district -New roads^Modcrn

forts erected at Anping and Takoie M ' mining machinery introduced

American experts bore for oil— Immigration encouraged — Banka becomes <t prefectural city- -The city of Taipehfu founded— Hiang Tao the first prefect <;/' .Xnrtli Formosa Sjianish • iml Russian war scares Warfare with the savages — Chinese soldiers kill 500 Hakkas— Coast imjirorements — Wrecks -Kindness ui' iln Loochooans— Pellew islanders driven by storm i" Formosa — Wreck of the " Laptek" —Lieut. Gardiner, Mr. Graig, and six bluejackets drowned— The ship " F'oresi J!>ll< blown n/> !>ii her captain — .1 felonious attempt to obtain compensation from the Chinese government — Wrecks 1870-1885.

The year 1870 was a precarious one tor all foreigners. For during this

year arose a question of great importance to the island and to foreign trade. Sir Rutherford Alcock, the British minister at Peking, annoyed at the con-stant difficulties which his nationals were encountering in Formosa, recom mended to the Pari of Clarendon, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that all consular establishments should be withdrawn from Formosa and that the island should be closed to British trade. That this would have effectually shut out all foreign commerce is certain. No other nation had consular representatives in the island; and with tin exception ol the British, the foreign trade was at that time so small that it is unlikely that any other con sulatcs would have bei n 1 stablished.

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND EVENTS OF THE PERIOD. 203

Naturally and very fortunately this proposal met with marked opposi-tion from the British merchants in Formosa. From the south a memorial was presented to the Earl of Clarendon protesting against the abandonment of Formosa and stating that in the year [869, "the year in which as a con-sequence of the successful operations of the late Vice-Consul Gibson in putting an end, for a time at least, to the reign of terror which had so long prevailed, a freer intercourse between British merchants and Chinese merchants was obtained, there was an instant revulsion from the intense commercial depression of [868 and a very large increase in the general trade returns."

In the north tin- increase in the foreign trade of 1S70 oxer that of [869 was very marked. I he export of camphor had greatly increased, while that of tea had doubled. With these evidences of prosperity before them the British Foreign Office could not claim that British trade was on the decline, and it would have been cowardly to have admitted that the constant troubles with the Chinese and mandarins had frightened them out of the island. Con-sequently, the proposition of Sir Rutherford Alcock was not favored in England ; while the constantly increasing trade and the rapidly lessening difficulties between foreigners and Chinese which marked the following years gave abundant evidence of the wisdom of such a decision.

Just as a reminder of the old days and as evidence that the hatred for foreigners had not yet been entirely eradicated, we have one more attack on foreigners to relate, which, with the exception of a few disturbances against the missionaries, probably more in opposition to the religion than to the foreigners themselves, was the last open riot against foreigners in the island.

Towards the close of 1872, the members of a certain powerful clan residing in Banka began to exhibit considerable opposition to such Chinese as had accepted foreign employment. Eventually the)' sought vent for their rage by attacking the hong of Messrs. Boyd & Co. Mr. Laidlaw, the linn's agent, was able, however, to get the doors of the building firmly secured and barricaded, and upon the attack commencing he was in a position to defend himsell and his employes, whom he had armed, at least tor the time. Alter having attempted to beat in the front door with large stones, the mob turned their attention to the rear of the hong which they likewise found securely closed. They then proceeded to plunder and destroy everything they could lav their hands on. The towns-people had now appeared in large numbers armed with spears and knives. and it became extremely doubtful if the single foreigner and his \\-w armed Chinese could long hold the mob at bay. Fortunately, the news of the attack had been conveyed to the two other foreign firms, and Mr. Lass and Mr. Darling of Messrs. Elles & Co. and Brown cc Co. respectively, started at once to give assistance to their friend. They were armed with a fowling piece and a revolver. Arriving on the scene they found that the movements of the rioters were directed by two persons who had mounted the roofs of the neighboring buildings and were beating gongs for the purpos< of sum-moning the natives to close their shops and join in the attack. Messrs. Cass and 1 >arling accordingly made for the rear of the hong, and the crowd, pro-

204 THE [SLAND OF FORMOSA.

bably under the impression that more foreigners were coming, allowed them to reach the door. With their weapons they managed for awhile to prevent the rioters from coming to close quarters, but were all the while assailed by showers of stones, and began to feel their strength failing. In this predica-ment they were advised by a friendly Cantonese who had accompanied them to climb up on the roof and thus gain entrance to the hong. There appeared no other choice, and accordingly Mr. Cass mounted the roof, but as Mr. Darling was about to climb up, he observed a man charging at him at lull speed with a spear. Without hesitation Mr. I )arling raised his gun and fired ; but at the same time he received two sword thrusts from other quarters. He then managed to gain the roof, bleeding profusely Irom two bad wounds. As they were about to proceed, Mr. Cass unfortunately broke parti)' through and was immediately attacked from below by Chinese with their spears. The Cantonese, seeing his master's dangerous position, at once possessed himself of the revolver and fired all six chambers at the mob below, while Mr. Darling also fired a shot. This gave Mr. Cass time to extricate himself and eventually enter the hong. A force of well armed Chinese from the Elles hong now arrived and were able to disperse the mob, who luckily possessed no fire-arms and were, therefore, at a disadvantage.

( >n the news of the attack reaching Tamsui, the British acting-consul applied to a Chinese gunboat in the harbor for assistance, but the commander refused to despatch a force, and the consul was obliged to take matters into his own hands. He, therefore, collected a volunteer force consisting of ten foreigners, principally from an English steamer then in port, and with this small number he immediately started up river to the scene of the trouble.

This prompt action prevented further disturbances, and the consul promptly sought the mandarins with a demand for the punishment of the culprits. As a result it was decided that the rioters should pay $800 to repair the damage done the hong and #1,000 compensation to the wounded Englishman, while as a warning to others that foreigners were not to be in-terfered with, the two leaders should be placed in cangues and exhibited in the principal street.1 Notwithstanding that the mandarins had consented to all, they neglected to carry the last item into effect. Upon the consul protesting against this, the authorities informed him that the money the)- could easily pa)', but that the punishment of the two leaders they could not inflict as the two Chinese were headmen of a clan more powerful than themselves. Upon learning this the consul informed the officers of the arrival of a British gun-boat which would remain at Tamsui until the two culprits appeared before him as had been agreed. This had its effect, and only one day elapsed before the two would-be murderers were brought before the consul, when it was observed that the)' were wearing the collars prescribed, which were a becoming addition to their regular costume.

Rev. William Campbell tells of a narrow escape which he had in 1875 at Tiam-a-khau, a market town just south of Kagi. The people of this village

1. Tlie cangue consists of a frame of wood sonic three feet square and weighing ordinarily ahout 'J.b lbs. The frame is divided into two parts to admit of being placed over the criminal's head. It contains an opening for the neck and sometimes for the hands. After being closed it might be likened to a huge wooden collar extending straight from the neck,

FOREIGN tNTERCO! RSE AND EVENTS OF THE PERIOD. 205

appear to have belonged to a clan the local head of which was one Gow-

chi-ko, a turbulent, lawless character much feared by the authorities. His large residence was just outside the village, and all the houses adjoining were surrounded with strong bamboo stockades, while manj armed men were always at hand to defend it either againsl an attack by the officials or tin-people.

Gow-chi-ko was much opposed to the work ol the missionaries and especially to the rebuilding of a chapel in a neighboring village. Finding that the Christian work was progressing in spite ol his protests, he endeavored to put a stop to it by other methods. Accordingly, at his instigation, an armed body attacked a Christian house in the village. A woman was cruelly speared, several men wounded, and the place plundered. Rev. W. Campbell upon hearing of the outrage at once visited the village to investigate. He intended to spend the night there and occupied a house near his chapel. About midnight he was startled at hearing people rushing through the fence which surrounded his chapel grounds and at observing the glare of lights moving about the house. The thrilling experiences of that night Rev. W. Campbell relates as follows: — '

" I jumped up to find that my bedroom was already 011 (ire, and on I il through 1

bars which served as a window, T could set > I of ferocious looking in 1 lie chapel

and to the roof of our own house. One could take in the position at a glance. Ii was Gow-ohi-ko's men out on one of their terrible raids. They seemed like demons as, with blackened faces and long knives in their hands, they darted about under the bright glare of the burning chapel. I called out [or assistance, but learned afterwards that the preacher aud his wife with some brethren who were sleeping in an adjoining hut, had made their escape.

" Supposing they would hardly dare to attack a foreigner, I al 0 get out by the door of t Iv

mid-room, but was immediately driven back by the spears which were levelled at me, and which for a moment I warded off with the Chinese blanket held over my arm. I shouted out thai the British consul would have them punished if they persisted, but their knives and spears were again brandished in front of mo and struck frequently into the little blanket. On retreating into the p room, 1 was at

once pursued by Ion or a dozen of these cowards, who were evidi ntly afraid to follow one singly into the smaller apartment. They kept poking their spears in at the door, and fcheu comm breakdown

the thin partition on my left. While here at the foot ol the small b pears was

thrust through the lathing and passed within an inch of my body.

"The place now begau to iill with smoke, the dry grass roofing 1 ire all round, and the

chapel itself enveloped in flames. .My own little bedroo crumbling I

heated air in the blazing bamboos would become expanded and burst like the n many pi

At this moment those in the midroom retreated to the outside, when I tri ain to follow them

away from the burning hon at and smoke of which had now become almost insupportable,

sight which met my eye it the door was certainly alarming. There was nothing but fire and smoke all over the chapel, and there n lined something almost fiendish in the determination of thai crowd as thej stood back awaiting my exit with uplifted knives and spears 1 once more rushed inside, and bad ly injured my hands and bate feet in trying to breakaway of escape out from the back, and while thus engaged, some one smashed tin- bars of the window-opening in front and cast in a burning torch, which begau to set the looso straw of the hod on fire.

"I quite gave it up at, this pin'. ,1 myself 1 ' tnd for the last time dashed out,

expecting nothing hut to he cast u] ml spears. To my surpri hole party was

seen to be quickly moving away to the ri lit, The wind 1 id ri and they could no longer

endure the smoke from the burning chapel behind, nor the Bamos which were I to lick over the

house before which they had been standing. Ha ther clothing about in, ping-shirt,

I sprang out from the door, climbed 1 on the left, then gol ed in

tearing through a thick, prickly fence higher uj 1 by tumbling down into a ditch, where I lay

for a minute or two half unconscious, and tl the night.

"On lifting my head above the tall grass lure. I ooul ?er fields on the

other side, as if search were being made foi raising myself, tin

fore, I crept slow 1 , along, got up into a hillside somewhat furl her off ; and la; -ill a

retreat was sounded aud the whole gang ran oil in the direction of Tiam-a-kau."

With these disturbances, to which might be added some few attack--made during later years on some of the chapels in the south and Rev. Or.

1. Missionary Success in l'Vrwosa,. J'>y Iiev, \Y, Campbell, Vol. 11., Trubuer i\. Co.. Loudon.

266 Till'. ISLAND i IF I ■■' iRtil ISA.

MacKay's chapels in the north and the killing of some native Christians, no further troubles in which foreigners were concerned are to be recorded. True the seaside villagers continued for several years l<> plunder wrecked vessels whenever they had the opportunity. However, that did nol neces sarily imply hostility to the foreigners but merely a robber's longing for other people's possessions. The fact that Chinese junks were similarly treated if they fell into the wreckers' hands is evidence of this, from this period on, foreigners were well treated by the Chinese of the island. Merchants met with no opposition from trailers and others, travellers throughout the Chinese districts were as a rule received with civility, and even the Chinese mandarins began to find that it was to their advantage to respect treaty rights. <M course there were commercial difficulties, there were robber bands to be avoided, and there were lawless districts through which it was not always sale to travel. Still it can not be said, taking the Chinese inhabitants of the island as a whole, that the feeling exhibited towards foreigners was all hostile. In fact in main districts the natives were very friendly.

The' early seventies saw much increase in trade both in the north and south. Although Chinese had been exporting Formosan teas for some years, no foreigner entered that trade until [867, when Mr. |ohn Dodd made a shipment of 2,030 piculs (269,990 lbs.) In [869, the export by foreigners had doubled, in 1X70 it had doubled again, and in 1X72 it had again increased nearly two-fold when [9,513 piculs (2,597,229 lbs.) were shipped. There was also a marked increase in the export of camphor. In 1N72 there were live British firms established in the north of the island, at Twatutia.

A fortnightly steam service between the mainland and Formosa was inaugurated in the autumn of 1X71, and the Hailoong (the sea dragon), a small steamer 150 feet long and 277 tons register, under the command ol Captain John farrow, was put on the run. She was the pioneer boat ol the regular line then instituted, which was later known as the Douglas Steamship Company. The course was Hongkong, Swatow, Tamsui, and Taiwan, with Amoy .1^ the junction point. As the arrivals and departures oi 1S72 had more than doubled those of [869 and 1X70, and the export of lea had increased four-fold during this period, it was believed that a regular line was needed and would lie supported. The Hailoong in a irw years proved to be too light to handle the increasing business and she was supplemented by the S.S. Formosa of about 500 tons register, once a crack ship of the P. & ( ). Co. '

1. b'l'uiu Una small start ulie line lapidly iucreaued in wealth aud importance, ami was later

organized as the Douglas Steamship Co. From the early days with the Utile Hailoong until the

present with four Bteamers specially suited for the work, tin' Bervice has ii"t ceased, and s.> prominent

a part lias tliis linn played in the history of the island's commerce that a tew notes regarding its

r will not !»• "tit of place here.

Although the two vessels Hailoong aud Formosa were both running, it was fonnd necessary in ]s""> to add still further t" the company's carrj ing capacity, and the s.s. Taiwan of 500 tons was placed on' the line. This vessel had beeu originally built for Etussel Sturgis A Co. of Manila and was run for

some time under the name of teonor. she was sunk, however, in the great typh i of 1874 close to

the praya wall in Hongkong harbor and directly in front of the offices of Douglas Lapraik & Co. The Douglas Company then purchased the boat, raised and repaired her, aud she was named the Taiwan and placed on the Foruiosan line. She was lost Feb. 14th, 1882, ou the Pescadores. The Allay now replaced the Taiwan She had also been purchased from Etussel Sturgis & Co., and she had likewi been wrecked in the great typhoon, having been lit- rally thrown on top of the teonor and against the

\ l\ll AND EVENTS 0] 111!. PERI0I 2uJ

The junk trade was also much improved, and in the early "seventies" there were three large fleets engaged. The junks proceeded during the southwest monsoon to every important port on the adjacent mainland and even as far north as the Gulf of Liaotung. The three fleets were divided as follows: — The Hsiakiao line consisting of those junks trading to Amoy and adjacent ports, the Siaopeh (the small northern line) of those trading to Shanghai, Ningpo, etc., and the Tapeh (the great northern line) of thosi trading to the Shantung coast, Tientsin, Kinchau, etc. \ he interests oi these three lines were looked alt* r in the different ports by a merchant who was appointed once a year and who held a position somewhat resembling a Lloyd's agent. This merchant possessed as insignia of office an incense urn. and was, therefore .generally known as the Lu e/ut, or keeper of the incense urn.

Among the events ol this period should be recorded the u;reat typhoon of August 9th, 1871, which destroyed tour foreign vessels in the north oi Formosa. In the harbor of Kelung, the British vessel Westward //<> and the French barque . Idele were both lost, and that lives were saved was due entirely to die brave efforts of two Formosan residents, John Dodd and another Englishman named Margary, who was then attached to the British consulate, and who was later killed l>y the savages in Yunnan. It was at the wreck of the French barque Allele that lives wen specially endangered. The British gunboat /:'//' was in harbor, but was unable to render assistance, but Dodd swam off alone to the stranded vessel though he was several times dashed back on shore. He eventually succeeded, however, in reaching the ship and, thrown up by a high wave which dashed over the vessel, he managed to grasp the rigging. The night was so dark that the French hail not observed the brave efforts made for their rescue until he was actual!)' on board the ship. I 'odd was now niven a rope, and with this he plunged into the wild sea and swam to shore, where he joined the rope to a shore line which had been already prepared by helpers on land. As soon as the line was secure, I >odd and Margary plunged in ami, going hand over hand, reached the vessel ami saved the crew. All were got safely on shore, although the vessel had broken in two from the violence of the storm. It was a wild black night and the tempest was the greatest that had ever been witnessed by the oldest inhabitant. 1 he French government sought to reward Mr. 1 )odd for his brave exploit and offered him the Legion of 1 lonor, but the British government, for some reason unknown, did not permit him to accept this well deserved token, but itself conferred upon him the Albert Medal of die First Class.

CHAPTER XV (PART 2 OF 3)

praya wall. The Alh.nj ran until 1885 wh - lust just outside Swatow. In lss-1 tin- Thales, 820

inn's, which had been formed] used rs a British transport carrying troops to Abyssinia, was -. cured by the company and placed on the Southern line which has Anping as its terminus. Thi I 500

tons was now buill by the company and placed on the regular line wheie Bhe van until 1895, when she was sold t" il' government. Shortly after the addition of the 1 new

vessel was built and named the Hail the pioneer 1, oat on the line. In 1895 the Haimun was

built under the superintai! Mr Francis Ashton, who bad designed her with the Formosan

requirements in view. In this he wns rerj sua — ful : for although tie- boat is of light draft and only

of 633 1 e has a carrying capacity of 20, half chests of tea. Thus from a single

tuer in ls;i with a capacity ■ f 7, hnlf chests, the Douglas I ompairj have in 1897 three

comfortable steamships with a combined capacity ol 54,000 ball • ests, on the line to Tamsui, and one steamer, th >n the Anping line,

THE ISI.VXh I U Ft iRM< IS V.

Much excitement was naturally aroused throughout the island over the Japanese expedition in 1874, which has been described in previous chapters,

In 1873, Count Kabayama, then a captain in the army, and Mr. Mizuno landed in Taiwanfu from a Japanese ship, and travelled overland toTamsui and thence on to Suao. There were some half-dozen different Japanese visitors in the island that year, and being clad in European costume they wen- looked upon with considerable curiosity by the natives. It was first thought that the) were merchants come to take stock of the resources of the island, but the events of the next year proved that they were the advance agents of the expedition which followed.1

The Japanese expedition acted as a great stimulant on the mandarins concerned with Formosa. Although some two hundred years had passed since the Chinese had obtained possession of the island from the Koxinga family, they had improved but littk-- on the old chieftain's defences. No foreign power had before questioned their possession of the island, which to the Chinese mind was sufficient evidence' that none ever would. But they had now had a rude awakening ami were prepared to make such changes as appeared necessary to hold the barbarians at bay.

The greatest evils appeared to be, first, the absence of the chief ad-ministrative officer; who resided in Foochow ; Formosa being but a province of Fokien. Second, the unsuitable division of the island into administrative districts. Third, the mm existence of proper land communications; and fourth, the miserable condition of the so-called T'ormosan army.

As an example of the bad arrangement of the administrative divisions in the island, it max be noted that, previous to 1875. the whole district south of Taiwanfu bounded on the east by the savage territory and on the west by the sea, souk p 10 square miles, formed one district known as Fangshan. To govern this expanse of country there was a magistrate with 500 of the usual quality of Chinese braves. Under these circumstances the Chinese oi the district were naturally inclined to put up with only about as much official control as the}- thought was really good for them. 1 he- rule of the magistral was therefore limited to the mor< quid and industrious of the inhabitants who sought official aid in settling the more serious of their civil disputes. Criminal cases were disposed of by the villagers themselves who lynched the offenders. These villagers also reserved the right of carrying on the barter trade with the savages. ,\ trailer who encroached upon what the)- con-sidered a personal right was liable to be put down as a criminal and to receive criminal's punishment as above. The Hakkas were even less favorably inclined towards the officials, and many of the large villages would not permit an official to enter <>n any pretext. These communities were well armed and their settlements strongly fortified.

The eastern half of the southern part of the island, although nominally under the rule of the sul siding at Iaiuanfu, was practically iiv

dependent ot his authority. 'I rue there were some interpreters attached to the ottice, and border officers with a visional}- militia, who were expected to keep peace in the district.

1. See chapters X, XI, XII, and XIII for narrative of the Japanese Expedition.

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND EVENTS OF Mil PERIOD. 20g

Even the influence and authority that had once existed, had now been practically lost. We arc told of a village, Siehmali (Sha-mari), about five miles east of Hengchun, inhabited 1))- savages who during the reign ol Kienlung (1736 — 1796) shaved their heads, and became loyal subjects of the emperor. But this did not appear to be of special importance to the Chinese, who extended no encouragement to the converted savages, and furthermore took no interest whatsoever in the village or its occupants. In 1875 the savages had partially readopted their native dress and paid but little attention to the growth of queues. To a visitor it appeared that they had the vices of both races with none of the virtues of either, and they are described as 'dazy. debauched, and drunken," while much of their propert) had fallen into the hands of the I lakka immigrants. Our authority adds : "From the above it is easily to be conceived that the- general public in [S74 was rather inclined to the fallacy that the Chinese government had no claim to these parts ol the island."1

Shen Pao-chen (Chin Hotei), the Imperial commissioner who had been sent to take charge of the island and arrange defences to prevent the occu-pation of the Chinese districts by the Japanese, was impressed with the necessity ol introducing great reforms, and accordingly set to work with much vigor. Fang shan district was divided in two, the division point being marked by a river running inland not far north of the sea-coast village of Pangliau. The portion to the north retained the old name, while the territory to the south became Hengchun district. As a seat for the magistrate of this new district, a wall was erected around one of the villages and a new town founded there. On the south-east coast a new district was also established which included the territory east of Fang-shan district, north of Hengchun district, and south of Suao district. The new district town was established at Pilam (Pinan), and the sub-prefect, who formerly resided at Taiwanfu, now took up his residence at this place. A road had been con-structed from the west coast, and Pilam could be thus reached from Takow in lour days. It was also accessible by sea, although a landing could only be made in calm weather, ami vessels were unable to remain there longer than a lew hours at a time, as the great depth ol water afforded no anchorage.

While the commissioner did but little in constructing new roads he improved some of tint old paths, especially those crossing the central mountain ranges in south Formosa, thus facilitating communication with the east coast. He also constructed one military road as de-scribed in the account of the [apanese expedition, for improvement in the defences, the commissioner erected a fort about a mile to the south ol Anping, to obtain building materials lor which a large portion ol the venerable old Dutch fort Zelandia had been destroyed. The fort was planned and built under the superintendence of the French engineer, M. Berthault, and was completed in 1876. It was said that the designer somewhat followed in outline some of the fortifications which form the outer belt ol the defences of Paris. The armament consisted ol [8 ton

1. Chinese Maritime Customs Reports. Ta);.>w, is;.-,.

;>I0 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

guns. On the lower part of Saracen Head at Takow a new fort, which in design was a Chinese modification of a European plan, was also erected. The armament consisted ol six rifled guns not of sufficient size to !><• <>t much service in coast defence. Another smaller fort was erected in such a position as to command the entrance to the harbor.

Among the events of the next few years, the introduction of foreign appliances by the officials was the most notable. Coal mining in the island had been strictly prohibited for many years for fear that operations might disturb the genial influence of the geomantic properties of the districts. The Kelung people, however, were willing to take the chances, and had continued to secretl) mine coal and export considerable quantities of it, seemingly without inciting the dragon to work vengeance on the neighborhood. Upon learning this, the governor-general ol Fokien decided to withdraw the prohibition, and in order that the Foochow arsenal with which he was concerned might obtain cheaper coal he was even prepared now to encourage mining opera dons. Jn 1X70 at his instigation a commissioner visited the coal districts and reported favorably on the introduction of foreign machinery. M. Dupont, .1 biench engineer in the employ of the Foochow arsenal, was the first foreigner to survey the coal districts, he having completed this task in 1868, and his report was in 1X71 resuscitated and placed before the governor-general. The matter after some discussion was dropped, however, and nothing more was heard of coal mines until 1 S 74, when Shen-Pao-chen, the Imperial commissioner to the island, visited the coal districts and after conferring with the Peking authorities definitely announced that modern machinery would be introduced at once. Mr. Tyzack, a mining engineer, was placed in charge of the work, and by the end of 1S77 a mine fully equipped with machinery was in operation.1

Petroleum oil had been known for many years to exist in different parts ol the island, and among the innovations introduced during this period the purchasing of machinery to be utilized in this industry should be included. In 1X77. two American experts arrived provided with the necessary appliances, and work was commenced early in the next year, but numerous difficulties arose, anil after having sunk two wells ami produced some 400 piculs of oil, the work was abandoned the same fall.-'

The third improvement during 1X77 utilizing foreign appliances was the construction of the first telegraph line in Formosa. The line was laid from 1 akow to Taiwanfu and Anping, a distance of some thirty miles, and was opened to the public in November. The scale of charges was very moderate — twenty words lor Si. 00, anil the line gained favor with the Chinese at once.

Not only in die introduction of foreign machinery did the authorities show themselves specially enlightened and energetic, but in furthering native enterprises as well. An immigration Lureau was organized and large num-bers of coolies from the overcrow did districts in Swatow and vicinity were' brought to the island, ami given grants of land in the sparsely settled dis-tricts between Takow and the extreme south of the island. The scheme was a successful one, and though mam- of the new arrivals suffered from

1. aud 2. See Chapter on lliu Minerals of Formosa.

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND EVENTS "1 THE PERIOD. 211

fever and some were killed by the savages, the proportion was small, and but a few years elapsed before man)' of the formerly uncultivated districts were bringing forth large yields to the benefit of all concerned. A later attempt, however, when i .< >oo Cantonese were brought over and located on the east coast was not so successful, the majority of them dying of fever.

The political changes during this period were of much importance to the north. Ever since the first foreign mercantile arrivals at the- port of Hobe they had suffered ejreat inconvenience from the absence of any government. The port was under the control of the Tamsui ting i marine magistrate) : but as this official resided at Teckcham some miles to the south. Hobe, as well as the whole north, was practically without official control. In 1877, Tamsui was converted into a district under a magistrate, and the name <>l Tamsui ting was abolished. From this time on, it possessed a regularly constituted government, which was of inestimable value to the port, and made possible the great industrial development which in time transformed Tamsui into the most important commercial centre ol the whole island.

Other changes of value to the north occurred in 1S7S, when Kelung was formed into a ting, or sub-prefecture, and Komalun ting the lar producing place commonly called Kapsulan, became a district know n as ( iilan hsien. The same year Teckcham ting was converted into a district and became known as Hsinchu hsien.

The three newly formed hsiens or districts now constituted a new fu or prefecture styled Taipeh fu, and the new capital. Taipeh, was marked out on a tract of land adjoining Banka to the north-east and then unoccupied save for agricultural purposes. The acting-prefect removed from Teckcham to Banka. which he occupied temporarily in May 1879. and work was com-menced upon the construction of Taipeh at once.

As soon as the new city was marked out. a prohibition was issued against the planting of rice within the city limits, and after the portion of land desired for official purposes had been decided upon, the remaining portions were divided into lots and offered to purchasers for building purposes at a nominal figure. So rapidly was the work pushed forward that, before the end of the year ( 1879), the north, south, east, and west gates were approach-ing completion, the Examination Hall accommodating io.oco students was entirely completed, and the Confucian Temple and the Prefect's Vamen were in course of construction. A year or so later the various buildings had been practically completed. 'The wealth}' men of the district were called upon to meet the cost of all these improvements. The first expenditures were for the prefect's yamen, S^S.ooo, and a smaller yamen $6,000, the ex animation hall $34,000, and the Confucian temple and other shrines 550,000. Besides this, the construction of the gates and funds for the erection of the city wall, streets, etc., would require a large sum. While all wealthy Chinese were forced to contribute, the larger portion of the funds came from one man — a Chinese locally known as Lim pan ban, who owned a large portion of the lands in the north of the island, and who was naturally a very handy man whenever the officials wanted money. It is stated that he furnished as much as half a million dollars during the construction oi the city. Besides

2 12 nil tSL \M> (ii- FORMOSA.

the above sources of income, a special tax had been imposed which was called " Chingfu-chii' and was to form a fund lor city improvements. The impost, which was entirely exclusive of the regular likin taxes, was as follows: Opium $11 per chest, tea io and 20 cents a chest according to quality, and miscellaneous goods S2.40 per picul.

Work was not commenced on the city wall for several years, as the ground, having been formerly a rice field, was too soft to hear the weight ol the heavy structure. Bamboos were, however, planted all along the pro spective line of the wall with the idea that, when they grew up in some three or four years, the ground would he sufficiently strong and solid to hear the heavy wall of brick and stone.

The first prefect of north Formosa was Hiang Tao. He appears, however, to have been rather a weak character, inasmuch as the Tamsui sub-prefect whom he was expected to supersede continued to hold the post as the chief official and was so considered by the people. Hiang Tao died early in [878, less than a year alter receiving his appointment. 1 lis successor Lin Tachuan was ol a different stamp and at once introduced a definite change in the administration. The first move was to transfer the presumptuous sub-prefect to Lokiang to take charge ol that city. The new prefect was very popular, but, like his predecessor, his rule was short. Only three months from the date of his arrival he was taken suddenly ill and died.

Civil examinations were first held in the new city in [879, and two years later militarj examinations were held for the first time since Formosa had become a possession of China.

There were two war scares during this period. In 1 S 7 7, relations between the Spanish government and the Chinese authorities in Formosa were somewhat strained owing to a controversy that had been going on for some time in regard to the Spanish vessel Sobcraua, which was wrecked and plundered by the Formosan natives in the year 1863, as described in the previous chapter. It seems that after fourteen years of fruitless negotiation, the Spanish at last determined to obtain justice even though it required an armed expedition to exact it. The Chinese understand requests of the latter type, and 11)1011 the appearance of the Spanish admiral, promptly granted the compensation demanded. The sum obtained — $18,000 — was sent to Madrid and divided among tin- survivors and the families of those who suffered by the loss of the Soberana}

Even after the controversy had been thus disposed of, the Chinese were in a state of panic. During this period, a Spanish vessel appeared at Kelung ami created great consternation among the officials there, it being believed that she was but in the advance of a Spanish fleet which was about to shell tin- town. It was later discovered, however, that the vessel referred to had simply put into Kelung for the purpose of coaling, after which she sailed away ; and neither she nor an)- other Spanish vessel, I

1. On the :27th of May, 1879, the Spanish consul-general at Ainoy published a notification requesting all persons entitled to a part of the sum of 18,000 Spanish Dollars, paid to the Spanish Government by the Chinese Government as compensation for the pillage of the Spanish vessel Soberana wrecked off the coast of Formosa in 1863, to present themselves, or their attorneys, to the Spanish Foreign Olliee at Madrid, before the 19lb of August. 1879.

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE WI> EVENTS "I Mil. PERIOD. 2 1}

believe, has touched at Formosa since. The scare was thorough, however, and far reaching. Troops were brought in from the mainland, and the defences of the island were improved to some extent.

The second shock to the tender sensibilities of the authorities, who. since the first [apanese expedition, were easily thrown into spasms upon the appearance of a foreign flag whose presence they were unable to account for, was in [880, when it was fancied that Russia was about to declare war against China. The appearance of numerous Russian warships seemed to confirm the impression, and measures were at once taken to strengthen the defences and prepare for the coming war. < )rders wen- given to Chinese men-of-war to survey the North Formosa Channel and to keep a watch on the Russians. In the island four new fortifications were erected between Tai wanfu and Taipehfu, and a modern fortress was built at Kelung costing the government a large amount of money.' This latter structure was a source of great pride to the Chinese, and its five modern Krupp guns were thought to be quite sufficient to demolish the Russians or any one else that dared to put in an appearance. At Takow the authorities placed in position, in tin-two forts which had been built on either side of the harbor, four 7 inch 6 ' j ton and two 6 inch .So cwt. muzzle loading rilled Armstrong guns which had been purchased the previous year. Hut the dreaded Russians, like the Spanish, disappeared from the channel one day never to return, and Formosa breathed freely again.

Although no reference has been made to warfare with the savages in the last two chapters, the reader must not suppose that during this period peaceful relations existed. Indeed, it may be taken as an established fact that from the first year of Chinese occupation, warfare with the savages never ceased. The severity of the fighting was, of course, dependent upon the number of soldiers who presented themselves for slaughter and on the movements of the colonists. It would be impossible to record all the actions. In 1875, as related in a former chapter, 250 Chinese soldiers were killed in one engagement in the south. In 1877, the heavy fighting seems to have been transferred to the east coast. Gunboats \\^-v<.- continually engaged in carrying troops from Kelung, and after months of hard battling, the true details of which were never made known, the savages in that particular district were for the time subdued, and General Sun. the victorious com mander, was rewarded with a yellow jacket.

CHAPTER XV (PART 3 OF 3)

Those- hardy Chinese, the Hakkas, also gave trouble to the soldiers on the east coast this same year. It seems that the braves had appropriated some rice from the shopkeepers for no other reason than that they wen-unable to agree as to the price. This naturally resulted in a quarrel, and. where Hakkas are concerned, a quarrel is not far from a fight. After several severe engagements, General Sun himself was obliged to march with reinforcements to save his quarrelsome braves from total extinction. Ihe

1. This structure was erected on tlie sand uear tlie beach on the S E. side of the harbor. I difficulty was found in laying a substantial foundation even at a considerable depth, [t was ultima necessary to drive piles and large numbers of teak beams, ami cross pieces were used in forming the foundation. The stone and cement superstructure «;h "f great weight. It was destroyed i'\ the French

in 1881, but Mie ruins can slill be seen at Kelung.

2 14 THE ISLAND OP FORMOSA.

Chinese officials never felt much love for the I lakkas, and the brave general endeavored to remove all likelihood <>l future trouble in this

particular district by killing some 500 people, practically the whole settle-ment, it is reported.

The last of the " seventies " and the first half of the " eighties " wit-nessed main- coast improvements. The local officers of this period, who had shown themselves enterprising and enlightened, appreciated the require-ments of navigation. The taotai of Taiwan applied himself to the task ot constructing a good harbor in the south. Takow is situated on the edge ol a lagoon, the entrance to which is through a chasm seventy yards wide, unfortunately impassable except to small vessels drawing less than six feet, owing to a troublesome bar. It was the intention ot the taotai to dredge the bar and to build a breakwater to the south of the entrance. The matter was taken up earnestly during [878 and [879; plans were made and estimates prepared, when unfortunately the taotai died. His successor appears to have been less progressive, and the subject was dropped. Much was done, however, in establishing lights, — the result of the; repre sentations of Customs officials. In [882, a harbor light at Anping, in [883, a light-house at South Cape, and a harbor light on Saracen Head were established.

There was a slight increase over the last period reviewed in the number of wrecks occurring on or near the Forfnosan coast, but there was a per-ceptible decrease in the number of ships plundered. During the present period (1870-1885), there were only some half dozen cases of plundering out of some thirty or more wrecks. The sea-coast Chinese of Formosa appear in rather a bad light when their conduct is contrasted with the truly noble treatment and hospitality which the Loochooan islanders invariably extended to foreigners wrecked on their shores. What greater evidence of benevo-lence, charity, and gentleness can there be than the kindly conduct of the natives of one of the most southerly of the Loochooan group only a few miles distant from north Formosa, who not only cared for the crew of a wrecked foreign vessel but furnished them gratis with the means of returning to the mainland ? Anil this was not exceptional. There is not an instance where the same kindly spirit was not exhibited. The following incident is well worthy of a permanent record : —

Early in August, 1 87;, the German schooner A'. J. Robertson was wrecked on one ot the Miyakojima group. The vessel and its cargo of tea was a total loss and there was also some loss of life. The natives treated the survivors with much kindness, providing them with clothes, food, and shelter, laboring greatly to save something for them from the wreck, and refusing to accept any compensation whatsoever. After the vessel had been totally destroyed by the waxes, the headmen of the island presented the wrecked foreigners with a junk by which the)- could return to "their native land." The following document was then drawn up and placed in their possession, and they em-barked with the good wishes of all the inhabitants, who appeared at the place of departure to bid them farewell: —

FOREIGN INTERCOURSE AND EVENTS OF THE PERIOD. 21'

"The officer in charge of Kung-ku island, adependency oftheLoochoos, issues a passport to enable certain persons to return to their native land.

" Whereas on the i 7th day of the 6th moon of the 1 2th year of Tung-chih, a foreign vessel drifted to this island and became a wreck, her captain stating that prior to her breaking up, she had encountered a gale of wind, and that of her company only eight persons escaped on shore ; and whereas the captain has made application for assistance and asks the loan of a junk wherein to return home, therefore, inasmuch as he and his part)- are greatly to be commiserated, he is presented with a junk — the returning of which is not looked for — also with provisions and water for the voyage. Hence this passport issued by way of safeguard to the foreign captain.

" Dated this 24th clay of the Intercalary 6th moon."

Among the unfortunate mariners cast upon the Formosan shores were sixteen savages who arrived at Kelung in May, 1874, aboard three canoes with outriggers. The Chinese thought that they came from some part of the Last Formosan coast, while the foreigners were at first of opinion that they were from the Bashee islands, not far from the south of Formosa. The men were in a very weak and famished condition, one of them dying from sheer exhaustion about a week after his arrival. They were well cared for at the Custom house and gradually improved in health, although at first they wen-unable to retain solids on their stomachs. The story of their adventures was now learned, and greatly to the surprise of the foreigners, it was found that the) were from the Pellew islands, and that they had journeyed the enormous distance of 1,600 miles. They had been carried away from their fishing grounds during a heavy gale, and had drifted about the ocean for sixty days, when they eventually reached Formosa. It speaks well for the strength of their craft as well as their own powers of endurance that they should have held out so long. As soon as their health permitted, they were sent to Hongkong, whence the)' obtained passage to the Caroline islands and ultimately to their home.

A lamentable loss of life was associated with one of the foreign wrecks during this period. Towards the end of June. 1874, the British steamer Laptek struck an unknown rock to the north of Formosa, and to save the vessel from sinking, the captain ran her ashore in Ma-sou Bay, where she ultimately became a total loss. The Chinese gunboat Fusing, then at anchor there, promptly answered the call for assistance, and brought off all passengers and light packages. H.B.M.S. Kestrel eventually afforded pro-tection, and considerable cargo, mostly sugar, was saved. Messrs I )odd & Co., Lloyd's agents, then took charge of the wreck and dismantled her in the interests of the underwriters. While this work was going on. Lieutenant Gardiner and six men of the Kestrel were placed on board to prevent smuggling, and Mr. ( ireig, of Messrs. Dodd <S: Co., was also on board representing Lloyds. On the night of July 1 7th, just as salving operations were completed, a terrific typhoon broke over the north of the island, during the height of which Lieutenant Gardiner, Mr. Greig, and seven others lost their lives while endeavoring to reach shore by swimming, the boats having previously broken up. .Although a most careful search was instituted, only

2l6 THE ISLAND I >i l ' lRM< SA.

one of the bodies was ever recovered, and that was so fearfully mangled, having been partial!) eaten by sharks, that it was unrecognizable. It was believed that the others had been washed out to sea and devoured by sharks. A monument to their memory was erected, and now stands mar the beach at Kelung.1

The dangerous coast of Formosa, ami the reputation the natives had as plunderers made the island a favorite resort for unscrupulous shipmasters or owners who desired to lose their ships, in hopes either ol obtaining insurance or a large indemnity from the Chinese government. That this was attempted at least once we have very good evidence. In [878, an American ship ran into Kwalian Bay at the extreme south of Formosa, This caused much surprise among the natives, as the bay is rarely visited. The crew did not appear to be very amicably inclined, and when natives appeared in their boats, the sailors threatened to shoot them il they came near. The village mandarins were likewise warned oft. At sunset, a second vessel appeared and anchored at some distance from the first arrival. Then a small boat, carrying apparently all the crew, put off from the first ship ami hastened towards ti;e other vessel. Immediately afterwards a loud explosion was heard, and it was found that the deserted ship had been blown up. The scene in this little melodrama now changes to Takow. Three large men-of-war are in port. Officers and blue jackets, mandarins, with their lon<; robes, and military attendants in bright uniforms are moving about on shore, an uncommon scene for the quiet little port. A naval court of inquiry has called forth all this unusual display. An American ship, the Forest Belle, has keen wrecked at South Cape, and a valuable cargo has been plundered by the natives. The captain and crew have escaped, and the former now appears to demand heavy compensation from the Chinese government for the outrage. The last act is now before us, and, as with all well regulated dramas, justice must be obtained, virtue rewarded, and the villain exposed. In this particular instance a good missionary saves the situation. He appears very unexpectedly, announces to the great dismay of the villainous captain that he has just returned from a trip to the aforesaid South Cape district, and that he is aware of the true facts of the so-called "wreck and plundering by tin- natives." Arrest follows and, as the curtain falls, the American captain is being led off to prison, while numerous mandarins break out in a chorus of huzzas.

Wrecks on coas's of Formosa and adjacent islands 1870— 1885 continued from page ISO Chapter XIV. For subsequent wrecks see Chapter XVII. L'uless otherwise mentioned the vessels hero named were total losses.

1870 — November. The French brigantine I'lmissr was wrecked off the Pescadores and the crew plundered.

November. The British barque Virgilia was wrecked X.I'., of Formosa.

. Old Formosa!) trader Ema Mary was wrecked at Takow.

1. " In the Midst of Life we are in Death."

Sacred to the Memory of

Lieutenant Charles Gardiner It X., James Greig, Esq., Merchant, John Westmoreland

leading stoker, John ScarJ] 2nd Cfi astle, Robert /■'. Mingo ahle seaman, and George

Osborne, Henry Thiggins and Hubert Simmons stokers.

H.M.S. " Kestbei."

Who were drowned at the wreck of the S.S. Laptek off Formosa during a typhoon on the 17th and

18th of July, 1874.

FOkEIGN IvrikioiKM \\n EVENTS OB nil PERIOD. 217

The British brig Escape was wrecked at Paksa Point, N.W. coast of Formosa.

Plundered aud burned by the natives.

1*71 . The schooner Rubicon was wrecked 011 the Pescadores.

February. The British ship Westborn was wrecked on the Pescadori

■ — - — -July. The British ship Loudoun Castle was wrecked on S.W. coast <>f Formosa. The mate and 1 J men reached Takow in an open boat. Captain and rest of the crew (10 men) were captured by .savages, but subsequently eight escaped and the remaining three were released.

October. The British vessel Westward Ho was wrecked in Kelung harbor on the 0th, during

typhoon. Two lives lost.

October. The French v. was wrecked in Kelung harbor oil the 9th, duriug typhoon.

October. The British vessel Anne was wrecked in Keluug harbor on the 9th, during typhoon.

October. The British barque Loch Naw was wrecked at the entrance of Tamsui harbor on the

10th, during typhoou.

1*7:2 — March. The British vessel Polar Star was wrecked two miles ramkan V VV. coast

Formosa, and in spite of the presence of soldiei 3 tli'1 vessel was stripped by the natives

July. The Norwegian schoouer Daphne, a well known Formosa trader, di parted front Amoy [or

Takow, S. W. Formosa, and was never heard of afterwards. It is surmised that she either founder

the turbulent Formosa Channel or was wrecked on some part of the dangerous eastern coasts of the

island and there destroyed.

September. The British brig Spartan was wrecked on W. coast of Formosa GO miles N. of

Anping. The crew aud vessel were plundered by the nati\

1873 — July. The German schooner /,'. •/. Robertson was totally wrecked ou one of the Southern Loochoo Islands. The captain, his wife, and six of the crew were the survivors. They were very kindly treated by the natives, aud after staying in the island for some time were presented with a junk and provisions, by which means they were enabled to teach Kelui main text.)

1874- June. The British steamship Laplek was wrecked at Masou Bay ou the N. E. coast of Formosa. eight miles from Kelung. There was no loss of life in the wreck itself ; but to prevent plundering Lieutenant Gardiner and a party of men from II. Ms Ki .., .' were placed ou board together with a Mr. Greig, agent for Lloyds, and while they were there a terrific typhoon arose, and in eudeavoriug to swim ashore Mr. Greig, Lieut. Gardiner, an i six men of the Kestrel were drowned. (See main text.)

July. The ship Olipliant was wrecked off Kelung.

August. The British barque Caroline Mulchings stranded a little to the north of Takow.

. The German barque Hydra was wrecked on one of the Miyakojima group N E

of Kelung. The crew reached Kelung in safety aboard a boat which they had constructed themselves from the wreckage.

1875.— January. The German schoouer 1 as wrecked on the North Rock, Pescadores, and

four lives lost.

■ —October. The British brigautiuc Alexandra was wrecked near Teckcham, N. \\

October. The British schooner Lochbulig drifted ou to the S. W. Point of Lambay Island. S.

VY. Formosa, and was wrecked and partially plundered by the nal

■ . The British barque England was wrecked at Taau, \V. coast of Formosa, 80 miles

south of Tamsui.

187G. — May. The German barque Sudan wrecked on S. \V. Cape, Formosa.

June. A big typhoon raged along the Formosa Coast ou the 10th of this month and many

native and some foreign craft were destroyed.

June. German barque Traviata was wrecked at Takow during above mentioned tvphoon.

— June. The Danish barque Wycn was wrecked at Takow during above mentioned typhoou.

— June. The German barque Wilhelm was wrecked at Tainaufu during above mentioned ty

phoou.

June. Danish schoouer Augnstc Ueimers was wrecked at Tainaufu during above mentioned

typhoon.

November. The American barque Milo was wrecked off the coast of Formosa.

1877 July. The Chinese gunboat Euhsing was lost ou the Formosa coast duriug typhoon.

December. The British barque Novelty was wrecked on a rock betwi I'itow and

Samtiao about 12 miles from Kelung when on a passage from Kelung to Shanghai.

1878 . The American ship Fo was blown up bj hen rmosa

An attempt was then made to obtain < tpensation Eromthel meut, the master claiming that

the siiip had been plundered and destroyed by the natives His plot was exposed, however, aud he was imprisoned.

1879 February. The British steamer Taiwan was lost ou the 1

October. The French vessel Antoinette was wrecked on the Pescad

1880— January. The British barque Pamenio was wrecked olil p Island. Hei

position at first was not so dang tous, inasmuch as she had b leu driven over a saud bank ii and was there anchored in comparative safety. Unfortunately the occurrence happened during the prevalence of the N E. monsoon, aud tints her chances of getting out were small ; for during tin there is always more or less swell rolling in. if B.M S. hapwit her out but failed.

Ultimately she was towed partly over the bank by a Chiuese goverumeul steamei aud was there left ; it being impossible to move her any further. Hough weather setting in. >he became a total wreck

2 [8 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

1881 — January, The British three-masted schooner Chtngtoo was wrecked at the entrance of Takow harbor.

August. The Danish barque Flensbtirg was wrecked on Tabic Island, Pescadores.

1882 . The British barque Cuba was wrecked at Kelung.

. The S. S. Hailoong stranded at Paksa Point, The wreckers came down in

thousands, and the cargo, principally teakwood, was carried inland. Thus lightened the vessel floated off.

October. The German brig August was wrecked on the Pescadores.

1888— January. The Norwegian barque Ihiniik Ibsen was wrecked at the Pescadores on Pehoe Island while on a voyage from Amny to Taiwan.

Augnst. The American barque Spartan 00 her way to Honolulu found herself becalmed off

north Formosa. A boat was lowered and four of the crew including the captain's son made for the island. When lust seen, the boat was Hearing the island, but was never heard of again. Search parties w re sent all about the north of the island without finding any trace of the missing ones. Inasmuch as the bunt departed during a perfect calm and the shore was near at hand, this disappearance was a great aud unexplained mystery.

1 88 1 — September. The British barque Beta struck on a shoal on the west coast near Lokiang. She was plundered and destroyed by the natives and the crew were taken off by the British gunboat Fly and carried to Takow.

1885 — August. The British barque If, .!. I'i.mii lying iu the roadstead drifted on to Saracen Head, Takow, and was wrecked.

September, The German schooner Nicotine was stranded near Lokiaug. The vessel was then

attacked, but the natives were beaten off. Subsequently the ship floated off and got away.

CHAPTER XVI (PART 1 OF 4)

THK I-RKXCH CAMPAIGN IX FORMOSA.

1884 - 1NN5.

Franco-Chinese War — The Formosan campaign — Tin'' Volta" visits Kelung —Con-sternation among officials — Formosan defences strengthened — Admiral Lespes demands the surrender of Kelung — Chinese refuse and a bombardment results — Kelung captured — Liu Ming-chnan orders the government collieriesto be destroyed — Foreigners leave Twatutia — Skirmishes at Kelung -< 'ustotns reopened — Tamsui harbor closed with torpedoes — British gunboat " Cockchafer " in liarbor — Dangerous position of foreigners on short — Heavy cannonading Results nil French victories in vicinity of Kelung — Liu Ming-chuan retreats and is imprisoned by tin1 titrbutent Ban lea populace —Second bombardment "i Tamsui — French troops land — Chinese make strong opposition — -I sen-re contest — The French defeated and retreat to their boats — Tlie Mission Hospital ami care if Chinese wounded — French heads mi exhibition — The Chinese strengthen their position — Haklcas as warriors — Curious cases of wounded — Chinese power of enduranct — Blockade if Formosa declared — Notification of Admiral Courbet — A Chinese traitor — Chinese defeated at IAangka — Hardships for the foreign community — Christmas at Tamsui — French foraging parties — French forces increased at Kelung — Chinese fort near Kelung attacked without success^Second attack succeeds— Attack mi Fm-t Bamboo — A creditable engagement Brarery of a Chinese officer — Heary losses- Chinese alarmed Fortifications erected to protect Taijieli — Troops and munitions arrive notwithstanding blockade— Condition of affairs in the smith — Defences strengthened — Takow harbor closed —Takow fort fires on French — Large number of junks sunk by French— Running the blockade — High prices at Tamsui — Pescadores bombarded - French in possession — The hloel.ade raised — Foreigners return to Twatutia — A new pitas, in warfart — Many Chinese destroyed hn tampering with luiexploded shells — Treaty between China and France signed — Great joy among Fi'ench at Kelung French fosses Admiral Courhet at the Pescadores His great disappointment — His death — The Tamsui engagement as given in tin "Peking Gazette" — Rewards t" tin Chinese warriors.

2 Jo ['HE ISLAND OF !•'< >k\l< (SA.

Aftek a rest ol some twent) years, disturbed onl) by internal rebellion and warfare with the savages, which was so perpetual that it ceased tobe ol interest to the outside world, Formosa again became the scene ol war with a foreign nation. It was at the close of the Franco-Chinese war ol reprisals in 1884, that Formosa, while taking no part in the main controversy itself was seized as a material guarantee for the payment of an indemnity which France had imposed upon the Chinese government. The campaign was unique in that the foreign forces were not always the victors and that France, one of the greatest military powers in the world, was forced to admit that the actual results of the campaign frequently failed to correspond with the carefully laid plans, that the anticipated victories, in at least two instances, were victories for the Chinese, that the commissariat arrangements proved entirely inadequate, and that altogether, from a military standpoint, the war was a failure and made a profound impression as such throughout the world. It is, however, necessary, in justice to the French, to explain that the failures were not due to lack of bravery or skill on the part of the forces actually engaged, but to the mistaken judgment ol the French authorities, who were so convinced of the feebleness of China as well as so over confident of their own strength that they endeavored to carry on warfare, under the name of reprisals, with a small force and insufficient funds ; not deigning to ask the French Parliament to authorize a declaration of war.

The struggle in Formosa was a severe one ; and the expenses incurred and the large loss of life made the attempted seizure so costly that the French, who had anticipated instantaneous victory, must have been com pletely astounded.

< >! all the material at hand descriptive of the campaign in Formosa, the letters of Mr. John I )odd, which appeared in the Hongkong Daily Press and were afterwards published in book form,1 present the most interesting narrative. The following account is largely taken from Mr. Dodd's narrative which, however, has been revised by a gentleman who served in the French army during the Formosa campaign and who has been able to supplement Mr. Dodd's account in many places, and to correct some lew statements wherein he believed the author had been misinformed.

in the " Beautiful Isle" the war of 1X84011 die mainland was not regarded with perfect equanimity ; and the Chinese- mandarins, without knowing why, were fearful that the)- might be involved in the troubles. A little episode occurred in June which served to increase the anxiety. It was the visit ol the French cruiser Volta, under command of Captain Fournier, to Kelung. To obtain supplies of coal was apparently the only object, and as the Chinese were a trifle slow in effecting its deliver}', the gallant captain gave the officials notice that unless the desired commodity was forthcoming at once he would open fire on the forts. The Chinese respond to this style ol requests much more readily than to those made in the customary way, and the result was that the supplies were soon on board, and the Volta

1. Journal of a Blockaded Resident in North Formosa During the Franco-Chinese War, 1884-5. Hongkong Daily Press i Iffici

Ruins of a Chinese Fort at Kelung. destroyed by the French. Pictured Rocks on Palm Island. Kelung.

Kelung Harbor. Kelung Village, looking seawards. A Street in Japanese, Kelung.

IP l(' AMI'Uo.N IN I- IKMI -A. 22 I

steamed away towards the north. Such an officer as Ivr commander would seem marked lor a career, and sun- enough he appeared later on tin- scene a diplomat and treaty maker.

Thanks to the Russian scare the defences of the island had been im-proved somewhat, and a hundred feet or so from the l^each on the east side of Kelung stood a fort which had been erected at that time. This structure was over 300 feet in length and mounted five Krupp guns of 1881 model. The Chinese thought it quite impregnable : under its protection. the whole country was safe ; and should the outer barbarians ever venture to appear before it. their ships or armies would be immediately destroyed.

Preparations were now made throughout the island to strengthen the defences. Liu Ming-chuan, who hail been appointed at Peking, arrived in Formosa |uly r 6th as Imperial commissioner to look after the military pre-parations and to take command of the island. His arrival was duly acknow-ledged with a salute from the Chinese soldiers, which, however, unduly excited the commander of the French gunboat Parseval, it being thought that the Chinese were about to commence operations. The excited officer ordered the decks cleared lor action, but fortunately for the foreigners on shore, the mistake was discovered before any harm had l>een done.

<>n the 22nd of |uly, the corvette Villars arrived at Kelung and

anchored in the inner harbor, and shortly after the little Parsez*al left for

parts unknown. This arrival of a large ship created almost a panic.

The few foreign residents were becoming rather anxious and the Chini

shopkeepers talked of clearing out. About this time the Cerman steamer

Welle arrived with a car^o of ammunition, torpedoes, telegraph wire.

but the French commander refused to allow the material to be landed.

The Chinese made preparations for discharging : but fearing, a collision

with the Villars, they ordered the Welle to Tamsui. where, on her arrival.

Chinese transport No. 1 ? and a few junks took over all her cargo.

'Hie Chinese were now actively engaged in massing troops at Kelung. and preparations for war appeared to be the order of the day. The little foreign settlement at Tamsui was not unnaturally concerned, and the arrival of the British gunlxjat Cockchafer was warmly welcomed.

On the 4th of August, the Trench ironclad La Galissoniere. bearing the

Hag of Admiral Lespes. and the gunboat Lutin arrived at Kelung. making three French men-of-war in port. The admiral lost no time in sending an

officer at once to demand the surrender of the forts guarding the harljor. and declaring that if this demand was not complied with, he would open fire on the forts at 8 a.m.. the following mornin*'. The Chinese refused to hand

-

r the place, and accordingly, the three men-of-war commenced operations

precisely at 8 a.m., on the 5th. A heavy cannonade took place, the French gunners firing with excellent precision, an eyewitness stating that not a shot missed its mark. The sheltered position of the / Hilars enabled her to rake the large fort, while the mitrailleuses fixed in the tops poured a storm of bullets into every weak s| ot of the fortifications, until the "great tort " was n reduced to a mass of ruins. The range v it a thousand

2 22 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

yards and the fort was manned by several hundred Chinese. Two other fortifications, small and of little importance, were easily destroyed, and the Littin made good practice at an old fort on the opposite side of the bay where were stationed a number of soldiers. No casualties were reported on board the men-of-war, but the La Galissoniere had three holes put into her just above the water line. The Chinese loss was variously stated from 50 to over 200, the latter figure being given by a Chinese in the government service. After the bombardment, a body of marines landed, planted the French colors on the ruins of tin; fort, and proceeded to take possession of Kelung city.

With an acuteness and decision not always characteristic of his race, Liu Ming-chuan, upon hearing of the bombardment, at once ordered the machinery and works at the Kelung coal mines to be destroyed, the pits flooded, and the stock of coal on hand — some 15,000 tons set tire to. This was with the intention of depriving the French ships of a well supplied coal-ing station, and the orders were carried out the same day as received.

Kelung residents had, previous to the bombardment, taken refuge on board the German schooner 'Jokai/ii Car/, whence thty were removed by the launch Alice to the gunboat Cockchafer which arrived on the scene soon after. They were brought to Tamsui, with the exception of Messrs. Brown-low and Grant, of the Customs service, who remained at their posts for the time.

The foreign residents of Twatutia who lived ten miles up the river, out of reach of the gunboat's protection, went on the eve of the bombardment down the river to Hobe (Tamsui), as it was decided that Twatutia, a kind of junction point for Chinese soldiers on their way either to Kelung or Tamsui, was unsafe. The wealthy inhabitants had already departed in numbers for the mainland, and foreign hongs were left each to the tender mercies of five soldiers ,to protect them against robbers.

Liu Ming-chuan after the bombardment hurried over to Kelung to take command of the troops. The next few days were marked by a few skirmishes on shore of but little importance. During an engagement on shore, out of 1 20 marines the French lost one man killed, six wounded, and one wounded man whom the Chinese had taken prisoner died on the road as the captors were bringing him to Taipeh-fu. The French as a precaution against recapture destroyed with dynamite the Krupp guns in the large fort. Meanwhile, two more French men-of-war had arrived, making five in all.

British Consul Frater on the nth, having received advices from the French admiral, issued a circular stating that foreigners residing in Kelung did so at their own risk. The Customs were, however, reopened a few days later with Mr. Brownlow in charge, and it appeared that neither the French nor the Chinese were interfering with the trade.

Ships could purchase such coal as was in port ; but the great difficulty in getting coolies to load it virtually put a stop to the traffic.

the French campaign i\ Formosa. 223

At Tamsui, the entrance of tin: river had been closed by laying down six torpedoes in the shape of a semi-circle on the inside of the l>ar. The Doug-las steamers Fokien and Hailoong running to the port, as well as the ( lerman steamer // 'cllc, were, whenever necessary, piloted over the torpedoes by the Chinese who had laid them down. The mandarins engaged in planting the guns that had been brought to the island by the latter steamer.

Trade was resumed during the middle of the month at I watutia, it being regarded for the time as safe, and the country thereabouts had quieted down to such an extent that a good deal of tea was brought in. Life for the foreigners was very much cramped. They were prohibited from making trips into the country: and even in the settlement, with religious proces-sions, crackers, and gongs going at all times of day, and the watchmen making a great noise with bamboos all night, rest was well nigh impossible except to the Chinese guards told oft' to protect foreign hongs, who after disappearing all day, except at meal times, "return at night, and instead of guarding the property, turn in early and sleep as soundly as Rip van Winkle did till morning."

Under the impression that the French would attempt to enter the Tarn sui river, ballast boats and junks loaded with stones were sunk at the en-trance. A number of Hakka hillmen were added to the government force. They were armed with their own matchlocks, which in their ignorance they preferred to foreign rifles. Much was expected of them, as the life of warfare thej- had led on the savage border had trained them to lie good shots and hand)- with their knives.

By the end of August the French had succeeded in holding the shon line at Kelung. but were unable to advance beyond it; and as Chinese soldiers had for some days been erecting earthworks and digging entrench-ments on the hills on the east side of the bay overlooking the shipping, the French sent word ashore for the Europeans to come on board the Bayard, as they intended opening tire on the earthworks which were now just visible.' The firing was not successful either that day or the next, the nature of the country being in favor ot the Chinese : anil tor many days the shelling was a regular event, the Chinese not apparently suffering much damage themselves, or being able to inflict any upon the French. This condition of affairs con-tinued through September, the French having gained only tin- summits of the near hills surrounding the harbor.

General Liu Ming-chuan left Kelung on the 9th to visit Tamsui anil Taipehfu. On his arrival at the latter place he was met at the wharf by some 200 soldiers, 5 buglers, anil 2 or 3 drummers. The march up the street with the soldiers in front, the band next, and the general in the rear in his chair, made an imposing parade. I lis presence is also said to ha,ve had a

1. The following notification was sent to tlio foreigueru on shore .

(Copy.)— Messieurs the Agent of Customs and Representatives MM. Dock! and Lapraik A Co. I have the honour to inform the gentlemen of the Custom House, an 1 the Keprescutauts of MM. Dodd and Lapraik A Co. Unit it is possible at every moment I may open the fire against in working iu the mountains at new entrenchments near in direction of the houses of the concession betwecu tho both houses.

Le C'uV. do Bayard,

0. M. Passason.

2J4 THfe ISLAND "I FORMOSA.

most stimulating effect on t It * ■ soldiers on guard in the foreign hongs. All appeared in full force with uniforms and rilles, although for several days the

muster in one hong hail produced only one soldier and a boy in a soldier's coat.

On the i i th. the British gunboat Merlin arrived ; bul departed at night after communicating with the Cockchafer. The celebrated traveller, Mr. A. R. Colquhoun, was on board and made a Hying trip up river to Twatutia.

The Cockchafer was piloted through the obstructions, and took up her anchorage in the river. On the 24th, the French warship Chateau Rettaud arrived off Tamsui and overhauled the Welle ami Hailoong, which arrived the next day. On the 26th, tin: Vipere, described as "a snaky looking craft," joined the Chateau Reuaiid. The second day alter her arrival she overhauled the Fokien and gave chase to the British steamer Waverly, which was supposed to have had soldiers and war materials on hoard. Alter a shot had been fired across her how she was hoarded by a prize crew from the Vipere, and when last seen from Formosan shores she was steaming towards Foochow.

The French lleet under Admiral Courbet arrived off the port of Hobe, October tst, and gave notice that the forts would he bombarded the next day. lite Twatutia residents, realizing the danger ol their position up river, left for the port the same day, alter having communicated with the consul. Treasure, opium, tea, etc., were taken along with them, and the Chinese compradores and a few soldiers were left in charge ol the hongs and such property as remained, principally furniture.

The foreigners were now all gathered together at Tamsui. It was hut a little community at the best, ami their conduct during the trying ordeal through which they passed speaks much lor their bravery and tact. The two ladies could not have displayed greater heroism, and one cannot hut feel, after reading the account of the bombardment, that their escape from all injur)- was marvellous. When it is remembered that the Chinese were lighting Europeans and that past history has given plentiful evidence that ignorant Chinese soldiers are not very discriminating as to just who are their enemy and who are not, solongas they belongtothe outer barbarians and are somewhat similar in appearance, we cannot hut acknowledge that the foreign residents were placed in a most dangerous position.1

1. The foreign residents in North Formosa at this time, who were witnesses of the bombardment and subjected to the subsequent blockade, were as follows:— A, Prater, Consul \ Oraut Scott, of Boyd A Co

Mrs. Prater ' British Consulate. JohnDodd, E. P. \V. Skrimshire, and A. E. Hubbard,

I'. W, Peterson, Constable ) of] >odd A Co

W. Christy of Douglas Lapraik & Co. ('. H. Best of TaitA Co,

Rev. G. Ij. llackay, D.D., Rev. J. Jamicsou and Mis. Jamiesou, of the Canadian Mission.

, ,. ... . C. H. Johansen, M.D., Foreign Community Doctor.

. I. M. Chinese Customs ... ,. ...,,.„ . • .• 1

E. Farrago \

C. S. Taylor

VV. Brenuan

W. G. Barling

K. McGregor

ll.T. Wa\«ll. ,-x- *"• ^iimese vusuo.ws A,,)eH Satme Alm,,;K.all Correspondent; arrived

H. 11. Moutell just before blockade commenced but after the

.1. ('.. Preetb bombardment and lauded at Hobe.

( ;. It. Iliniinell and Messrs.

Browulow and Oranl who were Brat in charge at Kelungbut later removed to Tamsui.

THE FRENCH CAMPAIGN IV FORMOSA, 22^

The following account of the bombardment and subsequent blockade as given by Mr. Dodd will be found a correct narrative of the events, although

we believe that the modest author has lessened the dangers and privations to which the foreign community were subjected:

" Much to our astonishment, the Chinese opened fire on the French ships at about twenty minutes to seveu a.m., and the French returned the fire within a couple of minutes, ever; ship engaging the small battery and the new earth battery thrown up within the last two mouths, erected on a spur of the hill running down to the pilot village. This earth battery is mounted with four or five Krupp guns

" It was the general opinion here, held by both Chinese and foreigners, that the French would demolish both batteries in about half an hour, would land marines and sailors, and find Tamsni in their possession in the course of a few hours. Before giving an accouut of the bombardment it will be as well to give you a sketch of the entrance of the river, the position of the batteries, and ships of war. At the south entrance there is a long saudy beach running for some distance across the river ; further to the south is the Bohau group of hills called the South Hills, highest point 1,700 feet or so. Xo fighting took place on that side of the river, so that no further reference is necessary.

" As you pass over the bar, you notice, on the north side of the river, the fiat beach and the black beacon, and a little further on the White Fort, and on the spur in the rear thereof the earth battery. From the seaward it would be rather difficult to make the latter out. At the back of the fort are downs where are encamped several bodies of men under tents. The encampments are generally on the slope of the hills or in some hollow place, out of sight of the French shipping, and in the rear rises the Tatuu group of hills called the North Hills, height 2,800 feet at the extinct crater, 3,600 at highest point of the range. A little further on, past the White Fort, you come to the Customs beacon, then the pilot village. From this place there is a road made by foreigners which leads to Hobe. Following this road for half a mile or less, you come to the Customs offices, in rear of which and perched upon a blull is the old Dutch Fort, now the British consular offices. On the side of the Bed Fort (as it is railed) is the new consulate dwelling-house. Following the lower road, past the Customs offices and passing through a small collection of mud shanties, and under the shade of some fiue specimens of banian trees, you anise at Messrs. 1). Lapraik and Co.'s premises, which place was the appoiuted rendezvous.

" On the heights, in rear of Messrs. D. Lapraik & Co.'s and on a level with the consulate, are the com-missioner's house and the assistants' quarters, the residence of two missionaries aud their families, also the Girls School, lately built, and the Oxford College erected two or three years ago. Kvery home flew the English Hug. Following the road past Messrs. I). Lapraik & Co.'s house, you come to Messrs. Tait & Co.'s premises, aud in rear of the Haikwan and military mandarin's quarters are the doctor's house, flying the German flag, and the hospital, Hying the English flag; then comes the town, which runs along the side of the river and up the slope of the blufi in rear of the main street. At the end of the town, situated ou an eminence, two sides of which slope down to the river side, just a mile distant from the other European houses, are Messrs. Dodd & Co.'s bungalow and godowus called Piatow.

" All the iumates of the various houses were thiuking of getting up, or were just up, and were perhaps pondering over in their minds the curious fact that they were soon to be spectators of a bombardment, i iin side the bar were to he seen the Triomphantc under the lee of the spur on which the earth battery is situated ; some distance from her and plainly visible from Piatow was the Oalissoniire; next came the Duguay Trouin. The raky looking Ctpere was somewhere near the Triotnphante at the commencement of the action, pei haps close inshore, making four vessels in all. We do not believe any notification was given to the Chinese authorities about the intended bombardment; so they commenced the ball themselves with a dis-charge of two guns, one of the shots passing over the Trioi Within a couple of minutes, as Jias been previously stated, the four ships went at it hammer and tongs as fast as ever they could. The noise was

tiling tremendous. Kvery house shook, windows rattled, and plaster fell from ceilings, Even at

Piatow, quite three miles from the men-of-war, if not four, the concussion was felt as described. I may here mention that the gunboat Cockchafer, Captain Botelev, had taken up her position opposite Ml l> Lapraik & Co 's house (the rendezvous) and had placed there 10 sailors to protect the properties and lives of those on shore. Messrs. Dodd & Co. uot being able to remove all properties in the shape of tea, etc., to the godowns at the rendezvous, ou account of short notice, and Piatow being in an isolated position, they applied through the consul for protection, and Capt. Boteler had the goodness to send on shorea corporal's guard of marines, eight men in all. Out of a complement of 01 men, there were told off for shore work 18 men.

CHAPTER XVI (PART 2 OF 4)

" At first the shot aud shell seemed to be directed towards the White Fort and earth battery, and the encampments on the slope of the downs; hut before long the air became alive with them, and between half-past 7 and 9 o'clock there was not a place on the north shore or on the river from the \\ bite Port to Piatow that could be called safe. Between these hours especially the firing from all the ships at was really appalling ; there was scarcely a moment between the shots at any time, and every now and then broadsides from the Si and Triomphante were simply deafening. It would not have matter

much if the fire hud been directed at the forts and soldiers in the neighborhood, but after the first half hour or so shot and shell were heard whizzing through the air, and seen bursting in the I od of

foreign houses, some of them dropping close to the gunboat. As soou as the fire was opened the ladies on the hill left their houses and made their way to the rendezvous. It was a very dangerous walk, for shells were falling, bursting some times on the grass, at other times ricochet ting right oil where they struck, i.e. to the right looking in the direction of the passage taken by the projectiles. It is perl ertul

that the ladies were uot hit by one of them.

226 I Hi: IM WD (H l I >KMI >sa;

" On arriving at thi u ' thi in. ir i In I ?, lying under the spur of Earth Bal

Hill, Boemed to l>. crosswise to the fi e of the other two vessels. Many of the shots and shells

thrown over the spur, i ol them, perhaps striking the top, ricoohetted dangerously elose to foreign

booses; finally one struck the book angle i I the wall of the Red Finland buried itself in the grass not SO yards from the consul's drawing room : another shell or part of a shell went olcan through the roof of Mr. Jamieson's liouse ; and another went through the roof of the Girls School ; and many shots fell in l>r. Mackay's garden, Whilst thi ■ on, the rendezvous and the gunboat opposite were in very hot

quarters. Several shells burst in the river between the two, and one fellow ricoohetted from the hills at the baok and Btruok the back of Lapraik A Co.'s bouse, in the meantime the hills in the neighborhood

of Piatow, where a few peasants shewed themselves, came under the lire of the heavy gnus of the GalissonUre or Trim bursting here, there, and everywhere; the booming of the guns and the

whistling and whirring of shot and shell in the air was anything but pleasant, and as many of them at the distance of nearly four mileS oame whistling close to us, some falling to the right and others to the left and in front, we thought for a long time that our house had been taken for a fort in the distance Several shots fell not a hundred yards from the flagstaff, and some nearly went into the cargo boats at the end of the wharf.

'• At about 8 am , wc thought we would go in the gig and call on tho gunboat to see what was going on there and at the rendezvous. Just as our gig approached the gunboat we saw several shots drop near the Ci noes ; one during the day went through the commissioner's private office,

"On running alongside the gunboat, part of a shell fell close to Lapraik A Co.'s jetty, while as we were going up the side of the vessel, a shot or part of a shell fell elose to her starboard bow, and before we had been half an hour on hoard part of a shell dropped right under her bows.

" We left for Piatow again in the gig and saw from the water shell after shell bursting on the sides of the hills in rear of the town and close to Piatow, dropping sometimes not far from groups of peasants who thought it safer to be there than in the town. Many of them could be seen at different times during the day picking up shot and parts of shell. They said they could be sold to tho blacksmiths. A case was reported that some men, who were anxious to see the inside of an unexploded shell, met their death in the attempt to satisfy their curiosity.

" ' In arriving at Piatow we noticed the gunboat dropping up the river with the tide, slowly. Captaiu Boteler, thinking the ladies in the rendezvous would be safer a mile 01 so up the river, took them on hoard, but it looked for sometime as if they had jumped from the frying pan into the fire. Shot and parts of shells seemed to be dropping all round Iter. The ladies were at lii'st on the bridge, but suddenly a shot dropped into the water within a few yards from them, which caused a retreat below. Slowly the gunboat , and it really appeared as if the French gunners were taking pot shots at her, though of course that is out of the question. Every minute a piece of shell or a shot fell in the exact place occupied by her a minute before, and so it went on until she arrived at Piatow. For a time the shots fell short, but suddei ly they came nearer, and she was compelled to go further up, outside the limits of the usual anchorage of the river. Here for a time they were out of danger, but as the tide fell, in an hour or so afterwards, she had to move hack again some 400 or 500 yards, and as she would tlieu be within rauge of the shots, it was deemed advisable to land the ladies at Piatow.

" After 10 o'clock the fire slackened every now and then, and it was supposed that the White Fort had been destroyed and the gunners at the earth battery had found it too hot for them, for they did not, we believe, fire after 10 a .m. The earth battery seemed to be as safe a place as any, the men were under good natural cover and had a pit to jump into after loading. If any one shewed himself above the fort for

cond the ships poured in a deadly fire. Very little destruction of life, however, took place amongst the soldiers, [t is difficult to find out the exact number killed, but we do not believe that during the 13 hours' bombardment twenty soldiers in all were killed and wounded.

" Bight of the wounded were taken by their comrades to the Mission Hospital and were attended to by_l>r. Johausen, of Tamsui, and I Ir. Browne, of the Cockchafer, Some were only slightly wounded, others very severely. The soldiers who brought the wounded to the hospital, as well as those to be met with in the streets during the bombardment and sine, have been friendly disposed towards the foreign residents, not showing animus towards the barbarians on shore at all, which is wonderful to be recorded

" The peculiar sound made by the shot and shells when passing oveihead will never be forgotten by Tanisuiites. After about four hours of this kind of tiling, the most timid felt more or less accustomed to the constant danger we were in. It was now about noon, the first gun having been fired at 20 minutes to 7. I; seemed like an age and as if the sun had stood still. Even at this period of the day people began to remark how slow old tune was travelling, notwithstanding the number of the events that were being crowded into every ten minutes. Shot and shell were Hung around Piatow, dropping in the same place almost, time after time. There seemed to be no doubt at times that the gunners were determined to hit the house or the Chines., transport anchored under the lee of the hill on which the bungalow was situated. again the poor gunboat came in for like attentions, and on the adjacent hillside quite elose. shell after shell burst, affording much employment to men and boys, who made collections which became of marketable value later on.

'• \t 1 p.m. we sat down to tiffin, and although the big guns of the Qalissoni&re especially and of the dangerous Triomphant n belching forth huge projectiles, it was astonishing at tiffin time to fiud how callous every one seems I I liow brave and lively the two ladies were who graced our table. They

had been driven from their houses, bad run the gauntlet all the way to the rendezvous, then from the rendezvous to the Cockclwfa ; had been under lire for nearly three hours in what was considered the safest place of refuge, seeing shell and other projectiles dropping all round, and finding it so daugerous they had taken refuge agar to find that even there there was no safety. Iu the afternoon

THE 1RI.M II CAMPAIGN IN FORMOSA. 227

the Frenchmen still continued to fire independently, and often broadsides wi 1 in, the

shot flying ull over the country in places where there was no enemy to be seen within a mile or two. What excuse ihey can give for this apparently reckless sort of warfare, deponent knoweth not, but there must have been something wrong somewhere. Just about this time a live shell entered the roof of a house close by, right at the oud of the town, and we saw the whole house suddenly collapse, and a cloud of dust rise high up in the air.

" Under the ruins, it is said, were found the bodies of an old man, an old woman, and a child. Be-tween 8 and 1 p.m. the ladies left t'iatow, as the fire then was not so continuous. As we were walking along the jetty to the boat a shell dropped about »n yards from us and buried itself in the mud. It did not explode, so we had it dug out and found it was a 60 to 70 lb. projectile. This led to a search all round, and several were found close by.

" Later on in the dav Chinese hawking shot and shells about, asking - - all ; dually big shot or

shell about To lbs. in weight fetcbe I 60 cents. Nearly every foreigner has a collection picked up on and around his premises, At 4 p.m. firing from the four men-of-war almost, ceased, 1>;:

shots right up to 8 p.m., the bombardment having lasted >urs. After the morning's work, the

Vipen changed her position to the south of the Dugiiay-Trouin, and i nail craft capable perhaps

of finding ber way in, her movements were watched carefully She bad her foretopmast struck, and certain people said that they could see ail opening iu her side. The general idea was that, she was crippled and had left her first position in consequence

It was estimated that the four ships engaged in the bombardment of Tamsui must have fired, on the 2nd inst., at least 1,000 rounds ; indeed it was believed that 2,000 would be nearer the mark, and our author adds : " if you put each shot down at an average of ^"5, the satisfaction of killing and wounding twenty men was dearly purchased."

Early in October the French had a victorious engagement in the vicinity ofKelung, and Liu Ming-chuan, with a thousand soldiers, fled to Banka, a suburb of Taipehfu. The inhabitants of this city — some 40,000 — who were considered the most turbulent lot in the north killed some few soldiers, seized Liu Ming-chuan, and took him to a temple where he was made a sort of prisoner, it having been rumored about that he had an idea of taking the treasury, money, and stores, and making tor Teckcham, a walled town some thirty miles south of Tamsui.

For the next few days the French men-of-war engaged in irregular firing, most of the projectiles finding their way to parts of the hills unoccupied by

the enemy, but nothing else ot importance occurred.

The Japanese sloop Amagi, Captain II. Togo, came to watch opera-tions, and an occasional English man-of-war also made short visits to the scene.

Although it was observed that the 7th of October was apparently "washing day" on the French vessels, unmistakable: preparations were in progress, indicating that a descent on Tamsui was in view. Several men-ol war had anchored as close inshore as they could get, and the admiral had temporarily moved his flag from the Galissomere.

" Al about H a.m. the next morning the 'early bird,' with binoculars adjust''. 1, had observed various signs of extra activity amongst the shipping, and before an hour had slipped away, and just as we were sitting down to a 9 o'clock breakfast, the booming of cannon, from every ship, Carried our recollections back at once to the '2nd instant, and one and all decided thai the I reuch, after a long five i ara-

tivc rest, bad determined to succeed in Dot only forcing a landing but in carrying the place by storm. Hark looking transports were in view, and we f II shore, who bad been kept in suspense so long,

now thought that the day had arrived when the whole strength of the French would be put forth, and that before evening we should ui taken, and the hordes of Chinese soldiers, encamped all over

the place, driven past the limits of the port.

"The French commenced firing with their heavy guns, and if the cannonading was not quite as heavy as on the '2nd inst., it was certainly as dangerous to foreign houses and to foreigners. No one al first knew for certain what, was the object of the French, for neither t be Earth Battery nor the White Port returned a shot. The fire from the Vipirc and Qalissonicrt set med I Hy in the direotion ol

the White Fort and in the neighborhood of the Earth Battery, and it is supposed thai the idea was to clear flic way for troops landing to the north of them, who, if successful, would soon be in possession of i lie

J 28 THE I.sLANl' OF FORMOSA.

battery and wire connected with the torpedoes, when, if exploded satisfactorily, the Vipire might find a safe coarse across the bar and into port. Her gnus would then he in a position to play on General Sun the Chin. 'so Commander's headquarters and on various encampments, hitherto safe from the tire of ships stationed outside the bar.

" French troops landed on the beach to the north of the Mack Beacon, when they were socn under the lee of the downs, and out of the sight of foreigners on the top of the Bed Fort, on the top of l'iatow House, and other high lookouts, (luu after gun pom ed out of the sides of the GaUstonUre and Vipire, and the muffled sound of distant guns was heard, fired probably by French ships stationed to the north of the port. At half-past nine o'clock a sound like that of heavy musketry tire could he heard, but it was, we believe, the noise of machine guns covering the landing party, and from its regularity differed from volleys of musketry or the irregular fire of skirmishers advancing. Some very heavy fighting was ap-parently going ou on the downs, and we were expecting at any moment to see the Chinese ll\ ing before the French. At ten o'clock the fire from tho ships became hot in the neighborhood of the Red Fort. Captain Boteler, the British consul, the commissioner of Customs and others had taken up their quarters early within this relic of old Dutch brickwork, the walls of which are seveu to eight feet thick, of solid masonry and lime as hard as the bricks themselves. A few shells came over the fort, others fell in the vicinity of the ' Girls' Schools,' knocking up clouds of dust.

"At 11 a.m. the Vipire had rigged up either a cannon or a machine gun at her foretop, and was blazing away furiously, from her decks as well as from the tops.

" Amidst the rattle of machine guns and the constant heavy booming and often clattering sound from the well-recognised big guns of the Oalissoiiiire, we became alive once more to the fact that ' War' was going on in a most unmistakable fashion. Shells were exploding all round the foreign settlement, and again it might he said that no foreign building was safe. To illustrate this assertion we have only to state that the Red Fort (consulate) was struck hard and true, rather low, however, but the shell made no impression on the linn and solid masonry, and then Hew back into the prison yard, demolishing the cook-house completely, the ordinary occupants of which were fortunately abs ut. Without doubt this was a " had shot," if the Frenchmen were not aiming that way. The gentlemen in the fort felt that although surrounded by brick walls of an extraordinary depth they were nevertheless in a perilous posi-tion, and this idea was borne out by the repeated shot and shell which continued to fall all round the fort, much to the consternation of foreigners inside who bad goue there especially to watch the lauding, and the meeting of French and Chinese troops.

"From l'iatow wc could see shell after shell bursting close to the Girls' School, which was un-fortunately not very far from some tents occupied by soldiers. Many of the shot made sad havoc in villages situated under clumps of trees ou the hills, where no soldiers were visible, and at noon a still shell came in the middle of the Hiibei market place, knocking the walls of a temple down and sending a brick against a poor old woman's leg, smashing it at the aukle. The " sick boy man " of the Cockcltafer bandaged her leg temporarily, but Dr. Browne could not give attention to this case as be bad already gone to the hospital to attend to wounded Chinese soldiers, who were being brought in about this time one after the other. Thundering roars of distant cannonading to the north came resounding over the downs, and the smarter report of guns from the Oalissoniire continued in quick succession; and although the c.rclc of danger was more circumscribed than on the 2nd instant, there was a fair sprinkling of shots in parts occupied by foreigners. In addition to the "hot time" experienced at the Bed Fort (Consulate) and in the neighbor-hood of the missionary houses— where fragments of shells seemed to congregate especially, leaving their marks in close proximity to dwellings — there was at this period an uncertainty about the safety of foreigners generally, which must have taxed the brain of the timid as well as the brave more or less! A blue jacket was despatched from the Red Fort to the missionary houses, and a shell burst close to him on his way thereto.

"Auothersbot struck the garden wall of the Customs assistants' residences and left its mark. An enormous shot fell in the mud opposite Messrs. D. Lapraik & Co.'s godowus, and another planted itself in their tennis lawn. An erratic still shell fell in the compound close to the hospital, and another right in the road close to the compradore " Assoon's " store, and far away up the river close to l'iatow shells might he seen bursting too close for our safety, two of them following each other rapidly, clearing out a lot of peasants, who were watching from the heights close by a spectacle only to be surpassed by that of the 2nd inst. Whilst all this was passing, men's minds were undergoing a variety of exercise ; the good and true qualities of some rose to the surface, and the eccentric and curious traits of others were developed to an absurd degree. For the most part, however, it must be admitted by all that demoralisation was uot observable, but on the contrary, every one, from naval officers on board the Cockchafer to the latest arrival in these parts, kept cool aud collected (although there might have been here and there a slight flutteriug about the hearts of some)

"The arrival of wounded men at the mission hospital corroborated certain vague reports about the landing of French troops, which had been flying round for some time. It at length became known that the French bad landed a force of some 500 to 800 men, variously estimated by different authorities ; that ou landing they had used machine guns placed in the bows of the boats; and that on effecting a lauding they had proceeded inland at a very rapid pace. This could be seen by foreign eyes, but on, approaching the ascent leading towards tho do\vus--Chinese soldiers say — the French found themselves in the neighborhood of some paddy fields, and that suddenly from two sides from the hills ovcrlookiug the same, Chinese soldiers, who were ensconced in the cover, opened fire, and fighting became at once sharp aud decisive. The skirmishers sent out in advance probably were at a disadvantage, uot knowing the country, but it mattered not, the whole party advancing inland wero soon engaged in a sharp contest, aud judging from the number of Chiueso wounded brought into Hobe, the French riflemen must have used the occasion to some purpose.

Without entering into further details, we will only state that the lire from the ships almost ceased after 2 p.m., and that afterwards what was considered by those who heard it a very sharp musketry engagement did take place, ending iu a retreat towards the boats which lauded the French troops.

On the beach opposite the boats, the reserves statioucd there poured iu volley after volley ou the enemy, wounding and killing in all not less than 200 Chinese soldiers. They were seen in front of the boats to be iu perfect order and to pour volleys iu the direction of their enemies, till finally the b shoved off and the day's operations ended.

" In the course of the afternoon some 120 Chinese soldiers, nearly all northern men, were brought into the mission hospital, where they were attended to by Dr Johausen, of Tamsui, and Dr. Browne, of the Cockchafer. < >n calling at the hospital at about 5 p.m., the same day, I found that about 120 had beeu brought in, fifty had been bandaged up and their wounds dressed, and that 70 men were hort de combat, many of them badly wounded, some in three and a few actually in five places. What a scene it was, — one that I shall certainly not forget. The mission building has one large room at the eutrauce and several others adjoining aud in rear of the big room. Each wounded man was brought in on two planks, carried by two comrades who had brought them carefully for a mile or two. On arrival every attention was paid them by the doctors aud attendants, but very soon the rooms became overcrowded, and the slightly wounded were attended to and packed off Thcu the severe cases were looked into, aud after temporarily dressing the wounds, administering morphine to those in great pain, <ic, the doctors left the patients iu charge of their friends, who stood by them and atteuded to their calls for water and tea during the whole night.

" A most unmistakable scene in the market place occurred. Some six heads of Frenchmen, heads of the true French type were exhibited, much to the disgust of foreigners. A few visited the place where they were stuck up, and were glad to leave it — uot ouly on accouut of the disgusting aud barbarous character of the scene, but because the surrounding crowd shewed signs of turbuleuce. At the camp also were eight other Frenchmen's he ids, a sight which might have satisfied a savage or a Hill-man, but hardly consistent with t lie comparatively enlightened tastes, one would think, of Chinese soldiers even of to-day. It is uot known how many of the French were killed and wounded ; fourteen left their bodies on shore, and uo doubt several wounded were takeu back to the ships. (Chinese accounts state that twenty were killed and large numbers wounded.)

In the evening Captain Boteler and Consul Frater called ou General Sun, remonstrating with him on the subject of cutting heads off, and allowing them to be exhibited. Consul Frater wrote him a despatch on the subject strongly deprecating such practices, aud we understand that the general promised it should uot occur again, aud orders were at once given to bury the heads. It is difficult for a general eveu situated as Sun is — having to command troops like the Hillmeu, who are the veriest savages in the treatment of their enemies — to prevent such barbarities

" It is said the Chinese buried the dead bodies of the Frenchmen after the engagement ou 8th instant by order of General Siiu. The Chinese are in possession of a machine gun taken or found on the beach.

All the Frenchmen capsized out of the boat were picked up and saved. Notwithstanding the first and second bombardments aud the fire from the vessels, almost every day between the 2nd and 8th inst. very little damage has been done to either the earthwork or the miserable little fort called the " White Fort." The latter is almost on a level with the sandy beach, and is faced with saud bags, running some 15 feet or more in front. You could see the huge shot from the GalissonUrc's guns strike the saud bags without doing any damage to the ricketty little stoue fort in the rear.

Many of the wounded gunners brought into hospital during the bombardment of the 2nd instant were almost blinded with sand, aud particles of saud had beeu driven deep into their skins, which must have been very painful. The shot from the machine guns fell like hail around the fort at times and you could see distinctly the commotion in the water and ou the sands in front, hot enough to drive away any enemy, and yet behind the sand bags there was safety, excepting of course against those ugly customers, shells, which arc bursting here, there, and everywhere. It is said that the Frenchmen who landed on the 8th instant carried each 100 rounds, and when they were expended they had to retire. The Hillmen, on hands and feet, followed them right up to the beach iu true savage style. The Vipere is back again close to the Qalisson&re."

CHAPTER XVI (PART 3 OF 4)

" The houses near the consulate having been proved to he unsafe, two lady missionaries aud their husbands and children, the consul, the commissioner of Customs aud live or six other gentlemen removed and took up quarters in the house of Messrs. 1). Lapraik & Co., with a guard of ten blue jacket-and an officer. At Messrs. Dodd & Co.'s, I'iatow, were two ladies and several gentlemen with a guard of five marines of the Cockchafer, while the Custom officers lived principally in boats."

The few days following this failure to land troops were not marked by anything unusual. The French ships were obliged to battle with the elements for some days, a strong north-easter proving more formidable than the Chinese forts, and driving three out of the five ships to mainland ports for shelter. Meanwhile, the Chinese on shore were more active than ever in making grand preparations for the /'rainy Man should he visit them on shore again. The guns of the White Fort were removed and placed in a newly erected earthwork overlooking the place where the French had landed on the 8th.

230 nil'. I.M.AM) 01 Pi IRMOSA.

Liu Ming-chuan with some 6,000 men was stationed at I'ai|>ehhi in the Banka plain, while the forces at I loin- wen- daily strengthened, until, in the middle of October, there were assembled about 6, odd men in the neighbor-hood. Among these were new levies of Hakka hillmen. They were considered by the foreigners to be a dangerous lot to have in the neighbor-hood, and as they did not speak the same language as the general and other officers, it was feared that misunderstandings might arise with serious results. The other soldiers present were principally northern men, and were said to be well armed. The Hakkas, although armed with their primitive matchlocks, were considered to be brave men and were hardened to the privations of warfare. Their matchlocks are described as long-barrelled guns, fixed into semi-circular shaped stocks, with pans for priming powder, and armlets made of rattan, worn around the right wrist and containing pieces of kirk-cord, which, when lighted, would keep alight for hours, if necessary. When in action the Hakka pours a charge; of powder down the muzzle ; on top of that are dropped two or three slug shot or long pieces of iron, without wadding. The trigger is made to receive the lighted piece of bark, and when powder covers the priming pan and all is ready, the trigger is pulled and if, — if the weather is dry, off goes the gun. The ordinary method of handling these weapons is to place the lower end of the butt against the right breast, high enough to enable the curved end to rest against the cheek, and the eye to look down the large barrel, upon which there are ordinarily no sights. This method is sometimes varied by discharging the guns from the hip, and it is quite customary for the Hakka to lie Hat on his back, place the muzzle between his toes. and, raising his head sufficiently to sight along the barrel, to take deliberate aim and fire. He is able to make good practice; while his presence, especially when surrounded by rank grass, is decidedly difficult to determine.

Rev. Dr. Mackay's Tamsui Mission Hospital, with Dr. Johansen in charge, which had rendered such great services to the Chinese wounded and had no doubt been the means of saving many lives, was visited on the 19th by General Sun, who thanked the doctor in charge as well as Dr. Browne of the Cockchafer (who had given valuable assistance) for their attentions to the sick and wounded. The patients then numbered only a dozen, a good many of the wounded having left, fearing that the French might land again and kill them; others, seeing their wounds healing nicely, went away into the town. One man who had been shot through the left shoulder, in the region of the collar bone, after a week or ten days' treatment suddenly shouldered his ride and left lor the front, preferring life with his comrades to being con-fined in the hospital. It was supposed that the bullet had pierced the upper part of his lungs. Another instance occurred seven days after the blench landing, when a Chinese walked into the hospital with his skull wounded and the brain visible. Several others, shot through die thighs and arms, bones being splintered in man)- pieces, bore their pain most heroically. Soon after the engagement, when there were seventy men in the hospital.

■ III-: FRENCH CAMPAIGN IN FORMOSA. 2 ; I

some being badly wounded with as man) as three -.Inns apiece, there was scarcel) a groan t<> be heard. One of the wounded came to the hospital

after having had a bullet in his calf for nine or ten days. 1 >r. Browne extracted the bullet, and off the man went back to the front. Many other

instances like the foregoing might be recorded all of which indicated that the Chinese could recover in a few days from wounds, which, if not actually fatal, would have laid foreign soldiers up tor months.

No further attempt was made to land, and on October 22nd die foreign community was surprised to receive a circular issued by Consul krater. to which was attached a "Notification de Bloats" issued by Admiral Courbet, dated Kelung, 20th October, declaring a blockade of the coast of Formosa.'

Instead of being lessened, the dangers to the foreign community were now enhanced, and all trade was at a standstill, which meant a great loss lor the merchants. Much inconvenience was already being felt owing to several persons running short of supplies, and there was not a little anxiety as to how they would get along if the blockade was a protracted one. The short notice scarcely permitted ot their arranging their affairs and clearing out, and with the Chinese hordes on one side making it unsafe to retreat up river and with French guns on the other, their position was not unlike that of the proverbial " rat in the trap.

The Chinese were quite unable to comprehend that the blockade wa« serious matter ; for, during the afternoon, a fleet of Chinese coasting boats prepared to clear out. They sailed past the Pilot Village and White Fort, ami had just rounded the black beacon, when suddenly the Duquay Troitin, which had been left on guard, opened fire, one shot falling ahead, one near, and a third appearing to fall right among them. With a great desire to proceed and the wind against them on their return to harbor, the " gallant Tai Kongs" were undecided. The ugly rattle of a Hotchkiss in the tops, however, soon put an end to their indecision, and the brave coaster^ put about and returned to port, safe and sound, with an exact and clear understanding of the word " bloats." The hope of some of the junkmen that night would enable them to slip out without detection was dispelled by the appearance of a strong search light, which, sweeping all around the ship, made escape impossible.

1. M. I.e Contre Amiral I.

No. 513. Notification de Blocts.

Nous soussigne Vice-Amiral Courbet, Commandant en elief les Forces Navales Franeaises daus l'extreme Orient.

Vu lt-tat de repr.'sailles existant eutre la France et la Chine, agissant en vertu des pouvoirs qui nous appartieniieut.

Dedai

0u"» partir du 23 Octobre, 1884, la cote et les ports de Formose compris eutre le Cap Sud (Latitude 81° 50" Nurd, Longitude llf - i et la pointe Dome (Latitude 24 30 Nord, Lougitude 11'.

en passaut par 1'Oueat it le Nord, serout tenns en itat de blocns efiectif par les Forces Navales pi . sous notre commaudement et que Its batiments amis ou neutres auront un delai de trois jours pour acheyer leur cbargement et quitter leslieux bloqi

11 sera precede contre t. ut batiuieut qui teuterait de Toilet le dit blocus couprimement aux Lois Internationales et aux traiu-s en vigucnr avec les Puissances neutres.

A bord du Cuirasse le Bayard. Hade du Kelung, le 20 Octobre,

i Signed I S Cor' 1

2 ;j THE rS] VND I >F FORMOSA.

A few days later a report got into circulation that some Chinese and a certain foreigner had been in communication with the French. This dis-agreeable rumor arose from a discovery made on the day of the French landing, when two Chinese who were arrested under rather suspicious circumstances were said to have been found in possession of a foreign letter, money, and bills, and also French flags with certain round patches of different colors on them. It was supposed that the flags were to be used by the Chinese traitors as signals or guides to the French troops should they land again. After the men had been imprisoned and tortured, they implicated a Hobe Chinese named 'Ian Akoon, whose family quarters were situated near the beach, opposite to which were anchored one or two French men-of war, and close to the road which led over the first downs. Akoon had, some fifteen years before, been dismissed from foreign employ, and had been since employed as a yamen runner and interpreter. For some days previously he had been calling at the foreign hongs reporting that the mandarins hail sufficient evidence to prove that the master of the hong was in league with the French, and subsequently he gave out that the compradores and others were mixed up in the affair. These false reports for the time created considerable excitement. Akoon was seized in Twatutia, where he was tortured, and then brought down river to Hobe and decapitated. His head was placed on a pole ami exhibited in front of General Sun's quarters as a warning to others.

On November 2nd, a Chinese force was defeated by the French in the region of Liang-ko overlooking the Kelung rapids, the Chinese reporting a

loss of two hundred and stating that machine-guns, mounted on wooden supports, perched on elevated spots, effected the most damage. The French loss was reported as twenty dead.

December followed with hut little to relieve the monotony. The foreign community, not having received an)' outside supplies lor some months, were now obliged to put themselves on half and three-quarter allowances, besides laying aside something, that their Christmas dinner might not lose by the blockade. The French allowed mails and stores to be landed for the per-sonal use of the consul and the officers and crew of the Cockchafer, but refused to allow anything of like nature to be delivered to the foreign com munity. This they, of course, had a right to do, but it does seem that they might have acted with a little more generosity under the circumstances, especially as they were using Hongkong for all purposes as a naval supply depot. However, Christmas day was celebrated by the whole Tamsui community with a dinner, in which " huge pieces of beef, lordly turkeys, and fatted capons, home made puddings, pies and cakes " played a leading part. A regatta which had been planned for the day had to be postponed on account of the weather ; it took place on the 29th of December, however ; the programme including numerous boat races with foreign anil native boats,' and finishing lip with a greased pole with a pig at the top, and the dis-tribution of prizes amounting to $ 1 50.

During the month no fighting of importance transpired. The Chinese killed a few Frenchmen who were out foraging for bullocks, and the French

destroyed one village when- a part)- ol their men had been attacked. The friends of the French officer who was killed during the landing having communicated their desire to recover the body, General Liu Ming chuan, with that manliness and generosity which characterized his later days, offered Taels 200 ($150 gold) to any one who would find and produce the body of the dead officer. As a result the head was discovered some days afterwards, but the body could not be identified, it having been buried with others on the downs.

The French no doubt found great difficulty in advancing into the country. The nature of the place was most favorable to the Chinese, the vicinity of Kelung being hilly and full of cover, and the only roads being narrow path ways. Chinese soldiers were scattered about without regard to rank all over the hills, behind rille pits, or hidden in thick covers, and even up trees, it was said. French soldiers advancing were exposed to the fire of these un-seen riflemen, some of whom were adepts at savage warfare. They moved through the long grass, now erect, now on all fours, suddenly raised them selves just high enough to take aim and fire, then lay down again, and crawled away like snakes from the tell-tale smoke, so that they made but poor targets for even the best of the French riflemen.

The new year, 1885, brought but little consolation to the blockaded residents, and the French were still persistent in their refusal to allow stores or mails to reach the community. The junk communication, however, be-tween certain parts of Formosa and the mainland was never more regular than during the days of the blockade, making it easy for the Chinese to gel their mails in the old fashioned way, while the foreign merchants who trusted their mails to the government postal authorities had to go without them. But it was the monotony of the situation that was felt worst of all. The long days of suspense. Would it last one month or a year?

The new year was marked by considerable activity on the part of the French in amassing troops at Kelung. On the 2 1st of January, the transport Canton, belonging to the Compagnie Nationale, arrived at Kelung, having sailed from Algeria December 3rd. She brought 971 men, — 16 having deserted and 13 died on the way. The French troops on their arrival were quartered in Chinese houses and temples; and, as the weather was bitterlj cold, all wooden portions of the houses were torn down for firewood. In one house, while obtaining fuel in this way, #1,500 was discovered and turned over to the commandant. With no suitable quarters and an almost dailj downpour of rain, the soldiers were very miserable indeed.

The French force at Kelung consisted of

1 .1 :gion Etranger 971

Batallion Afrique 900

Marine Infantry 350

Blue Jackets • 800

The land expedition was under the command of General Duchesne, known to the French as the conqueror of Madagascar. The new arrivals did not have much to do in the shape of fighting until February 7th. On that day the first attack was made on a Chinese fort which lay to the north

234 THE ISLAND I 'I K> »RM( >SA,

cast of the Custom house and on the second range ol hills. The French force consisted of 800 men from the "Legion Etranger." Two 13 centimetre field guns were planted on the first range of hills and two 7 centimetre mountain guns were taken with the troops. The Chinese- Idrct amounted to some 3,000 men. The attack was made about four o'clock in the morning, but the Chinese position was too strong, and the French withdrew without much loss. Four days later, the engagement was renewed, the French making a Mind attack with 60 men, while 600 mensurprised the Chinese by coming in by an unexpected route. The Chinese fled over the hills leaving 20 dead behind them. The French loss was 7, of whom 2 were killed and 5 wounded. lour Kmpp guns of 7 centimetres were captured, and many Mauser rifles. A force was left in possession of the fort, which was well located and com manded a large district.

( )n the 3rd of March, preparations were made to attack a fort known to the French as Fort Bamboo, on account ol tin- bamboo stockade that surrounded it. This was on a curiously shaped hill with almost per pendicular sides and a flat top, at the hack of a village known as Wan Wan. It was a most commanding position, and its capture by the French with the small force at their command was most creditable. The French brought 330 men to the attack, and the pathway was so steep that they were forced to use storming ladders. In gaining this pathway and reaching the fortifica-tions, the French were lor two miles under tire, but so determined was the charge that the Chinese weakened and finally retreated. The tale is told by a member of the French expedition ; and a young Chinese officer, an Anhui man, is credited with exceptional bravery. After the Chinese had fled from the field this officer returned with a small squad, which he led without a sign of fear against the French now greatly outnumbering his little band. This gallant charge in the open field was an exhibition ol such rare bravery lor the Chinese that the French officer in command was much affected and ordered that the enemy should not be fired upon if it could be helped. But, regardless of their inferiority in numbers, the Chinese officer and his men did not falter, and it became necessary for the protection of the French troops to give the order to fire a volley to frighten the enemy from the field. As soon as the smoke had cleared away, the French were surprised to find this officer again leading his men to the front. Again did the French fire, and again did the Chinese appear to retreat ; but, with an evident determination to conquer or die on the field, the Anhui man again returned for the third time, with scarcely a corporal's guard remaining. With much regret the French officer gave the order to fire, and the brave little band, lacking only in wisdom, met death to a man.

The Chinese loss was estimated by the French at 1,500 in all. The French loss was 180 men, of whom nearly a hundred were killed on the field. The Chinese were principally armed with Mausers and had mounted in their fortifications four guns, three of them being 7 centimetre Krupps.

Chinese accounts say the French carried the fort by storm and then turned their attention to the encampments, and that the Chinese force numbered over 3.500 men.

THE FRENCH CAMPAIGN l\ FORMOSA. J35

This defeat greatly alarmed the mandarins in the north, and. undoubtedly, it the French had followed up their success, they would not have found much difficulty in reaching the capital. Their delay was taken full advantage ol by the Chinese, and extensive work was carried on in erecting fortifications round about Taipehfu and Hobe. for quite a long time, at least 2,000 men were employed at this work in the neighborhood of Kantao. At Hobe military work had been carried on tor several weeks without interruption, except one day in February when the Hilars steamed close to shore and discharged a lew shells at the working party, without apparently doing them an)- damage. In spite <>f the blockade, numbers of soldiers and quantities of munitions of war were landed at Pilam (Pinam) on the south-east coast. The men crossed to Takow and thence overland to Taipehfu. In March it was estimated thai there were not less than 30,000 Chinese troops gathered in the north.

In the southern part of Formosa, Chinese Customs reports speak of preparations made to oppose the French should they make an attack there. Soon after the first arrival of the French in the north, troops wen' collected at Takow ami vicinity, where there was a fort on " Saracen's Head," in which four 6'/3 ton, M.L. Armstrongs had been mounted in 1879; besides this, two nine-inch American rilled guns were placed behind earthworks on the northern end of the Head. During September, many natives, apprehensive of danger, left for the mainland, and tin- families of foreigners were also sent across the channel. In October, an attempt was made to block the harbor. Junks loaded with stones were sunk in the entrance, only to be broken up, and the stones scattered far and wide by the tidal current ; so that within 4.S hours after the work of filling up had been effected the original depth of 25 feet was got. These efforts were twice repeated, but on both occasions with similar results. A French man-of-war appeared off Anping on the 15th of October, and two days later another arrived off Takow.

The authorities, now somewhat alarmed, ordered the light on Saracen's Head to be discontinued. On the 23rd, the British man-of-war Champion brought the first news of the blockade to the south, and informed the sur prised residents that three days would be allowed for vessels to leave. Accordingly, the British S.S. Pittg-on, the only vessel in port, departed on the 26th. On the 25th, the Chinese opened fire from Saracen's I lead fort at the French gunboat Lutin. She did not reply, ami after five shots the firing ceased. This was the only time that this fort had occasion to take action. On the 2nd of November, the Chinese revenue steamer Feiho was captured outside Anping by the French, and on the 20th. Anping light was extinguished by order of the authorities. During die last days of November the work of closing the harbor was again attempted.

( >n the 1st of I )ecember, the South Cape light was extinguished. From the 15th ol December onward, French ships appeared outside Takow and Anping. Prices of imports at once rose greatly, opium reaching as much as' $1,000 a chest; so that junks were induced by the high freights to take the chances of encountering a French man-of-war. Early in January, how-

23.6 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

ever, a radical change in the conduct of the French lleet took place; several men-of-war appeared on the scene, proceeding to take vigorous action against all Chinese craft then in the vicinity of the treaty-ports, burning and sinking every vessel that came in sight, although they had previously raised the blockade for three weeks, without, however, notifying the same to any one. ( >n the 7th, the French ships again reappeared and notified south Formosa resi-dents that a " new " blockade of the coast from Taika river to the South Cape would be commenced that day. The sinking, burning, and destroying of junks was kept up throughout the month, and the coast was soon cleared of sails during daylight, but many still managed to run in safety during the night, when apparently no effort was made to stop them. The amount of des-truction during the first day after the return of the French, and before the junks from the mainland had been apprised of the renewal of the blockade was very great, the coast being strewn with wreckage all along. Vessel after vessel ran straight into the arms of the French, and all met the same fate. From Amoy alone eight junks arrived off Anping, of which seven were sunk ; only one, running the gauntlet, escaped into port, to the intense chagrin of the blockaders. The value of property destroyed on this occasion was reckoned at $100,000. As the state of affairs became known at the Pescadores and on the mainland, junkmen grew more cautious, and either waited for better times or ran across at night to Pa-te-chui, a place north of Anping, or on to Takow.

There are several small Chinese ports to the north of Taiwanfu, higher up than Kok-si-kon, in the direction of Pa-te-chui, where junks can run in ; and during the campaign, favored by the strong north-east gales, and the shoal water preventing French gunboats from following them, a safe haven was frequently made. Many of the junk-anchorages on the west coast are formed by outlying longitudinal sand banks, inside of which light draft boats can sail at flood-tide : the inlets, however, become perfectly dry at low tide. These sand harbors run inland a long way from the sea ; but, even supposing there had been water enough, the navigation was quite unknown to the foreigners and, therefore, naturally the French did not attempt to enter them.

A great number of junks in the north of the island also fell into the hands of the French. As a rule, the crews were taken to Kelung, where diey were set to work at road-making. It is said that the opium captured out of junks was sold by the French at Kelung to Chinese buyers. If this be true the transaction must have proved rather profitable, as valuable cargoes of the drug were undoubtedly carried by most of the blockade-running junks.

On the 1 6th of March, the British gunboat Swift arrived at Tamsui, and a circular was sent round stating that the Szuift would take away anyone desirous of leaving. But as only some few hours' notice was given, the Tamsui residents did not feel that they could prepare for their departure in so short a time ; besides, the majority, who had property in north Formosa, were loath to leave it to the protection of the Chinese only. The Cockchafer had also been ordered back to Kelung ; but as the Chinese had been actively engaged for several weeks laying down split bamboo baskets of a circular shape, full of large stones, right across the narrowest part of the entrance of

CHAPTER XVI (PART 4 OF 4)

THE FRENCH CAMPAIGN tN FORMOSA, 237

the river, the channel was so entirely blocked that even cargo boats and gigs were obliged to enter by certain narrow courses close inshore. It was thought that the Chinese authorities would remove obstacles sufficiently to make a channel for the Cockchafer to go through, but as they were dis-inclined to do this, the gunboat had to remain, notwithstanding the rather serious complications between Great Britain and Russia, which had led to the summary withdrawal ot all other British men-of-war from Formosa.

Early in March the Tamsui residents were, by the kindness of Admiral Lespes, given an unexpected treat. This officer allowed a mail from the Swift to be landed, the first for many weeks. No stores, however, arrived, and the blockade had naturally caused a great rise in the prices of such goods as were to be procured in Formosa. Fortunately for the Tamsui residents, an enterprising Chinese storekeeper managed to get across some Hour, lor which he found a ready market at $4 per bag. Potatoes were in demand at $7.20 per picul; kerosine oil, usually sold for 52, brought $5, and other necessaries, including native produce, sold at an advance of from 30 to 100 per cent. The poorer classes of Chinese suffered much privation, and Chinese Xew Year passed off with less noise and fewer presents than usual.

The Chinese commander-in chief. General Sun, who seems to have been a man ol great activity, completed, in early April, a stone and bamboo bridge across the river at Tamsui from Sand Point to a spit running out into the river on the further side of Pilot Village.

On the 3rd of April, the Duguay Trouin got up steam early in the morning and fired several shots to the north, one of which killed two Chinese soldiers near the earth battery, completely knocking the head off one of them. To the blockaded foreigners this seemed the beginning of another bombard-ment, but in reality it proved to be the last shot fired by the Prench in their operations against Formosa. On the 28th of March, five PVench ships — two ironclads, two cruisers, and a troopship — rendezvoused off Anping, and proceeding on the 31st to the Pescadores, bombarded and took those islands, after an almost bloodless engagement with the forts. The casualty-list showed only 3 killed and 7 wounded. On April 1st, the French flag was hoisted at Makung. and the Bayard, with Admiral Courbet on board, fired a salute of 2 1 guns, declaring the Pescadores a Prench possession under the old name of "Fisherman Island." After the bombardment, which, it is interesting to note, is reported as having been heard in Takow some 65 miles distant, the south of Formosa was free from blockading ships. The I lerman schooner Faugh Balaugh put in at Takow seeking freight; but her rates were so high that no one seemed willing to ship, and eventually she went away empty.

The S.S. Pingon, which had now become a Chinese transport, was captured on the nth off South Cape by a Prench cruiser. There is some evidence tending to show that this was the result of an arrangement between the mandarin in charge of the ship and the Prench naval authorities, who are said to have paid the traitor handsomely.

April 5th was a glorious day for the blockaded residents in Formosa and worthy of being remembered by them. The event is thus described:

"Yesterday afternoon a merchant vessel was seen steaming towards the port; as she approached the shipping, she was discovered to be the Hai-loong. What could l>e the meaning of the Hailoong coming t<> Tamsui?

Pigs must have declined, or advanced in price, or something must have happened! The eagle eyes of" our harbor master are on her; he adjusts a long telescope. Stead\', he says the flags are speaking. What do they say? what? can it really he so? Yes ; no! yes! There is no doubt about it — the signal is, is, — (oh! it is too much of a good thing) — oh dear! hold me up! gently now! Say it again! ' The blockade is raised ! ' Shouts ot gladness rent the air. Come on board the Cockchafer; let us see what the signal man says then-. Ho! signal man, what say you? Tom Bowling replied, avast there! Splice the main brace ! Yo ho, lads, ho! By the soul of Nelson, I swear the signal runs: — 'The blockade is raised1 Hurrah' hip, hi)), hurrah ! Pipe all hands and let us lie merry ' Everyone echoed let's be merry to the tune of ' God save our Gracious Queen ! ' The feeling of happiness has not been experienced by any of us for many wear) months. We now know what the word really means. No end of main braces were spliced. The Hailoong was brought to in the usual way (a shot across her bows). She was ordered to anchor to the south of the: corvette. A boat was seen to board her, and before you could say ' Rub- Britannia ' she was oft again, steaming southward. The news must have been unknown even to the French, and it was thought that the Hailoong had been referred to Admiral Courbet, supposed to be at Makung."

In the south, the news that the blockade had been raised was brought on the 15th by the British S. S. „ Imatista, which arrived from Amoy with a notification from Admiral Courbet. Accordingly, on April :17th, the Saracen Head tight was relit, the next day the Anping light was also shown, and on the 1st of May the South Cape light resumed operations. There was little-need for labor in removing the obstruction in the river, the strong tides having washed so much of it away that by the end of April there was a depth in the shallowest part of 1 1 feet 6 inches at low water. An address of thanks for the protection given to foreigners during the blockade, signed by all the foreigners was, in May, presented to the taotai, Liu Ao, through the British consul.

In the north, although the French admiral had given official notification of the removal of the blockade, and the French ships had departed from Hobe, the Chinese soldiers were still kept at work on fortifications, and the authorities were loath to remove the harbor obstructions, fearing that the departure of the French was but a ruse to catch the Chinese napping. On the 19th, the British steamships Namoa and Hailoong- arrived, but were not allowed to enter. A passage, however, was made for the Cockchafer, which departed on the 21st after nine months' stay in the Tamsui river. The French still occupied Kelung and its immediate vicinity, reserving the right to search vessels of any nationality, and to seize rice and all contraband of war.

The Twatutia residents returned to their up river quarters, and pre-parations were made for the opening of the tea-export trade, the season for

Mil FRENCH CAMPAIGN I.N FORMOSA. 239

which was now just commencing. New tea came pouring into the town from the country, together with a considerable quantity ol old leaf from the year before, which had been stored until the blockade should be raised. Trade, however, was still destined to be much hindered ; lor lead, which is necessary for lining the tea chests, was a contraband of war, and thus none could be landed. Chinese packers were consequently buying up leaden " joss " candle-sticks, and fishermen were said to be even parting with the " sinkers " attached to their nets, for the same purpose. Packers were now anxious to secure lead, gladly paying $20 per picul for what had cost 56 the previous year. An attempt was made to smuggle lead across as specie stowed in treasure boxes, but this being discovered by the Custom authorities the consignees were fined. Importers then endeavored to buy it in boxes said to contain tin plates. Upon examination the boxes wen- found to contain about two tin plates only, the remainder of their contents being lead. This state of affairs continued until June 5th, when a notification was issued by the English consul that all restrictions as to cargoes had been removed.

The month of May passed very quietly for all concerned. Occasional rows occurred between French foraging parties and Chinese, But it is not known that any resulted seriously, with the exception of the case of two frenchmen, who, while out foraging for fowls, became pressing in their atten tions to certain Chinese tea-picking damsels', with the result that one oi them was killed and the other had to run for his life. A French party was immediately sent to the locality, some ten men and women were carried away as hostages, and, according to some accounts, cruelly treated. Numen >us tales were circulated regarding the terrible things clone by the French, but there was no evidence to prove any of the charges made.1

A new phase of warfare was brought to light during the French operations in Formosa. It should be instructive to commanding officers to note that nearly as man)' Chinese were killed by tampering with the unexploded shells found on shore after the bombardment, as the French wen-able to slay in many of their engagements. One case — perhaps the most striking — was that of an inquisitive Chinese who deliberately sat astride a shell and proceeded to attack it with a hammer. It is needless to say his researches were soon greeted with success, and the explosion which followed not only deprived the poor ignorant fellow of his life but worked havoc on the surrounding landscape. Another inquirer tried to unscrew the end ol an unexploded shell, with the same result. One explosion of like nature caused the death of four Chinese, ami several other casualties from this cause occurred with fatal results. In the Pescadores also, the loss ot lite was considerable, there being no less than five explosions, the result ot tampering with unexploded shells, and more than twenty persons lost their lives. The majority of these accidents were the result of hurling large stones against

1. Iu conuectiou with this capture the French were accused of great misconduct, it being said that maids were outraged and meu cruelly treated and eventually shot. Mr. Dodd does not refer to any such actions on the part of the French, and the author places hut little confidence in such rep nally

put forward as they were by Chinese, who would <[iiite naturally represent their enemies in the worsl possible light. Tales, sonic of them circulated by foreigners, were numerous regarding the atrocities committed by the French, hut no foreigner wituessed the acts described, and the reports; ruining as they did from the Chinese, should not have been trusted.

240 THE tSLAND 01 FORMOSA.

the shells, hi a house occupied as a torpedo station at Hobe the "expert in charge, with a desire, no doubt, to obtain the favor ol his particular "joss " for the torpedoes in his- possession, was so profuse in the burning of joss paper that some of it, coming in contact with the torpedo fuses, caused an explosion leading to the destruction of several houses. Thus, without assistance from outsiders, the Chinese inflicted quite as much damage on themselves with munitions of war as they did on the enemy.

On the 9th of June, the treaty, article IX of which stipulated that For-mosa and the Pescadores islands should be evacuated, was definitely signed, and a few days later the news reached Formosa.

When this was published in the military quarters at Kelung the joy of the French troops knew no bounds. It would be hard to select a more un-comfortable camping-ground in the whole inhabited Fast than Kelung with its two hundred days of rain. To the local unhealthiness, the little cemetery, under a frowning cliff, owes much of its crowded state. Seven hundred men were buried there, only one hundred and twenty of whom were killed on the field of battle ; a hundred and fifty died of wounds ; all the others succumbing to the climate. Loss of life from cholera and lever was likewise very severe in the Pescadores ; three cemeteries, each crowded with graves, give sad evidence of this.

On June 21st, General Duchesne and his remaining troops, after a sad farewell to their dead comrades left behind them, departed from Kelung. Thus, after an occupation of Formosa for more than nine months, brench operations in the island came to an end.

Admiral Courbet's death in the Pescadores was another deplorable event of a campaign in which so much was sacrificed and so little gained. It is said that the admiral, who had in the name of Prance taken possession of the Pescadores, was much impressed with the advantages of the harbor of Makung, — a port easy of access to vessels of the largest tonnage and sheltered from all winds, with a location so central that, if utilised as a naval station, it could be made second to none in the Fast. In order to carry out his plans the admiral applied to his government for the necessary funds and material. His representations met with favor, and the material was actually despatched, having reached as far as Singapore, when the order was reversed, and the island abandoned. Admiral Courbet had not been idle, however, having completed surveys, constructed two small jetties, made improvements in the several arrangements of defence, and established a con-siderable commissariat depot. Furthermore, and not of less importance, the admiral had succeeded in winning the hearts of the simple Chinese natives. Strict orders were enforced preventing the French soldiers from disturbing the people. The islanders respected and admired the kind-hearted admiral, and it is said that at his death no small portion of his mourners were Chinese, and that their grief was genuine. It was a sore disappointment to the gallant admiral to think that all advantages must be given up. The illus-trious officer used all his power and influence to induce his government to reconsider their decision and retain the Pescadores, an acquisition of such palpable political and strategical importance to its possessor. All, however,

THE FRENCH CAMPAIGN IN FORMOSA. 24 1

was of no avail, and on June 9th the treaty which provided for the evacua-tion of Formosa and the Pescadores was finally signed. Two days later, saddened and discouraged, it is said, with the turn of events, Admiral (Jour-bet breathed his last on board the 11a yard. To their chiefs memory, and that of the officers and men who had lost their lives on the field of honour, a monument was erected, and now stands, a conspicuous object on the principal island of the Pescadores group.

ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN FRENCH AND CHINESE TROOPS AT TAMSUI. MEMORIAL FROM LIU MING-CHUAN, PUBLISHED IN MANUSCRIPT "PEKING GAZETTE"

OF NOVEMBER 11th, 1884.

"His Majesty's Slave Liu Ming-chuan, Director of Affairs iu Formosa, who holds the brevet of Provincial Governor, humbly submits the following report, showing how the enemy's troops were landed and attacked at Hobe (Tamsui), when our troops fought a sanguinary battle and gained a victory.

" The Memorialist has already reported to His Majesty the details of attack by different divisions of the French fleet upon Hobe, and of the energetic resistance that was offered by detachments of the Chinese troops selected as reinforcements for that place.

" On the 4th of October, the French Meet was reinforced by three vessels, making a total of eight iu all, and these opened fire from their heavy guns against the Hobe forts, the cannonade being kept up on successive days. So unintermittent and fierce was this fire that our troops were unable to maintain their ground, and Sun K'ai-hua, Chang Kao-yuan, and Liu Chao yuan had no resource but to conceal their troops in the woods which skirted the shore, where the men remained on the alert, passing the nights iu the open air, afraid to take any rest whatsoever. At 5 a m. ou the 8th, the enemy's ships suddenly dispersed, and Sun K'ai hua, feeling assured from certain indications that a force would be landed, directed Kung Chan-ao, the officer iu charge of the right wing of the Clio SJieng regiment, to conceal himself in a place known as Chia Chang, or " dummy creek," Li Ting-ming, who commanded the central division of the same regi-ment, having orders to lie in ambush iu a place called Yii-eh'e K'ou, while Fau llui yi. officer iu command of the rear division, was directed to hold himself in the rear. Chang Kao-yuan and I.iu-Chao-yuan ensconced themselves with two battalions, each from different regiments, behind the hill at the back of the large fort in order to prevent the enemy from circumventing our forces, and a battaliou of the hillmeu enrolled by Li T'uug-eu, under Chang Ei-ch'eng, were coucealed iu a gully iu the hill on the northern road

" These arrangement , had just been completed when a lateral fire was opened by the enemy's ships, which discharged no less than several hundred rounds from their heavy guns, filling the sky with smoke and flame, the shell falling round like hail. While this fire was going on, about a thousand of the enemy's troops were embarked in lauuehes aud foreigu boats and lauded at three points on the shore, from whence they made a straight rush for the fort, their hearing being fierce in the extreme.

" As soon as Sun K'ai-hua saw that the enemy were pressing close upon him, he stopped their advance at different points with the aid of Li Ting-ming and Fau Hui-yi, Chang Kao-yuan and others advancing to the attack from the northern road. The enemy's men were armed with weapons of precision and fought with all their might, the struggle lasting without intermission from 7 a.m. till noon. Time after time wore they driven back, but they advanced again and again. Our men engaged them fiercely at close quarters, Chang-Li-ch'eng attacking them ou the Hank, while Sun K'ai-hua assailed them boldly in the front and killed a standard bearer, capturing the flag which he carried. The zeal of our men was increased when they witnessed the capture of the flag, aud a simultaneous rush was made from every side upon the enemy, twenty-live of whom were beheaded, amongst them being two officers, exclusive <if about three hundred killed by musketry fire. The enemy, being unable to hold their own, finally broke and fled, our men pursuing them to the sea shore, where some seventy or more were drowued iu the struggle to get to the boats. The enemy's ships while endeavoring to cover this retreat with their guns struck one of their own steam-launches, and a Oatliug guu which had been left behind was captured by our 1

"The two divisions under the command of Sun K'ai-hua were the foremost to carry out his plans, and bore the brunt of the fight for a longer period than auy others ; they had consequently the largest Dumber of casualties, three lieutenants being killed and over a huudred privates. All the other battalions also suffered loss.

"The above particulars of the victory were reported to the Memorialist by Sun K'ai-hua, aud he would draw atteutiou to the fierce attack made by the enemy's troops on this occasion upou the port of Hobe, when they landed their men with a fixed determination to gain ih" day, the intensity of their resolve to fight to the death being evidenced by the fact that their boats stood out to s 1 as the men had been

landed, iu order to cut off their retreat. After the destruction of the fort our me guns to protect

them, and had to rely solely on their owrn muscle iu the deadly struggle that took place. Though and shell rained down upou them, their courage never failed them, nor did they ouoe flinch, and in spit.-of the odds against them they mauaged to behead the staudard-bearer and frustrate the fierce intentions of the foo, therein assuredly displaying energy of uo ordinary kind."

The memorialist then proceeds to mention certain of the most deserving officers, naming the form of reward which he suggests should be bestowed on each. Suu K'ai-hua heads the list, his name being followed by that of the commanders of the battalions who led the van <>f the fight. (The above IS a j example of the trustworthiness of Chinese reports. According to the nr a ••ere

2 | 2 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

killed besides seventy or more drowned, more than 890 in all. The true loss was only between 11 and 20 and the memorialist was well aware of it).

DECREE ANNOUNCING CHINESE VICTORY AT TAMSUI ; PUBLISHED

NOVEMBER 6th, 1884.

" Liu Miug-ohuau reports that the French forces haying made an assault on Hobe, the Imperial troops gave them battle, and gained a victory under circumstances which he describes.

"The French licet being stationed at Taipei, Hobe, and other places, the French troops made a vigorous attack upon the sth of October, and lauded. Sun K'ai-hua, Provincial Commander-in-Chief, advanced by dilTerent routes to attack them with the forces under his command, Chang Kao-yuan, Provincial Commander-in-Chief, and others, also leading their divisions against the enemy.1 The French troops were repulsed, and again advanced several times, but our troops engaged them at close quarters, Sun K'ai-bua making a direct advance upon them with bis men, and beheadiug the offioer bearing the standard, whioh he captured, besides killing about 30) of the enemy. Being unable to hold their own, the enemy Bed in confusion and were defeated, numbers of those who retreated to the sea shore being drowned in the struggle to get to the boats.

" It is naturally fitting that rewards of an exceptionally liberal character should be bestowed upon those officers who specially distinguished themselves upon the oocasiou. The bravery, loyalty, and martial prowess displayed by Sun K'ai-bua, Acting Commander-in-Chief of land forces in Fokicn, whose name is recorded for a substantive appointment to this rank and who holds the position of Brigadier-( ieueral ol the Chang-ehou Division, are especially deserving of commendation, he having placed himself in the van of battle ; and as a special Act of Grace We hereby command that he be invested with the hereditary title of Cli'i-tu-yu, or noble of the 7th grade. Also that the following articles be bestowed upou him : —

1 Feather-tube of while jade.

1 Thumb-ring of white jade.

1 Dagger with a handle of white jade.

1 Flint and steel.

1 Pair of large pouches.

'..' Small pouches.

" Liu Ming-chuan represents that Chang Kao-yuau, Provincial Commander-in-Chief, has already been recommended tor rewards in the Kelung aflair, and that Brigadier-General Liu Chao-yu being his, the Memorialist's, great-nephew, lie does not apply for rewards for either of these officers. As they have both, however, distinguished themselves in battle they should naturally receive marks of special favour as well as the rest, and We hereby command that a white jade feather-tube, a white jade thumb-ring, a dagger with a handle of white jade, a flint and steel, and a pair of large pouches be bestowed respectively ou (hang Kao-yuan and Liu Chao-yu. Chang Kao-yuan will further be committed to the Board for the determination of the most liberal forms of reward, and Liu Chao-yu will have the brevet of Provincial < iommander in-Chief bestowed upou him."

Here follows a long list of rewards bestowed upon various officers, one of whom obtains the distinction of the Yellow Riding Jacket, while two are to have their names recorded for appointment to the post c f Brigadier-General upou a vacancy occurring. Others receive the title of hutnru in addition to the bestowal of brevet rank, while others, again, are to be honored with the decoration of the peacock's feather.

The Decree concludes with the announcement that Her Majesty the Empress Dowager lias ordered the sum of Tls. 10,000 from the Privy Purse to be bestowed upon the soldiery who displayed bravery during the action, and calls upon Liu Ming-chuan to eoniinue rigorously to resist the insults of the foe.

1. The officer was wounded and carried to the rear, and on his way was attacked and beheaded with the two sailors who carried him. Sun was ou the point of retreating, but Colonel Li advanced and won. French loss only fourteen killed on the ground. — Anllmr.

CHAPTER XVII (PART 1 OF 2)

PROGRESSIVE FORMOSA: A PROVINCE OF CHINA.

[886 — 1894.

Liu Ming-chuan recommends administrative change* — Formosa becomes mi independent province Liu Ming-chuan, Formosa's first gorer nor Administrative reorganiza-tion— Capital established m Taipeh — Old Taiwanfn becomes Tainanfn New Taiwanfn— Confusing nomenclaturt — New official posts — Innovation* bring additional taxation — New burdens strongly condemned by southern populace Liu Ming-chuan imprisoned by infuriated natives — Camphor monopoly again declared— Consular protests result successfully- Unjust taxation in north — The island's defences strengthened — Taipehfu reconstructed Electricity introduced Telegraph lines unit cables /<</</ — Kelung in prospective as a great shipping pari — Railway construction commenced — Kelung- Taipeh line — Engineers encounter numerous obstacles — Chinese superintendents susceptible tn bribes Difficidties 0) construction <>" Kelung Urn — Harbor work ut Kelung - Twatutia "ml southern Vim' — Peking officials discourage harbor and railway work — Kelung's prospects blighted — . I trip mi the railway — The rolling stock —Passengers, and novel methods of collecting fares— Chinese freight agents — Sarage warfare mi flu increase — Governor Liu's pacifieatia-n policy — Increased head-hunting — Savages mi tin off'ensin — Ling Chiau-tong's expedition — Heavy losses —Qorernor Lin'* nephew ami followers killed at Oilan — Lin personally takes thefield — Unsatisfactory results ■ — Lin reports victories tn Peking— Liu retiresfrom office^A sketch <</ his Inf The TokoJuim savage war — Numerous engagements- Mutilation if the dead Cannibalism practised by Chinese- — Chinese rebels in Yunlin mid vicinity Changwha attacked— Shao Yu-lieu, Lin's successor, retires, and Tang-ching-sung becomes acting-governor. Wrecks during period 1886-1894.

Previous to the French war, Formosa was but a prefecture of Fokien province, dependent upon the officials of the latter in all matters, and con-stituting, as one authority describes it. " a sort of place of banishment to which subordinate officials, who must be provided with places but were unfitted for responsible administrative work, might 1 e relegated." But during the later period, from the time of the arrival of Lin Ming-chuan, this deplor able condition of affairs was much improved upon. The temporary occupation of the south of the island by the Japanese in 1S74 called attention

THE isi AND OF I l 1RM1 ISA.

at once to the great need of reform in the method of governing the island, and tli* - attack by th<' French ten years later furnished the Imperial authori-ties with strong evidence that the value of the island from a strategical

'standpoint caused it to be coveted by ambitious powers, and that it could only be preserved as a possession of China by making radical changes in its political and military government.

During the French war, bin Ming-chuan had been placed in 'soli-command, responsible only to the central authorities. Under his super-intendence, Formosa had been carried safely through the war, and it was now apparent that the exigencies of the times required that the island should lie made an independent province, and that officials of high rank and undoubted ability should be henceforth placed in charge of it. Therefore, in 1887, the island was declared by Imperial decree an independent province, and the Imperial Commissioner Liu Ming-chuan was appointed the first governor. The new province was made subject to the general control of the governor-general, formerly of Fokien-Chekiang, but now of b'okien-Chekiang Formosa. The Customs service, which had formerly been under the superintendence ol the Tartar general ofFoochow, was, from the first of I Ireember. 1SS7, placed under the local governor.

A thorough reorganization and redivisioning of the island was now necessitated. In former days, Formosa comprised one complete prefecture, lour districts, and three sub-prefectures. Now the island became a province with four prefectures (Taipeh, 'Taiwan, Tainan, and Taitung), eleven districts, and three sub-prefectures.1

As a result of these changes and additions, the seat of government (which had been formerly at the old town of Taiwan-fu in the south, which city had been in turn the capital of the Dutch, Koxinga, and the Chinese,) was now removed temporarily to the new city of Taipeh, which had been lately in course of construction. Consequently the big southern city no longer remained the capital of the island, and was therefore not entitled to bear the name Taiwan (Formosa), but became instead, merely the capital or fu of the single prefecture Tainan. It was, therefore, renamed Tainan-fu.

1. THE ISLAND AS DIVIDED WHILE A PROVINCE OP THE CHINESE EMPIRE.

Circuit.

Prefectures.

Districts.

Sub-Prefectures.

Taiwan (Formosa)

I Tamsui Kelung.

..' Gilan.

I Hsin-ohu (StiincliikuK' I Taiwan (Taiohu).

Changwha (Shoka) Pali (Holisha).

Yunlin (Unrin). I Miaoli (Byoritsu). 1 Aupiug Pangbu (Boko)."1

Kagi.

Fangsha (Hozan). I Heugcliun (Kosliun). Taiiung (Taito), a department at south-east end of island.

a. Near Changwha.

b. The old oitj of Taiwan e. Formerly Teckcham. d. The Pescadores,

Taipeh (Taihoku)

Taiwan (Taichu) ■

Tainau1

PROGRESSIVE FORMOSA: A PROVINCF OF CHTNA. 245

In connection with this, it is necessary to go further and explain that it was the intention ol the government to build a new capital city in the centre of the island near Changwha. Accordingly, the new city was laid out and the construction ol official yamens commenced. The name of the new-city became Taiwan-fu, or the capital city of Taiwan ( Formosa), and it was alsf) to be the seat of a new prefecture called Taiwan. These alterations resulted in much after confusion as to names. The maps, previous to the French war, show Taiwan-fu near the south-west coast, some two miles from Anping. Subsequent maps show it in the north-central part ol the island, many miles from the coast. 'The reason of this has now been explained, and it will be necessary lor the reader to bear in mind that, in the following pages, the old southern city is spoken of as Tainan-fu and the new central city as Taiwan-fu.

The alterations in the administration of the province likewise neces-sitated great changes in official positions in the island, and many new offices were formed.'

While the reorganization of the administration of the island was a great boon in many ways, it brought with it not only increased taxes to provide for the legitimate expenses of the new and greatly enlarged system, but also heavy extortions to satisfy the hoards of mandarins and their hangers on who were now brought into office. The Chinese ol Formosa were, therefore, inclined to look upon the changes as rather a mixed blessing. While For-mosa was a prefecture of Fokien, taxes were only imposed on tea, camphor, and opium. Additional funds for the government were obtained from taxes on land and salt, while the Fokien government made an annual grant to the island of some $660,000 (Mexican). The return received from the above sources was not, however, sufficient to provide for the expenses of the new administration, introducing as it did improved defences, railways, and other expensive innovations. Accordingly, in May, 1886, the system of charging likin on native produce shipped outwards was instituted. Imports, with the exception of opium, which had been paying from $150 to $180 a chest for some years, were exempt. As tea and camphor had been previously taxed, and as these were the principal products of the north, the natives of the north had little to complain of; but in the central and southern districts, where sugar was placed at a considerable disadvantage by the new taxation, opposition to the likin was very marked both from Chinese and foreigners. In lact so much hostility was aroused towards the new Cov-entor, Fiu Ming-chuan, whom the Chinese looked upon as responsible for the impost, that His Excellency avoided travelling in the dissatisfied districts, and

1. The following official positions were established upon Formosa becoming a province : Civil. Military.

(iovermr and Commander-in-Chief stationed at Chen-tai (Brigadier) stationed at Tainau.

laipen .. pfln„ 1... , pesca.

Lieutenant-Governor and Treasurer stationed at Chen tai 1 Brigadier) .. .. j jB C

Taipeh ( aores )

Prefect stationed at Taipeli. /atHobe(Tamsui),

Prefect stationed at Taiwan. Tung-ling (General of " braves ") ' at Kelung, and

Taotai and Acting Judge stationed at Tainan stationed at points on the

Prefect stationed at Tainan, \ savage border.

24J THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

on one occasion, upon visiting the big southern cit\ ofTainanfu, he was actually imprisoned in his own yamen by the hostile populace, and upon gaining his Freedom and returning to the north he never ventured in the south again. His popularity with the natives in the north also was not uninterrupted; for a short time after the taxation fiasco in the south, it was declared that foreign imports leaving a treaty port tor other ports on the coast were liable to likin charges. This affected the natives in the north and resulted in immediate opposition so intense that the governor thought it wise to withdraw the offensive measure, at least for the time. After the first heat of anger had cooled down, the tax was revived, this time to remain. That the natives permitted this was good evidence that the Formosan populace had been brought under better control than in former years. ( )ne can scarcely imagine a more unjust method of raising revenue than this. Governor Liu had dis-criminated against his own kin who were so unfortunate as to live in any place in the island other than at the treat)- ports, and made the poor struggl-ing peasants in the country pay a heavy tax, from which the residents in the treat) ports, who were generally more wealth)-, were entirely exempt. Camphor now again (November, 1887) became a government monopoly, mer-chants desiring to deal in the drug being obliged to purchase through the gov-ernment offices. In spite ot this, the demand for camphor was so slight during [889, ami the market price- so low. that but little revenue was obtained. In 1890, however, a large demand for camphor arose, and the price of the drug went up twofold, so that the government was enabled to dispose of its camphor at $30 (silver) a picul ( [33 lbs. I, a profit of $iS, which brought in $116,694 revenue for the year. The re-establishment of the mono-poly, which the reader will recollect was abolished as the result of consular protest in [869, was plainly an infringement on treat) rights, and it was abolished in 1891. when an excise tax payable monthly on each still, commonly known as the " camphor stove tax," was substituted as a means of revenue. To this was also added a likin tax payable when the drug was transported to the port of shipment.

Having thus disposed of the financial question — always a disagreeable subject in China — it is a pleasure to refer to the reforms instituted and the great improvements made throughout the island with the intention of further-ing its industrial development. Liu Ming-chuan, whatever else may be said against him, must be acknowledged to have been an intelligent, liberal-minded, progressive person, with none of the conceit and bigotry characteristic of the usual Chinese officials. Among the innovations introduced at his initiative may be counted man) horn foreign lands ; and, from a backward, halt savage prefecture, Formosa became known as the most progressive province of the whole empire. No sooner had peace been restored than the work of improvement was commenced. The strengthening of the island's defences was prominent in Liu's mind, and the construction of modern forts ot the best designs, to be provided with heavy modern guns, Armstrongs and Krupps, was at once begun.

The temporary capital of the new province was placed at Taipehfu. No sooner had this been decided upon than the city began to assume a new

PROGRESSIVE FORMOSA: A PROVINCE OF CHINA. 247

appearance, reflecting the energetic spirit of the governor. In 1885, tin-work of reconstruction commenced. A substantial wall was built to surround the city, streets were rearranged and paved with stone. ,\ capacious yamen was constructed and the streets lit with electricity; this, we believe, being the first instance of the official adoption of electricity in any part of the empire. It was later found, however, that the system was too expensive, and, with the exception of the yamen, which continued to be thus illuminated, the lights were withdrawn. < Hitside of the city and in Iwalutia several streets were paved, and in 1888 Governor Liu introduced jinrikishas, the nrw roads having been constructed with this in view, by laying down in each street some two or three sets ot parallel tracks constructed of long slabs of stone a foot wide, placed end to end. In between these tracks the streets were paved with cobble stones. That the jinrikishas might be well established the governor ran them at his own expense tor some time, and then turned them over to the coolies.

Equal attention was given by this phenomenal Chinese official to inland communication. A cable steamer, the Feiclteu, was purchased; and, in October, 1887, the laying oi a cable from Anping to Dome Bay in the Pes-cadores was completed. While this was of little importance to the com-mercial world, there being scarcely any trade between Formosa and the Pescadores, it was of great value from a political standpoint, the strategical importance of the islands demanding that they should be in communication with the capital. Of greater interest to those having business in the island was the construction ol the line between Tainanfu and Taipehfu, which was completed in March, [888. This, together with the line previously constructed between Takow and Tainanfu, united the north and south. < M still greater benefit, both commercially and politically, was the construction of a cable line from Tamsui to Sharp Peak at the mouth of the Min river in Fokien, also completed in 1888, thus joining Formosa to the world's telegraphic system. The sen ice in Formosa was placed under the superintendence of Emanuel Hansen, a Danish expert.

If the reader is acquainted with affairs in China and has noted the ex-tremely conservative tendencies of the mandarins and "fengshui" worshipping

literati, he will no doubt observe with some surprise the progressive spirit exhibited by Liu Ming-chuan. Although no railway had yet been constructed by officials in the whole Empire of China, ( iovernor Liu decided that Formosa should have one. Aware that one of the great obstacles to the commercial development of the island was the lack of harbors. Governor Liu's attention was devoted to the forming of some practicable plan which might lessen th< disadvantages. Kelung was the only harbor in the island available for the largest ships, and it was the governor's idea that, by improving the harbor and constructing a railway from north to south, he could convert Kelung into the shipping port, to the great advantage of commerce and peace: for it was anticipated that, with the railway to afford rapid transport, the inhabitants ol Formosa could be better controlled. To obtain Imperial sanction to the undertaking, Governor Liu represented to the authorities that, it the capital was removed into the interior as they had recommended, it would be neces-

24<S THE ISLAND i >> fl 1RM< ISA.

sary. as there wen- no roads, to construct a railway from the new capital t<> one of the coast ports, preferably Kelung in the north. This proposition met with sonic opposition in Peking, but eventually Imperial approbation was obtained.

Marly in March. [887, the work was commenced, and to quiet anti-foreign critics the governor himself gave evidence oi his interest in the enterprise by accompanying a German engineer, Mr. Becker, and per sonally supervising the marking out of the first four miles. 'I he headquarters of the railway were established at Twatutia and the work was commenced at that point. This city stands in a plain which extends some seven miles towards Kelung, is nearly level, and consists of rice fields traversed by numerous irrigation streams. Consequently, the first few miles presented no difficulties other than the construction of many small bridges and culverts. Foreign engineers were employed to peg out the line, and soldiers were distributed along the route as fast as the work was ready : the task of direct-ing the labor being assigned to the officers in command. A 3 feet 6 inch gauge was adopted and 36 lb. steel rails used. The maximum gradient was 1 in 30 and curves of 5 chains minimum radius were permitted.

As there is much talk of railway construction in China at the present day, the details of the Formosan work here given may prove of interest and value. The foreigners worked under great disadvantages. They were without authority over the soldier laborers and their officers. The line as surveyed by them was frequently diverted, and the pegs which they had placed were often pulled up by the soldiers to be utilized as firewood. .\ level road bed and a minimum of curves was not recognized by the workmen as of much necessity ; the) gave the preference to their own eye rather than to the instruments, and were altogether inclined to EfO forward with the road much as it they were constructing a Chinese footpath through the savage district. Furthermore, the Chinese superintendents were very easily bribed. For a small compensation the)' would introduce alarming curves to avoid some grave in which the payee was interested. The course of the line was also dependent upon the amounts paid by the owners of rice fields. It is stated that the Chinese in charge frequently diverted the line out of its intended direction towards the property or grave of some rich farmer with the intention of inducing that individual to come forward with liberal bribes, whereupon the line would, according to their assertion, be changed. All this naturally annoyed the foreign engineers, and frequent complaints were made by them to the governor. But as that official had no other method of redress than through his generals, the bad work continued, as the officers were inclined to support their own officials and themselves rather than the foreigners. So intolerable was this that there were as many as five changes made in the head engineer. Owing to these obstructions, the line progressed so slowly that, in the spring of 1889, only eleven miles, com-mencing at Twatutia, had been completed. Regular traffic was then opened over this section.

From this point, the construction became more complicated, owing to the hills towards Kelung, and progress was correspondingly slower. If the

PROGRESSIVE FORMOSA: A PROVINCE OF CHINA. 249

Chinese officials had been able to do bad work on the plains they were doubly

able to make a mess of it in the hills. The first encounter was with a low spur which could have been tunnelled through easily, but through which the Chinese preferred to make a 60 feet cutting and then to bring the road up with embankments on each side. The cutting was accordingly commenced ; but, as the material handled was clay which softened under rain, it was alternately dug out by hand ami filled in by nature, while the upper part became a quagmire. The engineers now advised that another route around the spur should be adopted or that a covered way should be erected as last as the work through the cutting progressed, and that means should be taken to draw oft the water. These plans wen; all rejected, however, and the Chinese continued to dig out as before. Sickness now broke out among the soldier navvies and eventually reached such proportions that native laborers had to be employed ; and, as the)- still made no satisfactory progress, the work had to be abandoned and the plan of an alternate route accepted, as had been former])- proposed by the engineers. Proceeding with the line, a hundred-foot iron bridge was constructed, another cutting, two embankments, four small bridges, and the line was brought up to the range oi hills surrounding Kelung. Similar difficulties were encountered here as at the first hill. The engineers demanded that the principal hill should be tunnel led, and the Chinese declared in favor of a cutting. It was necessary to make a cutting on the side of the ridge for some distance, and the Chinese executed the work in their usual careless way. No drainage measures were taken, and as a result two extensive earth slips necessitated greatly in-creased labor. Work was now commenced on the tunnel. The Chinese refused, on the score of expense, to timber the sides and use props according to the plans of the engineers. < >n one occasion the roof fell, in and when-ever rain occurred, much labor was required in clearing away the stuff brought down by the water. The climax was reached when the ends of the tunnel approached each other and it was discovered, to the dismay of the engineers, that the general in command had fixed the level of the heading at one end 14 feet higher than at the other. From the tunnel to Kelung was but a little over a mile, and here, perhaps, where, owing to the heavy grades, the best work was required, the worst on the whole road was done. I he Chinese totally disregarded the survey laid out by the engineer, and as no foreigner was present to superintend the work, it was executed with such sharp curves and steep grades that it would have been impossible for any train to negotiate it. Upon an engineer inspecting the work, this tact was made known to the governor, and the line had to be altered. As it was the governor's desire, for economical reasons, to utilize as much of the old line as possible, only the most necessary changes were made. I He line when completed was consequently at this section very imperfect ami troublesome.

In October, 1891, the road was completed to Kelung, and regular train-service; was commenced on the 20 miles to Twatutia, the engines being driven by English engineers. The road terminated at a newly constructed

1. The Japanese have entirely reconstructed Lhia portion of the line. New tunnels have replaced the heavy grades, the sharp curves "have all been taken oat, and the \vh ole road now represents none of the extraordinary features for which the old "lie was famous,

25O THE ISLAND O] Fl IRMOSA.

wharf" touching the harbor.. Although well located, there was only some three feet of water off the wharf, and dredging was necessary before it could be of service. A dredger was accordingly purchased and for some three years was at work in the neighborhood of the terminus. It was a small machine and poorly cared for. As effective results were not obtained, its use was finally discontinued.

From Twatutia the line runs to the south. The first work of construc-tion was to bridge the Tamsui river. The river had to be crossed at Twatutia, where it is about a quarter iff a mile wide, although during the freshets it attains to much greater width. An iron bridge was on that account proposed by the engineers as the most serviceable. But the expense of this discredited it in the eyes of the Chinese directors, and accordingly a wooden bridge was erected ( 1889) by a Cantonese contractor. At the north end an iron swinging span centered in a masonry pier was erected, giving a clear passage of 23 feet. This was worked by hand and was opened at intervals every day to permit junks and large river boats to pass through. The bridge was 1,498 feet long, divided into 46 spans besides the draw.'

From the bridge the line ran over nearly level ground for some seven miles. It then ascended to a tableland on a maximum gradient of 1 in 30. The work progressed very slowly, and the line contained many unnecessary curves and heavy grades. In 1891, the line was opened for 20 miles south-ward, and by the end of 1893 it had been completed for the 20 additional miles to Hsin chu (Teck chain) when regular train-service was instituted iivcr the whole 60 miles. Among the several foreigners who had been em-ployed during the work of construction, W. Watson, C.E., held the position of chief engineer and H. Mitchell as locomotive superintendent, while H. C. Matheson, C.F., who had arrived in the island to fill the position of superin-tendent of the coal mines, became in 1887 consulting engineer of the railway.

Although the railway had been surveyed to the south of the island ter-minating at Takow and some of the material from the abortive Woosung railway was shipped to the south, no portion of the line south of Hsin-chu was constructed. It seems that the progressive schemes of Governor Liu were not looked upon with favor in Peking. The high officials, perhaps not without reason, feared that if Kelting were converted into a fine harbor with wharfs, docks, and godowns, and with steam communication with the interior and extensive coal mines at hand, it would be a temptation too strong for ambitious countries on the lookout for coaling stations to withstand. Accordingly, nothing more was done at Kelung, so that instead of its be-coming the great shipping port which had been anticipated, even the old trade dropped off year by year. The railway became a mere passenger line, the service not 1 icing sufficiently reliable to be entrusted with freight. The government collieries were now closed, and frequently months elapsed without the appearance of a single foreign vessel. A big white building of the usual style of foreign architecture was the ghostly remnant of the last foreign firm long since gone. As time went on, matters grew worse and

1. This bridge, after having been subject to considerable repairs in 1895, was totally destroyed by a freshet and gale in August, 1897.

progressive Formosa: a province of china. 251

worse, until, in 1894, two Custom House officers, the only foreigners in Kelung, wearily spent their days in enforced idleness, watching for the smoke of a foreign steamer. Kelung was dead! It might have dropped off the island completely without causing the least inconvenience to any one save the pitiably poverty-stricken natives who lived in their squalid huts in the tumble-down village.1

J. The author had the privilege ot travelling uu tne Formosa railway uu several occasions early m 1895, and can personally vouch for its wonderful properties. The manner of running the railway was no less novel. The assistance of foreigners had long since been dispensed with, and the road and stock were now entirely in the hands of Chinese. Upon entering the railway station at Twatutia, my attention was at once attracted to the locomotive which was to carry us to our destination. Never in my experience had I seen one in like condition. The brass work had turned to a dirty black, the iron work to a speckled brown, and, like a wounded warrior, it was bandaged from head to foot. Still with all its blemishes it hold steam, and a grimy Chinese was shoveling in coal at a fearful rate, that there might be no deficiency. Fearful of the consequences, but unshaken in my resolve to ride to Kelung, I entered an affair which resembled a stock car fitted with seats. The so-called passenger coach was of the short typo familiar to travellers in Europe, and was divided into two compartments, or rather had one small section, seating four, reserved at one end but opening into the main compartment. A long seat runuing along each side, accommodated passengers, and in the centre, also parallel with the car, ran a sort of elevated baggage stand apparently intended for small baggage. A door and a small platform were at each cud. No attempt at decoration was visible, although the small first class section had a poor apology for cushions. Having provided myself with a first class ticket, which created considerable astonishment, I took a seat in the small compartment, and was soon joined by a greasy railway guard and a conductor whose only claim to respectability was a very unsauitary silk-jacket which had long since lost its beauty. Upon my arrival being proclaimed throughout the car, other unsavory individuals gave me their company, and to my chagrin I observed that they were permitted to avail themselves of this privilege though possessed of only second class tickets. The car was now fast filling up with all sons of animal freight. A crate of chickens, two large round baskets with three young pigs in each, innumerable pairs of chickens aud ducks, a quarter of pork, baskets of vegetables, and all sorts aud varieties of boxes, bundles, and other goods. Thee seemed to be no rule as to what should be carried in the coaches, aud in the present instance it was difficult to tell which had been given the preference — live stock, freight, or human beings. We now got uuder way aud whizzed along the richly cultivated plain stretching Kelung-warda from Twatutia. For the first few miles all went smoothly, and theu we commenced to negotiate the mountain passes; at least so it would seem to one inattentive to the passing laudscape. But to my surprise I found we were still on the level plain and that the curves aud grades could not be attributed to any irregularity in the earth's surface. Still they were there, and away we went swinging around at a high rate of speed with the passengers clutching on to the seats and windows, aud in a few moments swinging back iuto line again. On looking out of the rear coach the track appeared something like a pair of gigantic coil; screws flattened out. Hut now the conductor awakened to his duties aud commenced the collection of fares, lint few were provided with tickets, the others desiring to pay, or as it proved, not to pay, on the train. I had already been treated to much that was novel in railroad management; but I think the collecting of fares was the greatest revelation. The conductor first went through and collected tickets and fares from such as were willing. to deliver or pay the equivalent in full, and then started after the delinquents. They comprised a large proportion and appeared greatly opposed to adding their mite to the collection. Still our conductor was obdurate and stuck to each oue until he got something out of him. The passengers commonly produced a small string of cash which they handed to the conductor who made a rough estimate of their value, ordinarily to find a great shortage. He then demanded the balance due and the wrangling commenced. At it they went at the top of their voices until the passenger by dealing out a few cash at a time had paid somewhere near the amount, or by greater vocal power had worn out the conductor. It is quite safe to say that uot a single individual of this class paid the full amount nominally kuowu as the fare. But regardless of this labor, the couductor was no doubt pleased : it permitted him to abstract his " squeeze " which wo, ill not have been possible hud all provided themselves with tickets. Having disposed of this, the conductor next tackled the destitutes . at least such they were according to their own distressing tales. Three or four of the... absolutely to produce anything, and the

CHAPTER XVII (PART 2 OF 2)

wrangling recommenced. The conductor now searched the clothes of the offenders, and to me it appeared that affairs were coming to a crisis. But I was wrong. From a gesticulating, raving madman whom it appeared nothing but blood would satisfy, the conductor instantly assumed a m -t perfect composure, as though his work had been oue round of pleasure, and theu seizing a chicken from one of the delinquents, a sort of combination pillow and small trunk from a second, and a roll of filthy clothing from a third, he returned to my small compartment, tranquil and apparently satisfied. Whether or not the stuff was redeemed on the arrival of tho train at Kelung I cannot say.

One more feature may strike the reader as novel. The Chinese in charge of the stations along the line actually worked in opposition to oue auother. They conducted the business on the priuciple of per-sonal enhancement, and only paid iu as much of the fuuds collected as they thought necessary to euable them to retain their positions. Especially was this observable in the shipmenl of camphor. A foreign camphor merchant informed me that, previous to the delivery of the camphor at the station, it was com-mon to seud word to the agents at some two or three of the different neighboring stations and !■■ set thorn bidding against each other for its shipment from theil I I ll was then delivered to the

lowest bidder aud by him forwarded to its destination, while the lucky agent pocketed a generous share

Although the period under review was one of comparative progress in many ways, no advance was made in gaining control over the savages. In

fact there was greater bloodshed during these kw years than there had been for a considerable period before. Liu Ming-chuan had very ambitious ideas as to civilizing savages. At the close of the Franco-Chinese war in 1886, he announced that it was his intention to subdue the various tribes and open their territory to Chinese trade. But not only did he not succeed in this, but, on his departure from the island, affairs were worse than they had been for years, and places that had formerly been in the occupation of Chinese settlers were then abandoned anil desolate, especially in the central section of the is-land. In [886, the headmen of the aborigines of the plains and a few others of the more peaceful tribes accepted the invitation of Governor Liu and visited him at Changwha, where they were very kindly treated, and eventually consented to some sort of an agreement by which the border savages were to cease killing Chinese and furthermore were to engage in agricultural work, Liu promising to pay monthly a dollar's worth of rice to each laborer. |ust and reasonable as this plan would appear to one unacquainted with the savages, it was the reverse ot successful when put into operation. For with the wilder hill-tribes this act of their fellow savages was considered equivalent to entering the ranks of the enemy, and they consequently lost no opportu-nity of giving evidence of their disapproval. The unfortunate savages of the plains and border districts were now placed between two tires, on one side they dared not refuse allegiance to Liu, and on the other the hill savages were murdering members of their band at every opportunity.

In the previous year, 1885, warfare had been continual; the savages had adopted a specially aggressive attitude, even coming out of the hills and attacking the plain villages ; and the Chinese had revenged themselves by tiring the forests on the border, thus compelling the savages to withdraw. Naturally this rendered camphor manufacture quite out of the question, and in truth the export for this year was only three piculs. The existence of the camphor trade demanded some strict measures on the part of the military, and in 1886, the famous Ling Chiau-tong marched 1,500 of his soldiers against the tribes to the south-east of Tokoham and inland from Changwha. Although the campaign that ensued was but little more than mere skirmishing, yet in two months the Chinese losses were 500, and no advantage whatsoever had been gained by them. Perhaps the greatest service the expedition rendered was to concentrate the attention of the savages on the west, thus permitting a large Chinese force to approach the savage border on the east coast near Gilan without attracting too much attention. In 1887. a general and 400 soldiers were killed, an<.l additional forces wen- sent to Gilan, hostilities on the west side being tor the time abandoned. ( )n the east, fighting of greater or less severity continued for many months, resulting in the death of Lau, a nephew of Liu Ming-chuan.

of the charges, linn wan absolutely 110 uniformity in rates, and this system naturally became so un-satisfactory and unreliable that but little freight was entrusted to the tender mercies of the employes of the Fomiosan Imperial Railway. If the Chinese intend to dispense with the assistance of foreigners in their railways now iii course of construction, no improvement over the above can be expected, and it is doubtful, unless some decided improvement in the officials is made, if they will ever become large re "f any except government freight.

PROGRESSIVE FORMOSA! A PROVINCE 01 CHINA. 253

It seems that Lau entered the savage district to the smith of Gilan with 180 Chinese soldiers. About a thousand savages surrounded them during the night and killed the whole party with the exception of some two or three soldiers who escaped and carried the shocking news to the governor. This was a severe blow to Liu.

If the governor's policy was not a success, its failure could not he attributed to lack of energy on his part. In 1886, Liu had even taken the field himself, and for several months had suffered the- privations of a soldier in the far from comfortable, we might even say unsafe, border districts. But little good resulted, ami Liu's " forward policy " had to be abandoned. True, however, to the traditions of his class he permitted no rumor of failure to reach the authorities in Peking. < >n the contrary, he officially declared (and his declaration was published in tin- Peking Gazette) that, as a result of his labors, 478 villages with an aggregate population of 88,000 savages had submitted to Imperial rule. Just exactly where tin; governor found them all is not stated. Even had he included the already conquered and peaceful Pepohoans. who had not been engaged in the warfare described, and could not, therefore, be rightly counted as nvw subjects, the 478 villages must have stretched his powers of imagination to the utmost.

In the spring of 1891, the Chinese camphor men and the savages near Tokoham (Taikokan) engaged in several lively combats, in which the Chinese soldiers were eventually involved and which resulted in trouble of a more serious nature than even some of the previous affairs. ( iovernor Liu, however, withdrew from the island on account of ill health during the month of June' and left the exciting savage problem in the hands of his successor.

On several occasions the savages had swooped down upon the little Chinese villages, killing a dozen <n- so of the peasants ami flying back

1. Soon after the departure of Liu Ming-chuaii trom Formosa, lie responded to the calls of the em-peror, and, despite failing eyesight, occupied himself with official duties at Peking, where he was attached to the staff of Prince Kung. Important military commands were offered him by the throne during the war with Japan ; but owing to his ill health these were refused, and eventually he obtained Imperial per-mission to retire into private life, iu which he remained until his death.

Liu Miug-chnau was a man of wide reputation. The Taiping rebellion some forty years prior to his death afforded him the first opportunity of showing his metal. By organizing volunteer bauds he pro-tected his native province, Anhui, against the insurgents so successfully as to attract the attention of 1 i

Hung-chang, who at once availed himself of l.iu' ■ ' At the commencement of the Franco-Chinese

compaign Liu Ming-chuaii was sent to Formosa, at that time one of the most important positions.

Ho filled his office very creditably. The French were unable to advance further than Kclung, and lie inflicted on them at least one severe defeat. But it was at the close of the hostilities that his ability was shown most conspicuously. He entirely reconstructed the official organization of Formosa a gnat, task iu itself — and introduced various foreign improvements, until the island in a few years became known as by far the most progressive provinc ■ of China. Liu ;i> > •'• but the evil resulting was

slight compared to the great good he accomplished, lie ■■•■ led, 1 pi sive;

friendly to foreigners, and a great believer in foreign institutions. He died in L896, and in an Imperial decree his demise is thus recorded :

"A few years ago we regretfully permitted him to retire into private life owing to serious maladies coutraeted while serving his country. Recently, we were anticipating the pleasure of receiving him again into our councils, to rely noon his advice and to shower upon him further marks of our respect and admiration of his high qualities, when the sad uews of his lamented death now reaches us, which we receive with great regret. As a last token of our appreciation of Liu Ming-chuau's loyal services to the dynasty, we hereby command that be be granted the posthumous title of Senior Guardian of the Heir Apparent and let his funeral obsequies be conducted on lines usual!} granted to the rank of a (iovernor. Special memorial temples are further ordered to be built in the p where he lias served, and let his

martini deeds he recorded in the dynastic history. Any 'black marks' against Liu's nami Is are

also hereby ordered to !»• erased, and I. i Boards further report to us what pecuniary grants

should be made to the deceased officer's family.'" Here follows a list of honors conferred upou his sous.

to their forest homes with the heads. The savage raids becoming more frequent, the governor sent a force under a general to punish the savage village, Ma-su, which, besides its collection of peasants' heads, was the proud possessor of the heads of eight Chinese soldiers. In this the officer was successful ; but after destroying the village the general became ambitious, and with the intention of controlling the aborigines, he distributed detachments in man)- villages along the savage border. This was more to the liking of the savages, and on several occasions they were successful in burning the outposts and killing many of the men comprising these small garrisons. The soldiers of two large garrisons and iooo local braves under the command of Lin Wei-yuan were then marched out to Tokoham to inflict heavy punishment on the troublesome barbarians. But scarcely had the large force entered the savage district before a still larger body of savages had surrounded them and cut off their supplies and, more serious still, their line of retreat. Upon learning of this predicament, reinforcements were immediately sent and the arm)- extricated from its alarming position. Towards the end of the year the savages were called upon to surrender, but to no purpose ; and in an engagement which took place soon after, there was considerable loss of life on each side, including two high military officers, and two equally high civil officers wounded among the Chinese. While some slight success was eventually obtained by the Chinese, who were able to burn three villages, still at the close of the year nothing- had been gained, and the Formosan yovernor memorialized the throne for more troops. The next year neither side was much inclined to aggression, and consequently the troubles gradually quieted down, although they were far from being settled. In 1892-3, especially during the autumn when it assumed a more active phase, warfare was almost continual. In 1894, new outbreaks and turbulence of a severe nature were reported, and up to the actual occupation of the island by the Japanese, scarcely a month elapsed without finding the Chinese braves engaged with the savages at some point along the disputed border. Nor did the north have a monopoly of the savage troubles. Engagements between savages and Chinese were also frequent in the south, and'in 1892 it was found necessary to send a force of 1,200 men into one of the southern districts.

One horrible feature of the campaign against the savages was the sale by the Chinese in open market of savage flesh. Impossible as it may seem that a race with such high pretensions to civilization and religion should be guilt)' of such barbarity, yet such is the truth. After killing a savage, the head was commonly severed from the body and exhibited to those who were not on hand to witness the prior display of slaughter and mutilation. The body was then either divided among its captors and eaten, or sold to wealthy Chinese and even to high officials, who disposed of it in -a like manner. The kidney, liver, heart, and soles of the feet were considered the most desirable portions, and were ordinarily cut up into very small pieces, boiled, and eaten somewhat in the form of soup. The flesh and bones were boiled, and the former made into a sort of jelly. The Chinese profess to believe, in accordance with an old superstition, that the eating of

PROGRESSIVE FORMOSA: A PROVINCE OF CHINA.

savage flesh will give them strength and courage. To some this may appear as a partial excuse for this horrible custom ; but even that falls through, if one stops to think that superstitious beliefs are at the bottom of cannibalism as practised by the most savage tribes of the world. During the outbreak of 1891, savage flesh was brought in — in baskets — the same as pork, and sold like pork in the open markets of Tokoham before the eyes of all, foreig-ners included ; some of the rlesh was even sent to Amoy to be placed on sale there. It was frequently on sale in the small Chinese villages near the border, and often before the very eyes of peaceful groups of savages who happened to be at the place. The savages, bad as they may be, are not cannibals, and though the victim's head is severed from the body, it is carried away as a certificate of the warrior's prowess, and the body remains untouched where it falls. Although the subject is dealt with at length in a subsequent chapter, it ma)' be well to state here that the Chinese or-dinarily deserved all the punishment the)' received from the savages. Their treatment of these children of the forest was always cruel in the extreme Contracts were made which were never intended to be fulfilled, and all the deceitful tricks that cunning Chinese could contrive to deprive them, not only of property but even of life, wen- played upon the ignorant savages.

Some years had now elapsed without an)- serious popular outbreak against the officials. The authorities, therefore, considered the spirit of the people sufficiently humbled to permit of the imposition of new burdens upon them. A tax on rice fields was much favored by the officials as it would produce the greatest revenue, and believing the time opportune an attempt was made to put this tax in force (.luring the year 1SS7.

Exactions to which the rich were alone subjected gave the masses but little concern ; but when a tax was proposed which would decrease directly the earnings of all, the people were up in arms in an instant. In many of the more peaceful districts, opposition took the form of large demonstrations in which village leaders harangued their followers and numerous petitions were framed to be presented to the local officers. In the border districts, however, where many are armed to protect themselves from the savages, the disapproval was expressed in a more practical manner. One night, thousands arose and seizing Yunlin and other villages in the vicinity, marched on, gathering recruits along the way, and attacked the big inland walled city of Changwha (Shoka). New fortifications had been erected on the hill Hakke-zan (Paquasoan) overlooking the city, and the government forces made such a stout defence that the rebels were unable to effect an entrance and were obliged to content themselves with capturing the neighboring villages. Eventually a large number of troops was assembled at Changwha, and, after a few weeks of skirmishing, peace was again established, while the authori-ties made some trilling concessions, with great show, as evidence of their beneficence.

Upon the retirement of Liu Ming-chuan in June, 1 891, Shao Yu-lien became governor of the island and took over the seals of office on the 25th of the following . November. Although the new incumbent appeared to be enterprising and liberal-minded, he took no steps to carry out the progres-

256 THE [SLAND < »F 1 1 >RM( ISA.

she plans of Liu Ming-chuan, with the exception of some minor improvements, the construction of a powder-mill, etc.

Shao held office as governor until ( )ctober 21, 1894, when he gave over charge of the island to Treasurer Tan-- Ching-sung, who became acting-governor and was the last officer under the Chinese regime to hold this position. His career does not end here, however, for Tang plays a leading part in the chapters yet to come.

Note.— The wrecks during the period 188G— 1895 wore few in number, but the loss of life was very great. Out of nine vessels there were over six hundred lives Inst.

1886— January 26th. The German barque Qttaymas went on Bhore about 7 miles south of Saracen Head and became a total wreck.

June 5th. The German three masted schooner Wilhelm Meyer was wrecked in the Takow

inner harbor.

September 11th. The German schooner Niederhof, lying in the roadstead of Anpiug, broke

from her moorings during a south-west gale and went on shore about 2} miles north of the harbor ; a total wreck.

1887— September 15th. The governor of Formosa's S.S. Way ting (Waverly) struck on a reef to the north of Round Island, Pescadores, and became a total wreck. The captain aud three officers, who were foreigners, and three hundred and sixty-six Chinese were drowned.

1888— October 12th. The governor of Formosa's S.S. Wa/yting (No. 2) struck on a reef to the N.W. of the Pescadores and became a total wreck. Loss of life large — number not known.

1889 The British ship Anglo Indian was wrecked between Namkam aud Paksa Point. No

sooner did the vessel strike than it. was attacked and pluudered by the Chinese villagers, A portion of the crew were stripped of all their clothes and driven inland, and fourteen others, while attempting to escape, were drowned at sea.

During the years 1890 aud 1891, there were no foreign ships wrecked on the Formosa coast. This is notable as being the first period of even a year's duration, for fifty years, without a wreck on the Formosan or Pescadores coast.

1892— During the 9th, 10th, and 11th of October a fearful typhoon raged in the Formosan channel) destroying many native craft aud two foreign steamers as given below.

October 9th. The Norwegian steamer Normand, a vessel of 2,400 tons loaded with coal, was

caught in the typhoon, and on the evening of the 9th carried on the rocks off the Pescadores, and was soon a total wreck. Upon striking, a number of the crew went up in the rigging aud hung there for two hours. The nia?.t at length broke and precipitated them into the sea. Two of the number by clinging to the wreckage were washed ashore the uext day at Pachau Island about 18 miles distant from the scene of the wreck. The Chinese treated them very kindly, and eventually they were picked up by the small taping steamer Sin Taiwan which had come out with Consuls Merz and Warren, Dr. Myers, aud Mr. Hastings, to search tot survivors of the Bokhara. Although it was thought that others from the doomed vessel might be found alive ou some of the numerous islands of the group, this proved a vain hope. The officers aud crew numbered twenty-six.— Twenty-four were lost. All Norwegians. The position where the vessel was lost was afterwards ascertained to be off or on the Tortoise Kock, two and a half miles S. W. of Sand Island.

October 11th. The English steamship Bokhara, an old but powerful vessel of the P. aud 0.

Company, departed from Shanghai on the 8th of October for Europe via Hongkong with the homeward mails. On the 10th, upon entering the Formosa Channel, the Bokhara encountered a mountainous sea, and on the 11th, she struck the full force of the typhoon. In the course of the day the Vessel became unmanageiible, all life boats and everything movable was washed overboard, and the smoking room smashed in by the heavy seas which swept over her. At 9.45 p m. the gravest mishap which had so far befallen the unfortunate vessel occurred. Three huge seas sweeping over her smashed the after skylights, the stoke hole doors, and put out the fires. Then it was recognised that the ship was entirely helpless and there was nothing to do but await the end. That was not long delayed, for at half past eleven, at what seemed the very height of the terrible storm, the Boihara struck the rocks with a terrible crash, a great sea swept over the deck, and within two minutes the doomed ship had disappeared ; and with the exception of a few ou deck every soul on board sank with her. Out of one hundred and forty-eight persons there were but twenty-three survivors. Among the passengers lost were the members of the Hongkong Cricket Club who were returning from Shanghai. The wreck was one of the most distressing that had ever occurred in Eastern Seas.

1891 November. The American barque Nary. L. Stone was wrecked near Steep Island, N. E.

coast of Formosa. There was no loss of life, hut the vessel and her cargo became a total loss.

CHAPTER XVIII (PART 1 OF 3)

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF THE PESCADORES AND WAR PREPARATIONS IN FORMOSA.

1894- 1895.

Japanese occupation of Formosa mooted — Thr writer's journey in tin ixl<tml — Crossing the Formosan channel — An adventurous journey — Arrival ut Tamsui — Geogra-phical remarks mi tin- north — Nomenclature causes intuit confusion — Rumors of arriral of Japanese forces— Cliinesc talcs — Thousands of Chinese seek safety mi mainland — News of the armistict — The writer interviews the governor — lima nix for Japanese heads — Thr governor's explanation — Thr writer obtains permission tu accompany < 'hi nese forces — The island's military forces — Schedule of war prizes — French overtures to Pescadores commander — Liu Yung fu suspicious — Formosa offered to England— Jupanese attack the Pescadores— Tlie strategical value of Pescadores long recognized — The campaign in thr islands — The Japanese victor-ious— News of defeat causes panic among Formosan Chinese— Vigorous efforts tn strengthen tin- island's defences — Chinese soldiers — The system of enlisting — Anxiety among foreigners — Riotous soldiers — Serious loss <;' life — Chinese offi-cials without authority — German bluejackets landedto afford protection — Position critical — Jiriti.sh gunboat "Redbreast" arrives — Governor Tumi warns foreigners ititil declares his people beyond control — English marines landed. I'.s.s. "Concord" pays flying visit— Rows and riots of daily occurrence — Turbulent condition in country -Cantonese soldiers possess themselves of Pat-li-hun villagi — Disturbances in Kapsulan district -Enforced military contributions -Doubtful Iwnors — An improvised gunboat — Shore life of the foreign guards.

During the summer of 1894, war broke out between die empires of

Japan ami China. The following spring, hostilities were discontinued.

Some months before the signing of the Treat;, of Peace between the two nations, the island of Formosa came into the range of possibilities as a future possession of Japan. Tin: Kastern press, usually alert, had on this subject but little to say. And so well had the Japanese succeeded in keeping

secret their designs that, even up to the departure ot the transports for the Pescadores, the newspapers were filled with matter pertaining to the march on Peking, with scarcely a reference to Formosa. The well known American journalist, the late Col. John Cockerill, of the New York Herald, however, from the moment of his arrival in Japan was of opinion that Formosa and the Pescadores were prizes that the Japan-ese intended to obtain either by direct conquest or cession by treaty. So convinced of this was he that, in the middle of February, while the other correspondents in the empire were preparing for the march on Peking, he proposed that the present author (who had come to the East as war corres-pondent for a number of American journals) should at once start for Formosa. From this time onward, therefore, the events narrated come under my own personal observation.

It was at that time impossible to get definite information as to the island or the Pescadores ; there were no books in the English language obtainable ; and to the English speaking people in the East generally, Formosa was a land of tea, camphor, savages, and fever. No more definite information could be obtained. It was Colonel Cockerill's suggestion that the trip should be made as quickly and quietly as possible, and that I should be at work on the ground before the arrival of the Japanese. With this in view I left Japan at the end of February, 1895, via China ports, the only route then open, and after a delay of eight days in Shanghai I arrived on March 21st, 1895, at Amoy, which is directly across the channel from Formosa.

I found Amoy in a considerable state of excitement over rumors which, as later ascertained, were due to a Reuter telegram to the effect that the Japanese fleet had established a blockade of North Formosa. The result of this was that the comfortable Douglas steamship Formosa, leaving the day before for Tamsui, had refused to carry Chinese passengers, and the owner of the Peking, a very small steamer indeed for ocean traffic, had decided to profit by the Formosa's fears and carry over the passengers and cargo that had been left behind, the captain having instructions to steam back to Amoy in case the boat was not allowed to land; extra supplies of coal, distributed all about the deck in bags for this emergency, being provided. Fortunately arriving just in time, I engaged the only passenger cabin in the boat, and after a four hours' stay in Amoy, the little craft, loaded down to the water's edge and with 170 Chinese packed in between the rails on the lower deck, got under way, with a stiff wind ahead and the prospect of a rough sea outside. After three hours' steaming, the wind increased and we were soon battling with a heavy north-east gale. The lower deck was but a few feet above the water line, and the miserable Chinese crowded together there were constantly submerged, their piteous howling and frightened cries rising above the roar of the storm. With no protection, every wave threatening to sweep them overboard, it ultimately became a matter of life and death, and the captain changed his course and eventually headed the Peking in towards the Chinese coast which we had left but a short time before. Here we found a satisfactory harbor at Lioloo Bay.

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION < >F THE PESCADORES. 259

By three o'clock next morning the storm had abated, and we again entered the channel. After breakfast, passage tickets were collected from the Chinese. It was to me, a "new hand'' in China, a very interesting operation, and the captain's method of persuading a quartet of celestials to produce the required fare, who were, according to their own testimony, in absolute poverty, was as novel as it was effective. At his orders they were brought upon the upper deck forward, and there securely fastened with their queues tied to an awning spar running out from the pilot-house, where they were left to bewail the meanness of the " foreign dog " who had the effrontery to demand passage money from them. After a few bad lurches of the steamer, one of the four paupers found somewhere up his sleeve the required $3, and was released. In a few moments, another one signified his willingness to produce, and was allowed to go to his companions, from whom he took up a collection of something over $1.50, which was accepted for his passage. A few more plunges of the steamer, which threatened to scalp the two remaining, brought from one a silver chop-dollar and a string of two or three hundred "cash," which although great in bulk had a value of only twenty or thirty cents, and he was given his liberty. The remaining vagabond producing nothing but howls, the captain finally relented, and he returned to his friends with the satisfied smile of one who has played and won the game, the stakes being a free pass, and his triumph evidently fully appreciated.

The captain, a kind-hearted man and a careful seaman, I believe, had a Chinese crew and two foreign officers : an engineer dark enough to be a Lascar and a mate who did the best he could, but who seemed to know very little about the use of charts, and furthermore was at a great disadvan-tage from being deaf. The result was that the captain found but little opportunity for rest while at sea. The engineer, who had apparently arrived on board at Amoy in a sober condition, had immediately proceeded to get drunk, and by the time we were under way was full-seas over. This did not tend to make a disagreeable journey any more pleasant for me, and after learning of an incident which might have resulted fatally to all on board, I began to consider my safe arrival at Tamsui very doubtful. It was alter the heavy gale had forced us to turn back towards the China coast. Every one aboard was on the alert, with the possible exception of the foreign engineer. The little craft was so battered about by the storm that I was unable to keep in my narrow bunk and was torced to take up quarters on the floor. Every wave splashed up against the cabin door and threatened to break it in, although my cabin was adjoining the pilot house above the upper deck. With but a partition between, I could hear the captain's commands above the roar of the storm. To give orders to the deaf mate it was necessary to send a Chinese boy to bring him to the captain's side, who then shouted in his ear until the mate expressed himself as understanding. After plunging along in the darkness, we neared the China coast, when suddenly, to the L;reat alarm of the captain, he saw rising up before him what appeared to be a rocky cliff. He grasped the handle of the engine-room telegraph, ringing vigorously to reverse, but there was

260 THE Island OF FORMOSA.

no answer. Again he rang and again no answer. Now thoroughly alarmed, he ran to the ventilator leading down to the engine-room, shouted loudly, blew his whistle shrilly ; and still there was no answer, while the rugged cliff ahead seemed almost upon us. It appeared even now too late to avert a catastrophe ; but, leaving the pilot house, the captain ran below down into the engine-room, and there lay the engineer in a drunken sleep before the engines. One can imagine the emotions of the captain, who with his own hands reversed the engines, and awakening the Chinese assistant placed him in charge. We were to be spared, however, for the fancied rocks proved to be but a bank of heavy fog through which we were soon passing.

After three days battling with the gale, we arrived at ten o'clock on the morning of March 23rd, off the island, and in sight of our destination. The storm had subsided as suddenly as it had risen three days before. The rushing waves of yesterday had quieted down into a gentle ripple, and after our cold, wet, miserable journey, the bright warm sun bathing the whole scene with radiance was welcome to me no less than to the shivering, half drowned Chinese down below. As we neared the shore, a broad river sparkling in the sunlight stretched on ahead until lost in a chaos of Chinese shipping. Junks, cargo boats, lumber rafts, and sampans, — with the high masts and shining funnel of a foreign steamer standing out proudly above them all. To the right and left rose high hills of uninterrupted verdure. Further back to-wards the interior, were other ranges ever increasing in height, and varying from the rich green of the foot hills to the delicate blue of the last ranre, the summits of which were lost in soft, grey clouds. If the Portuguese made their first visit on a day like this, I can well understand their enthusiasm and join with them in the acclamation of joy — " Ilha Formosa," " Ilha Formosa" — with which they greeted their first view of this Fden-like spot.

After passing over a troublesome bar, which only admits steamers draw-ing less than 13 feet, we dropped anchor in the quiet waters of the river in front of the Chinese Custom House on the north bank. Above us on a hill two hundred feet high dotted with magnificent building sites, could be seen the old I Xitch fort, — to all appearance as strong and formidable as on the day when it was built nearly two hundred and fifty years ago. Near by stood a red brick building, the residence of the British consul. Further on were missionary schools, and not far from them residences occupied by mission-aries and Custom House officers. Along the bank on the north side of the river were numerous small structures and mud shanties, with one large foreign building occupied as a shipping office for the Douglas line of steamers which run between China ports and Formosa. This was all that could be seen of the village of Hobe, or Tamsui as it is generally, although erroneously, known. Still through this unpretentious little port the chief trade of the island is conducted. In addition to the ordinary activity of the place, squads of soldiers in their picturesque uniforms were seen here and there, moving ammunition, unearthing old guns and what not, while on the north side on a spur stretching towards the sea from the old Dutch fort, could be seen a large body of troops erecting earthworks and improving the defences of a fort. On the southern hills, distant some mile and a half, were just visible

the earthworks of a newly erected batter)-. This was my introduction to Formosa.

Before proceeding further, let us take a look at the map. We note that the extreme north of the island forms a large promontory with Hobe (Tamsui) on the east and Kelung on the west, then- being only about 5' difference in latitude between the two places. By sea the distance is about thirty miles, but by boat to Twatutia, and from thence to Kelung by railway, which is the usual passenger route, the distance is about twenty-eight miles. At Hobe from the west side of the promontory flows inland, in a south-eastern-direction, the Tamsui river, and upon it, ten miles from its mouth, is situated the walled city of Taipeh fu, (Taihoku), the capital of the island. Adjoining this to the south and west is the old city of Banka, and to the north the settlement of Twatutia (Dai to tei), where the foreigners live and where the majority of Chinese tea merchants have their quarters. All these are fre-quently referred to under the common name of Tamsui. In reality, with the exception of Hobe, they are but divisions of one. Taipehfu is the capital city and Twatutia and Banka adjoining suburbs. The term Tamsui is used in a most liberal way ; it may mean the harbor, the river, the village of Hobe, Twatutia, or Banka, and it may mean the whole district. Properly it is but the name of a river. A resident of Twatutia may likewise describe himself as a resilient either of Twatutia, Taipehfu, or Tamsui, and still be quite cor-rect so far as custom goes, although ordinarily the merchants and consuls, whether at Hobe or Twatutia, use Tamsui as their address. To a stranger the multitude of names referring to the same places must be confusing, and with the advent of the Japanese one more is added to every namable place and thing in the island. The name still remains the same so far as meaning is concerned, but the Japanese pronunciation of the Chinese characters is given, and the two frequently sound about as much alike as Paris and Son-dershausen. Thus, under the present regime, a man may reside at Twatutia, Taihoku, I )aitotei, Taipehfu, or Tamsui, and still be in one place. There is fortunately no variance in the romaji spelling of the Japanese pronunciations ; otherwise life in Formosa would be unbearable. The Chinese spelling and pronunciation is frequently given in as many as six or more different ways by as many so-called authorities. Tamsui, Tamshuy, Tamshui, Tamsoui, Tan-sui, are all one, likewise Changwha, Changhwa, Changhoa, Chanhue, Chan-hua, Tchanghoua, to which now is added the Japanese pronunciation Shoka. Hobe struggles along with nine different spellings all the way from Hobi to Hou-ouei.

I found business much disturbed in the north of the island, the uncer-tainty of the situation being the principal cause. Xot only in the city but throughout the country the one question, the one thought uppermost in all minds, was when are the Japanese coming ? The situation gave lull play to the Chinese love of prevarication, ami descriptions of furious battles with the Japanese were in vogue long before these sturdy warriors had even left Japan. Day after day, the same reports, sometimes brought to you confidentially, as though the matter was a great secret, and again published broadcast, frequently with proclamations on the walls ; but they

were always equally false and always just as improbable if one gave them but a moment's thought. Still the Chinese with childlike confidence believed in them implicitly and would only cast them aside when a new report came to replace them. The fact that the old ones had been again and again proven false was no obstacle to sincere belief in the new ones.

So things continued day after day, the timid being incited to pack up and seek safety on the mainland. Many wealthy Chinese were the first to leave, with such treasure as they could carry. Movable property was stored away in such quarters as appeared to offer some security, and the poorer people sought safety for their valuables by burying them in the ground. As time progressed, even the shopkeepers disposed of their stores and closed their shops. All day long the streets were filled with carriers ; and river boats, loaded down with the miscellaneous truck of a Chinese household and crowned with the whole family on top, found their way slowly down to the port. To these little family parties, except, perhaps, to the laughing babies, there was nothing amusing or interesting in this hurried departure from a land which the)" had selected as their home. Besides, China meant harder work and less pay, and for some, perhaps, it meant starvation. It was not that they feared Japanese rule as they understood it ; but the air was filled with mystery and uncertainty. Weeks of anxious expectation of something about to happen, some dreadful calamity coming to overwhelm them, had been too great a strain for them to support. The mandarins did not help them in any way ; for with obscure proclamations about horrible black dwarfs who would carry away the women, kill the children, and reduce the men to slavery, they excited consternation among the wealthy and drove the poor into the army with the hope of keeping the foe at bay.

Such was the condition of affairs in early April. The telegraphic news of the attack on Li Hung-chang, followed by the declaration of an armistice for twenty-one days, was good news, and relieved the anxiety of the people for the time. However, later details to the effect that the armistice did not include Formosa was a great shock to the whole populace. It was quite reasonable to believe that if the Japanese had demanded the insertion of this condition it was not without some purpose, and as to this there could be but one explanation : the seizure of Formosa by force. To the common people it but added to the mystery and made it still more difficult to comprehend Why Formosa, which had taken no part in the northern difficulties, should be the coming scene of so much trouble and disturbance.

With the news of the armistice came orders from Peking to defend the island. That the majority of the higher officials at the capital had much confidence in the ability of the Formosan forces to successfully oppose the Japanese I cannot believe. It was purely with the hope of shifting the burden of war on to the shoulders of the islanders, and getting the Japanese troops away from their position in such alarming proximity to the capital, thus relieving the northern officials of responsibility and danger. But others, together with the great mass of southern officials, who had had no personal experience of the Japanese as warriors, were firm in their belief that the For-mosans could defeat the enemy if they were but given the chance.

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF Till PES* VDOR1 - 263

The failure of the northern Chinese troops was not full)- appreciated in Formosa ; consequently, the Peking officials did not find it difficult to esta-blish among the Pormosan authorities a highly exalted idea of their own prowess. Profuse praise and Mattery ; frequent reference to the invulnerable defences of the harbors ; the formation of the island, in itself a natural fortress ; the renowned bravery and warlike reputation of the- inhabitants whose an< tors had defeated the Dutch and w^hose present people had defeated the French, was sufficient. To the Formosans the total annihilation of the Japan-ese if they should but appear seemed assured.

Now that Formosa was soon to be the seat of war I made preparations to witness, if possible, the struggle from the Chinese side. With this in view, a fellow-countryman of mine, standing high in the Chinese Customs service, had the kindness to arrange that I should be received by the governor and commander-in-chief of the military forces of the island, Tang Ching-sung. The time was fixed ; and with two sedan chairs and four bearers, quite a novelty to me, we were carried through the streets, past the big gate <>t the entrance of the walled city of Taipeh and finally into the governor's com-pound. Outside the governor's yamen, rather an ordinary specimen of the usual style of Chinese official architecture, we were stopped by a messenger who informed us that I was to be received formally as befitting a foreigner who had come so great a distance to associate himself with the Chinese in this war. Then the heavy outside gate, simultaneously with three sets of heavy doors, all in line, swung open automatically, to all appearance, and the first sight of Chinese officialdom greeted my eyes. To the rear could be seen the governor with his attendants grouped about him, and lined up on each side in unbroken rank were files of brilliantly uniformed Chinese soldiers with shining spears and bright colored banners. The large; archways, the fantastic carving of the pillars, the brilliant ornamentation and weird designs on every side, were all new to me and interesting in the extreme. We wen-carried to the entrance of the governor's reception-room where 1 lis Ex-cellency greeted us. The decorations of this chamber, which differed but little from that part of the building through which we had just passed, had added to them numerous odd looking scrolls, on which drawings of land-scapes made up of mountain scenery, falling waters, and pavilions shaded by fantastically shaped trees, were hanging on the high walls. Wood carvings adorned the cornices of the rooms and bordered the doorways, while standing out in vivid contrast to these were numerous panels covered with bright red, on which were inscribed in black characters the valued words oi Chinese sages.

CHAPTER XVIII (PART 2 OF 3)

I found the governor a pleasant looking man, apparently about sixty years of age. After the usual small talk had been exchanged, I exhibited to him at his request some photographs taken at Port Arthur. They were principally scenes from the battlefield, depicting Chinese dead in ; the streets, mutilated bodies of Japanese, and decapitated heads with the eyes, noses, and mouths gouged out with spears. The governor was apparently much interested and showed no displeasure at the remark that the ottering of a reward for Japanese heads in Formosa was encouraging just such

264 THE ISLAM 1 1 IF I ■' »RM0SA.

mutilation of the Japanese dead as had incited the latter at Port Arthur to take full revenge. 1 lis Excellency, on a later occasion, explained die situation fully, and not without some reason from a Chinese point of view. "It is impossible for me to do otherwise," said he, " it has been the custom for generations, and the soldiers expect it, and would not fight if this inducement was not held out. My people do not think they should enter such hazardous employment without good pa)', and as we cannot afford to pay every soldier high wages, we make it up by rewards for special work done." As to the severing of heads from the enemy's dead, "yes, that is unfortunate," he said; " but it is the only method we have of proving that our men have really killed the man for whom the)- seek rewards They cannot bring the bod)-, but the head they can easily carry. The last schedule of rewards was for the Japanese when dead, but you will notice in my present proclamation, 150 taels (1 tael about 75 cents U.S. currency) are offered for the capture of a private soldier alive, and only 100 taels when dead ; for a Japanese general 600 taels when alive, and only 500 taels when dead. I do this to encourage my men to capture them alive, hoping in this way to avoid useless slaughter." '

The prime object of my visit was attained, credentials being secured granting me permission to join the officials of any force and to enter any of the fortifications during the campaign. In a few days my credentials reached me. The)' were drawn up on a large sheet, were elaborately written in three colours, red, blue, and black, covered with big seals, and resembled at a distance a brightly colored poster. Thus armed I was ready for the fray.

The governor claimed to possess a force of 80,000 men, consisting principally of Swatow, Hunan, and Canton men, besides native levies. Aside from the Cantonese, who were considered the best fighters on the mainland, much dependence was placed on a native general with his arm)' of Hakkas ; that hard)- race who trade with the savages of the mountains and who have been gradually clearing the jungles and driving the aborigines farther and farther into the interior. Accustomed to mountain warfare and with experi-ence such as only guerilla fighting can teach, they defeated the French in Tamsui in 1884, when armed with the crudest of matchlocks ; so that with this experience and well equipped as the)- now were, the)- were considered competent to give considerable trouble to the Japanese. The infantry were armed with new single and repeating Mausers, Lee, and modern repeating Winchester carbines. Their pa)- was six taels ($4.50 gold) a month, and I was informed that they were at that time paid promptly and fully. Out of this sum the soldiers had to provide their own food.

1. The following schedule was published iu the vicinity of the camps aud in out-of-the-way places, by the governor's orders :

70,000 taels; for the capture of a big man-of-war.

4,000 taels ; for the capture of a small cruiser.

400 taels ; for the sinking of a ship's boat.

800 taels ; for the sinkiug of a boat carrying soldiers.

GOO taels ; for seizure of a Japanese officer.

000 taels ; besides other rewards according to circumstances ; for the seizure of a Japa-nese general.

150 taels ; for the seizure of a Japanese soldier.

5U0 taels ; besides other rewards ; for killing a Japanese general.

500 taels : for killing a Japanese officer.

100 taels ; for killing a Japanese soldier.

During the early part ot April, it was generally believed among the officials that the Japanese were preparing lor an expedition to the south, and that the Pescadores would, nodoubt, be the first place of attack. Scarcely had

this news been received when a rather interesting little episode occurred at the Pescadores. About a fortnight or three weeks prior to the actual arrival of the Japanese fleet, two French war-ships suddenly appeared in Makung harbor, and the senior officer at oner began showering hospitalities and attentions on the Chinese commandant stationed there. This official, who, besides being of a decidedly festive nature, was undoubtedly living in con-stant dread of a Japanese attack, cordially reciprocated and accepted tin- over tures made to him by the Frenchman; Before long the intercourse assumed practical shape and, if the telegrams sent by the Pescadores commandant to General Liu Yung-fu who was in command of the troops of south Formosa may be accepted as reliable evidence of what was going on, it would appear that the French senior officer made constant and urgent appeals to the com-mandant to hand over the islands to French custody and permit the- French flag to be hoisted on all the forts. According to the commandant's reports, the French officer assured him that the occupation would only be temporary and carried out in the interests of friendship to the Chinese government, ami that retrocession would 1m- at once made as soon as the troubles then going on between [apan and China were settled. Liu Yung-fu, who never seemed to have forgiven the French for what they did to him when commanding the Chinese troops in Annam, was furious at the bare suggestion, and from the very first asserted that only some treacherous motive could possibly underlie anything clone by the French. He wired most positive orders to the com-mandant to pay no attention whatever to any overtures of the sort: but, on the contrary, to look on all such as being prompted by hostile and self-inter-ested motives. He further ordered, in the event of any more French ships appearing with officers inclined to interfere, that the forts should open fire upon them.

This act of the French was, no doubt, incited by the report that China had offered to cede the island of Formosa to England. If such proved to be the case, France wished to be in a position to look after her own interests, and the Pescadores would have served her purposes admirably. I hat Formosa was actually offered to England by China and that Lord Roseliery and Lord Kimberjey twice declined to entertain the offer in any way, has been practical!) confirmed. In just what manner and through what channels these offers were made has not been officially stated ; but a popular account says that, while China was in the last throes ot defeat, the possibility of Japan seizing Formosa and the Pescadores and from these important strategical points carrying on war with the mainland induced China to propose this solution. Formosa in England's possession would be saved from the enemy ; and no doubt, with the queer ideas in vogue at the Chinese Foreign Office, it was hoped that when all had quieted down England might be induced to return the island. No doubt they were prepared to offer some mainland concession in return lor this valuable assistance. The island was then ottered without an)' conditions, and tempting as the proposal was, lord Kimberley, then Foreign Secretary, believed that to accede to the transfer would

probably result in the partitioning of China; and that Russia, France, and Germany would demand their share; entailing an operation which, although perhaps desired by some, was fraught with such danger to all that none cared either to begin it themselves or to recognize the right of others

to do so.

The news of the bombardment of the Pescadores reached Taipeh through Chinese sources, and consequently had been much garbled on the way. The first news was to the effect that the Japanese Meet had ap-peared off the entrance to Makung, whereupon the Chinese opened (ire, sinking two of the Japanese warships. The others then Med, leaving the Chinese victorious. According to the Formosan governor-general's schedule of prizes, this entitled the officers of the fort which had been successful, to ten thousand taels per warship. Accordingly, the amount was drawn from the Pescadores treasury and distributed among the officers, and the governor was notified to that effect. A few days later there was ap-parently some mistake; for the commander of the forces at the Pescadores, a poor old man, lame and nearly blind, and, it was said, some seventy-five years of age, was brought up as a prisoner from one ot the southern ports of the island, whither he had fled from the Pescadores. He was in a sorry plight, anil it was rumored that lie would be sent before the Board of Punish-ments as a penalty for his timidity in fleeing before the enemy. Besides this, he was held responsible for the twenty thousand taels which had been appropriated as the reward for the destruction of the two Japanese men-of-war. Xo doubt the possession of this sum appeared to the officers concerned of greater importance than the mere sinking of the two warships, which was a matter of such small moment and could be accomplished at their leisure during the day. In the heat of the battle they evidently forgot their obliga-tions, for they lied without firing a single effective shot.

The strategical value of the Pescadores has long been recognized. The I )utch, Koxinga, the Manchus, and the French had all in turn occupied it prior to a descent on Formosa. Lying in the fairway between the Chinese mainland and Formosa and with a harbor unequalled by any in the latter island, it may be considered as the key of Formosa. When the Imperial forces occupied the Pescadores during the close of the seventeenth century. Koxinga's grand-son is said to have given up all hope of opposing them ; for, as he notified his followers, "the enemy have entered the gateway." In later years, the Chinese had erected forts with large modern guns, and it was believed that the defences were practically impregnable. The Japanese likewise appre-ciated the necessity of occupying the Pescadores, if action in the south, either on the mainland or on the Formosan coast, was anticipated.

On March 20th, after a five days' trip from Saseho naval station, the expedition, consisting of the fleet and transports, arrived off the Pescadores and anchored near Pachau island to the south of the principal islands of the group. Bad weather on die 21st and 22nd prevented an immediate attack on the forts ; but on the 23rd, the storm having abated, the ships got underway, and at 9.30 a.m., upon the first flying squadron drawing near Hau-chiau, the fleet subjected the Kon-peh-tai fort to a heavy bombardment,

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF "till PES" \l»»i 1 267

to which the Chinese replied for nearly an hour before they were silenced. During the afternoon, the disembarkation of the troops commenced. By the aid of steam pinnaces each towing several cutters, the troops, consisting of the first, second, third, and fourth companies of the first regiment of reserves under the command of Colonel I lishijima, were all landed in less than two hours. The landing of the troops brought the Kon-peh-tai fort into action again, I nit without inflicting much damage on the Japanese. The troops on shore engaged in a skirmish with some 300 Chinese soldiers, afterwards reinforced by 150 more, near a commanding knoll which both forces were desirous of occupying. After a lew volleys from the Japanese, answered by an irregular tire from the Chinese, the latter eventually fled, leaving the position in the hands of the Japanese. Staff-quarters were then established in the village oJ Chien-shan. At 2.30 on the morning of the 24th, the troops advanced with the intention of taking Kon-peh-tai fort and Makung (Mako) with a tem-poral-)- company of mountain artillery under Captain Arai and the naval contingent with quick firing guns under Naval Lieutenant Tajima in the van. The night was very dark and the only available route was so frequently cut up with ditches running in every direction that progress was laboriously slow ; only some two miles being made after three hours of painful tramping. By about 4 a.m., the Japanese force had all reached the rallying ground, and thirty minutes later, led by the 2nd battalion of the first regiment of reserves, were advancing towards the fort. The 5th company, under the command of Captain Kinoshita, formed the advance guard, anil a detachment of this company, under command of Lieutenant Ishii, wen- the first to engage the Chinese forces, 200 of whom had taken up a position outside the fort and appeared to dispute the advance of the Japanese. The engagement was very brief, the Chinese flying before the small number of determined Japanese. Meanwhile, the temporary ljattery of mountain artillery had been shelling the fort from a position too far distant to do much damage to the stronghold, but in a manner sufficiently effective to frighten out the garrison, who left in such haste that, thirty minutes after the first gun had been fired, the Japanese were in possession. Thus was the principal port captured in the Pescadores. The naval contingent were also enabled to participate in the engagement. and with their two quick-firing guns did much execution. The 4th com-pany of the 1st reyiment of reserves and the naval contingent captured the village, after only a slight skirmish with the enemy. The place had been held by a garrison 500 strong. With the 2nd company of the 1st regiment of reserves leading the van, the Japanese forces now reassembled and advanced on the capital and principal city of the islands, Makung. No opposition was encountered on the way, with the exception of some ineffective firing from the Yui-wang island fort: and upon reaching the city, the 1st company stormed the Chinese infanta encampment, being followed soon after by the 2nd company, which dashed through the gateway with the intention of dividing into three sections and attacking the enemy from different sides. But to their amazement, their plans were found unnecessary, the garrison, with the exception ol some thirty who did make a slight show of resistance, having lied. Some shots were fired at a few stragglers, and at 11.50 a.m. the occupation of the city was

268 THE ISLAM > « >I< I ■■< IRMOSA.

complete. Another engagement the same day resulted in the capture of the fort in the Yuan-ching peninsula by Commander Tanji with a naval force ; about 500 of the enemy surrendering without making any resistance whatever. Two days later (March 26th). bluejackets occupied the Yui-wang island forts and found the place empty, the garrison having tied. Soon after the Japanese entered, a native presented himself, apparently on a very important mission, which proved to he the delivery of a letter stating that the Chinese commander and garrison wished to inform the Japanese that they surrendered the fort. Thus fell the key to Southern China. The Chinese prisoners, with the exception of eight officers, were given their liberty. The spoils of the little campaign were considerable, including 18 cannon, 2,663 rifles, over a million rounds of ammunition, 797 casks, and 3,173 bags of powder, a thousand bags ol rice, etc., etc. Rear-Admiral Tanaka occupied the post of first governor of the; group, and a government office and military post offices were at once erected. Although the loss of life on the battle-field had been practically nil, a fearful epidemic of cholera, not unlike that which had carried off so man)' of the French in the same islands ten years before, broke out, and upwards ol r, 500 Japanese died in a few days.

The news of the utter defeat of the Chinese at the Pescadores eventually became known and threw the whole of Formosa into a panic, so that the I )ouglas and one smaller line of steamers could not make trips fast enough to carry all the people that wished to yet away. Tramp-steamers engaged in the trade both in the north and south, and the unusual sight of departing junks loaded down with men, women, and children was of daily occurrence.

For some time previous, reports had been in vogue that the Formosan officials intended to desert the island. The governor had denied this, and endeavored to instill confidence among the frightened masses by a procla-mation' which afforded considerable satisfaction to the soldiers and people who were most concerned with the governor's movements ; the former fear-ing that the treasure would escape them, and the latter that, in the absence of the chief officials, the whole place would be turned over to the soldiers and coolies.1

The Formosan officers were now spurred on to greater eflorts. Two steamers, formerly known as the Cass and Smith, hut now renamed , Xrthur and Martlta, and several other steamers were actively engaged in trans-porting troops and munitions of war to the island, and every effort was made to increase the number of native levies. No doubt the numerous proclamations which warned the people of the horrible suffering that

1. " I, ilie Governor of Formosa, laug, hereby proclaim that since the sixth moon ol lite past year, I have enlisted aud drilled over one hundred corps of able-bodied soldiers from different provinces of the mainland and over 80.000 native volunteers, having spared neither pains nor money in the purchase of all improved implements of warfare, making this island impregnable against all possible attack. With the patriotism which you, citizeus of Formosa, have recently manifested to my great satisfaction, in so freely subscribing to the Government loan from the people, and I, the Governor, with a mother of over eighty years of age, and my whole family by my side, hereby publicly dedicate even to death, the best of my strength and ability to the defence of the welfare of our people. Therefore, I hereby enjoin upon you, citizens of Formosa, that you continue to follow your daily vocations undisturbed, resting assured that you having made all possible preparations, Heaven will undoubtedly grant you triumphant victory over the enemy, as a reward for your patriotism.

•' Issued this twenty-first year of Kwaugsui, 2nd moon."

The Pescadores Islands.

The Dbeaby Treeless Flats of the I'escadoees. Ixsiue the Walls of Making MakO . i f. Capital 01 rHS Pbscadubi

InSIUE A i BBS I'Kl ERECTED BV THE CHINESE.

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF THE PESCADOR1 269

would befall them should the Japanese once get the upper hand, induced many of those who had not the means of crossing to the mainland to enlist. All the bad characters ot Formosa — and the island has always had its share of these — recognized in the military service abundant op-portunities to carry on their old trade, and were consequently the first to enlist. Nearly all the unemployed, loafers and even beggars, had braced up sufficiently to join the gallant defenders. There was no requirement other than the- strength necessary to walk up to the numerous enlisting stands which were located in all frequented places, and to be able to hold a gun after having- been declared a soldier. I watched the operation on several occasions. The enlisting booth usually consisted of a table with three chairs, with a so-called military officer in the centre and a clerk on each side. The officer would first harangue the crowd, no doubt dwelling on the glorious life of a soldier, the steady pay and light work, the gorgeous uniform, the possibilities ot large reward, etc., and now and then throwing in an occasional witty remark would bring forth loud laughter from the crowd, reminding one strongly of a street medicine seller. Occasional listeners who appeared specially aftected by the warrior orator's eloquence would from time to time step to the front, not without a slight show of embarrassment, however, much as though they were about to purchase ;i drug, the efficacy of which they were not quite so sure of as the seller seemed to be, and as if they were a little apprehensive of the jeers of the crowd. Upon presenting themselves at the table, the applicants were asked a few questions by one of the officials, and were then presented with a small wooden check, after which they went to the back of the stand to be later taken off to the various garrisons.

CHAPTER XVIII (PART 3 OF 3)

For the first few weeks the troops appeared to be well commanded and were so closely confined to the forts and camps that, unless moving in a bod) under orders of their commander, they were rarely seen in the streets. I am convinced that it was the governor's intention to enforce cfood order among his men, so far as he was able. But towards the middle of April, it became more and more evident that the soldiers, who had greatly increased in numbers, were determined to have a row now and then in spite of their superiors. In the foreign settlements in the north, the position occasioned no little uneasiness, and it was thought best to send the women and children to the mainland. At Twatutia in the interior, no help could be expected from a man-of-war. and with thousands of undisciplined soldiers about them, it was not at all improbable that, if general rioting commenced, the pos-sessions of the foreigners would appear sufficiently attractive to be early attacked. Accordingly, the foreign merchants took every measure to protect their lives and properties. Rifles were collected in considerable-numbers and placed within easy reach, extra watchmen were engaged, and one of the largest hongs in the settlement brought in several sturdy Manila men as armed sentries, they forming a great contrast to the sleepy Chinese watchmen, who were more concerned in protecting themselves by getting away at the right moment, than in defending the property of their employers. Furthermore, two small guns were mounted on a launch belonging to Messrs. Lapraik, Cass & Co.. in order to protect treasure when transported up and

270 THE ISLAM) OF FORMOSA.

down the river. As time went on, the position became more and more alarming. The soldiers were beginning to exhibit signs of turbulence, and large numbers of new levies arrived from Canton — the scum and refuse of that city. The Chinese merchants were greatly disturbed, dreading now

their own country's troops as much as they did those of the enemy. The feeling of insecurity increase 1 day by day, and on April 24th it was intensified by a row. during which the soldiers clearly showed that they would not put up with much interference on the part of their officers. The English and German consuls had made urgent appeals to their respective ministers as to the need of foreign guards to protect the foreign settlement. The C.er-man admiral dealt with tin- matter promptly, and to the extreme satisfaction of tin' foreign community, twenty-five stalwart sons of the fatherland, under command of Navy Lieutenant Timme, were landed from the German flagship Irene and arrived at Twatutia just as the soldiers were engaging in a little riot within the city.

The first knowledge of the trouble reached the foreign business houses at noon. It was but a hurried notice that the soldiers in the city were attack-ing the governor's yamen. In a k-\v moments, the streets in the immediate vicinity of the foreign houses became a scene of panic not easily forgotten. Chinese were running about in all directions, all possessed with the common idea that the long feared moment had at last arrived, and that their homes, possessions, wives, and daughters were at length to be given up to pillage at the hands of the hordes of uncontrolled soldiers. The details of the affair as subsequently told are as follows: — The soldier)- had been holding the movements of tin: governor and all the higher officials under the very strictest scrutiny for some time past, boldly announcing their intention to allow none of these to leave the place alive, if they attempted flight from the island. At a little before noon on the morning of the 22nd, it became apparent to a body of discharged troops and roughs in ■the city that a much hated colonel was about to leave the governor's yamen with the evident intention of proceeding to the port and quitting the island. A few days prior to this, the governor had sent his mother to Canton, and her luggage was now being forwarded, when the soldiers who were carrying it through the streets were stopped by others and the luggage examined, ap-parently under the impression that it was the property of the colonel in ques-tion. This resulted in a fight between the baggage carriers and the interfering soldiers, and finally the participants rushed" back to the governor's yamen. Naturally this created a good deal of excitement, and a big crowd of natives gathered outside. The colonel above referred to, who was in command of these troops, was specially disliked by his men owing to his having appro-priated the 800 taels which had been given him by the governor's mother to be distributed among the soldiers on her departure. He now appeared on the scene to inquire into the disturbance. The unpopular officer could scarcely have anticipated his reception, however; and, it is said, that upon becoming-aware of the situation, lie availed himself of his strategical knowledge and took up a position under a table, from which hastily improvised fortification he endeavored to communicate with the enemy. In this engagement his foes were his own men and he was greatly outnumbered. The unfortunate man

THE JAPANESF 0CC1 PATION OF THE PESCADORES. 2J\

was dragged forth and literally sliced into pieces. About the same time one of the governor's secretaries who, believing the yamen was about to be looted, was attempting to run away with souk- valuables, received a volley, six bullets taking effect. By this time a great hubbub was goingon outside, and the governor's soldiers, no doubt fearing souk- opposition from that quarter, com-menced to fire on the crowd. After about two hundred rounds had been fired, the governor made his appearance and succeeded in quieting his brave defenders, but not until eighteen unarmed inhabitants of the city had been cruelly killed, two severely hurt, and twenty more or less wounded,. The wounded were taken to the hospital, hut the Chinese doctor in charge had barricaded the doors and refused for some time to take them in. This little affair brought home very forcibly to the foreign residents the real danger to which they were exposed. Public placards had been distributed all round the place, informing the people that the, governor had been endea-voring, through the medium of foreign hongs, to send out ol the island tin money that ought legitimately to be used as payment of the troops. The governor himself, thus libelled in no measured terms, was quite unable to take any steps to stop the circulation of these statements, his authority at the time scarcely extending more than fifty paces outside his own yamen door. '1 he other officers in the capital were likewise without authority, and it is said that the district magistrate gave up S200, upon his life being threatened. The soldiers at the forts in Hobe declared that they would fire on any vessel, English or otherwise, suspected of taking treasure away from the island, and furthermore that they would kill the governor-general should he attempt to escape. Some of the troops were known to be two months or so in arrears of pay, and so great was their enmity against the officials that the foreigners were quite convinced that the soldiers would carry out their threats to the letter.

A British gunboat, the Redbreast, a stanch little craft of 805 tons, under

the command of Lieutenant Stuart, had arrived in Hobe and taken anchorage in the river. She could thus afford efficient protection to the British con stilate and the one British firm established there, but could be of little use to the Twatutia residents ten miles up river.

During the last days of April, the situation became so alarming that the governor called a meeting of the consuls and informed them that he had lost all control over his people, soldiers and others, and unless Foreign Powers intervened, or sufficient foreign protection was provided, as soon as it was officially known that the treat)- ceding Formosa to Japan had been ratified. Formosa would be thrown into a state of anarchy and rebellion. Further more, that he was unable to protect the lives and interests of the foreigners on the island. Later events proved that in this he told the truth.

On April 26th, H.M.S. Spartan arrived, followed by the battleship Centurion with the British admiral on board. This officer made a trip up the river to Twatutia, arid after a few hours' visit, he came to the conclusion that the situation warranted outside protection, and thirty marines, under the command of Captain W.Shubrick, were accordingly landed from the Spartan for duty at Twatutia. The Redbreast was joined a few days later by the

■/ -

I HE IS1 AND OF F( »RM( >S \.

German gunboat Wolf, evidence that the energetic German admiral intended to do his share in protecting the settlements, regardless of the fact that his nationals were gready in the minority. The I'.S.S. Concord was, at the request of General Kemper, United States consul at Amoy, despatched from Nagasaki, and arrived offTamsui on the 2nd of May. Considerable amuse-ment was caused to the foreign officers over an order which had been given by a Tamsui mandarin to the Customs, to the effect that the United States ship should not be allowed across the bar, as the vessel was filled with armed Japanese troops. It seemed that three Japanese stewards armed with nothing more formidable than bread knives had been the cause of this report. Commander Craig spent a few hours on shore and then steamed away on the morning of the 4th, scarcely giving the situation the attention it deserved.

During the early half of May the atmosphere was thick with rows

and riots. Sea reel)- a day passed without news of some disturbance in the

northern district. Fortunately these were confined to the Chinese, although

rumors were current of attacks planned against the foreign community,

causing some little anxiety ; for the Chinese sometimes tell the truth, and

it is not always safe to cast aside all their tales. Frequently a row occurred

close at hand, in which the soldiers were usually the offenders and the

villagers the victims. As an example, on May 7th, while writing in my

room, I was suddenly startled by hearing several rifle reports. On running

out into the street, a strange sight met my eyes. The Chinese were rushing

about greatly excited, chattering as only Chinese can, workmen were running

here and there carrying tea boxes in different stages of construction, girls

who had been picking tea were wobbling down side streets as fast as their

little deformed feet would admit, and merchants were bringing in their wares

from the front of the shops and closing doors and windows in great haste.

Running up the street and crossing over to where the firing was going

on, I joined a crowd of jabbering natives enraged at ten or twelve Cantonese

soldiers who were firing into the upper story of a house, the top rooms

of which had been converted into a gambling chamber. Quite a crowd

had now gathered; and the soldiers, apparently not desirous of spectators,

fired a shot. The bullet whistled by unpleasantly near, inducing the crowd,

including myself, to retire with more haste than dignity. The trouble

originated in the gambling room. A dispute had arisen, ending in

one of the players, a Cantonese soldier, raking in the "pot" and trying

to escape. He was soon caught, however, and the money taken from

his person in no gentle manner. Upon being released, he reported the

affair to his comrades, fifteen or twenty soldiers visited the house, and the

row commenced in dead earnest. In the course of it several were wounded.

two severely; one dying during the night. Soon after, the Cantonese, who

had been the cause of the trouble, was seized by order of the authorities and

taken into the city for trial, but his comrades again came to his rescue, and

after a short scrimmage, in which a boy was killed and several persons

were wounded, his release was effected. '

Nor were these troubles confined to the cities ; banditti roamed the coun-try, and mobs of soldiers occasionally swooped down on the villages, having

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF III!' PESCADORES. r ; ;

everything their own way while then-. The village of Pat-lihun near Hobe was subjected to one of these unwelcome visits. < )n this occasion, a large number of Cantonese soldiers encamped near made a raid on the town, driving every male inhabitant out of the place and then coolly substitut ing themselves as husbands, lords, and masters. .\ body of the gr stricken men, so unexpectedly and unwillingly divorced, immediately visited the capital to impress upon the governor that marriage under such conditions was very evidently a failure and to beg that a force should be sent to drive out the invaders. This did not result satisfactorily, and after a icw days of family life, the Cantonese left of their own accord, and the villagers returned to their homes and families, not, however, with any great increase of affection for their countrymen who had partaken of their hospitality unasked.

The Kap-sudan district also suffered much from soldiers and bandits, and the Gilan magistrate was kept busy decapitating- undesirables. To tin-south, nearly all travel between Tainan and Taipeh came to a standstill, two Chinese merchants transporting treasure up country wen- relieved of ten thousand dollars, and the whole country was so given up to anarchv that, notwithstanding all the horrors of Japanese rule as portrayed by the Chinese mandarins, the majority of the merchants and the more intelligent of the Chinese farmers were, without doubt, secretly wishing lor the coming of the invaders. The condition of affairs could not lie worse, and thepeople had hopes that it might be better.

With all the anxiety that the situation must have given them, the local officials sought consolation by making all the money possible. Considerable sums were received from the mainland, and money was filched right and left from the wealth}- inhabitants of the island. It was said that the expenses incurred in keeping up the regular army exceeded $750,000 (silveri a month. Taking this as correct, the amounts demanded monthly from different sources, under the pretence that the)' were required for military purposes, must have exceeded that sum several times. The militia and volunteer brigades, which formed the largest share of the island forces, were armed and equipped principally from the mainland, but received no pay except when engaged in active service. The organization of these different native bands was, as a rule, the work of some rich man or group of rich men, whose motive was the hope of obtaining personal protection. One well-known Chinese, who owns large property throughout the island, was absolutely forced by the mandarins to contribute one million dollars, in return for which he was declared commander-in-chief of the b'ormosan citizen soldiers, an inconvenient honor which he would no doubt have paid liberally to have avoided had he dared.

Besides the fifty-five foreign guards at Twatutia, .Messrs. Lapraik, Cass & Co. had very generously placed a large steam launch at the service of the

foreign community. It was handed over to the officers of the British gun-boat Redbreast, who equipped it with two machine guns and put a gunner — Mr. Bowden — and several bluejackets on board to man it. The little craft was then made spick and span, painted white, and rechristened the Patrol.

J 74 TIIE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

Her special duty was to lie about the river at Twatutia and can) the foreign residents down to the port when the situation became too dangerous for them to remain at Twatutia.1

1. The British marines at the settlements consisted of six gunners of the mariue artillery and nineteen privates of the marine infantry, besides three non-commissioned officers and a bugler. They were under the command of a cool-headed, experienced officer, Captain Shubrick. Life on shore even in Formosa was a great treat for both officers and men, and I was told that shore rations were also welcome, being usually superior to any on board ship. No rations are issued to lauding parties by the British government, but as we understand it, one shilling and six pence a day is allowed each man to cover this item, and a local compradore furnished them with three really big meals at a figure a little less than this. Each man also receives from the British government six pence per day as a field allowance, commonly called " Hard lines money."

The foreigu residents kept the men, both English and German, provided with refreshments and tobacco and gave them a sing-song at the Twatutia club, which was note-worthy as the largest gathering of foreigners ever held in Twatutia.

The German guard numbered three petty officers and twenty-two men, all blue jackets. They were young men and had only been one year in the service. Their commander, Naval Lieutenant Timme, was a fiue looking young officer full of energy, and ready with his men for any emergency. It was almost amusing to watch little squads of four or five of the Germans marching about with their eyes wide open, eager for a legitimate opportunity to show their mettle. I have not the least doubt that the whole fifty-five men, both English and German, would gladly have marched against ten times their number of armed men, and I am sure they would have given a good account of themselves if they had had the chance.

CHAPTER XIX (PART 1 OF 2)

THE RISE OF THE FORMOSAN REPUBLIC.

1895.

China sues for peaa — The Shimonoseki conferences — Japan demands the cession of Formosa — Viceroy Li Hung-chang and Count Ito discuss the question — .4 report of the third, fourth, and fifth conferences —The Treaty ratified and Formosa ceded to Japan — A Formosan deputation visits Peking and protests against the cession — Formosa 11 Republic -planned — Its mainland supporters — The people unconcerned — -Tcheng Kitong arrives in Formosa — A proclamation of rebellion — A good omen — The Declaration of Independence — The self-appointed President — The I'oners officially notified —Tin: new government — Half-hearted republicans desert — The career of Lim Pan Bang and Iiis escape /nan Formosa — The first day of the Republic — The populace hut little interested — The Republican ifnj — Fire Japanese men-of-war appear at Tainsui — A damper on tin- Republican celebra-tion— The Customs refuse recognition — A Japanese launch explores the liarbor — The situation exciting at Taipehfu — A savage head exhibited — Foreign military instructors engaged — Billy Waters as Minister of War- -The defences strengthened — Troops and munitions arrive from China — French assistance sought — Officers /nan French cruiser interview President 'Tana — The defences of Formosa — Campaign difficulties — Kelung splendidly fortified — The Hohe defences — Military curios — 'The republican army — The government arsenal and powder mill — Jing-galls — Formosan soldiers well armed Chinese military drill — Target practice — Uniform and equipment — The volunteers — Army trumpeters — Military camps — Life of a soldier — Sick and well housed together — Official pageants.

With the Japanese ever victorious, and Peking within easy reach, we find China, which but a few months before was boasting of its prowess, now-humbled before the victor and suing for peace. The negotiations were characterized by the usual Chinese shilly-shallying, and several so-called peace commissioners were sent, apparently for no other reason than to beat around the bush and obtain an inkling as to the probable designs ot the victors. But the Japanese, who were not without experience of Chinese official methods, promptly sent all uncredited wanderers back to their homes. without giving them even the satisfaction of an interview. Meanwhile the

2/6 THE ISLAM i OF FORMOSA.

Japanese army advanced, and the young emperor of China, not relishing a hasty exit out of the back door of his capital, now provided the necessary credentials, and Li Hung-chang and his son Li Ching-fong were sent as plenipotentiaries to Japan. Among the tasks committed to Viceroy Li Hung-chang and his associate was the preservation, if possible, of the island of Formosa to the celestial empire. It was a battle of diplomacy in which past-masters were engaged, and in this case with the; Chinese on the defensive.

The negotiations took place at Shimonoseki, Japan, and the first meeting with Count Ito and Viscount Mutsu,1 the Japanese plenipotentiaries, was on March 20th. The report of the conferences was published by an English journal, the Peking and Tientsin Times, and the discussions between the Chinese and Japanese plenipotentiaries as given in this journal are said to be correct. Such portions as refer to Formosa are herewith reproduced : —

The subject of ceding Formosa to Japan was not discussed until the third conference. Then Count lto remarked iu a casual sort, of way, " Our forces have now gone to Formosa ; I don't know what sort of people they are in the island." " Colonists from Kwangtung," said the Viceroy, " and very turbulent they are." Count Ito: "Some savages are still left?" The Viceroy: "The savages occupy three-tenths, the colonists the remainder. To continue the subject, since the Minister has introduced the Formosau question, I presume the wish to occupy it accounts for the unwillingness to grant an armistice. It will not be very palatable to Great Britain, and when 1 spoke of the possibilities of clashing with the interests of other Powers, I had this iu my mind. What if we lose it?" Count Ito: "An injury to China is not an injury to Great Britain." The Viceroy: " Formosa and Hongkong are very near each other." Count Ito : " War between two Powers does no injury to a third." The Viceroy : "Great Britain is said to be unwilling that any other Power should occupy Formosa." Count Ito : " If Chiua were to present Formosa to any Power, I fancy it would be received smilingly enough." The Viceroy: "Formosa having been ranked among the provinces cannot be given to any Power." Then the Viceroy told a story of a conversation with Okubo, who passed through Tientsin on his way to Peking, after sending an expedition to Formosa, aud who agreed that the murder of some Japanese traders by a few irresponsible savages was not worth quarrelling about.

The subject of Formosa was again brought up towards the close of the fourth conference, held on the 10th of April, by the Viceroy statiug that he could not give up Formosa. " In that case, I must take it," said the Count. " The French found it too hard a nut to crack," sail the Viceroy, " besides which we want to be friends." " Indemnity and the cession of territory are like debts," said the Count; "after the debts are paid, we shall naturally be friends." "You press'your debtors too hard," said the Viceroy; aud he went on to point out that Formosa was full of malaria, and the people had to use opium as a pro-phylactic. " We intend to prohibit the use of opium," said the Count, "I respect you for it," said the Viceroy ; and then he indulged iu the old misrepresentation, that Great Britain forces opium into Chiua, against the government's will. " It will be necessary to find some means of prohibiting your people," said the Count, " and the importation will soon stop." The Viceroy then rose to take leave of Count Ito ; while they were shaking hands, he asked ouce more for a reduction of the indemnity; Count Ito smiled but shook his head, saying " Impossible ;" and the sitting was at an end.

During the fifth conference held on April 15th, the cession of Formosa was again referred to. With both Liaotung Peninsula and Formosa in view, Viceroy Li complained that the territory Japan asked for was too large, and had great possibilities; but Count Ito said that whatever resources existed in the new territory had to be developed, and could not be regarded as a set-off to the indemnity. Besides as any wealth that might accrue would be spent in the territory, there would be no surplus. " Let us turn to Formosa," said the Viceroy, " which the Chinese have not exploited well. It has coal mines, gold mines, and kerosene oil wells. If I had been Governor, I should have opened all these." " Again there is the expense of development," said the Count. " The greater the expenditure," said the Viceroy, " the greater the return. Since in the future the gaiu will be so solid, what can stand in the way of a slight reduction ? Iu that case it would he easier for China to borrow the requisite amount. When I was in Peking, somo foreigners were ready to lend twenty millions sterling on the security of Formosa. After I reached Japan every one heard that Japan was bent upon obtaining possession of the island, and so that affair can no longer be mentioned. So much haviug been offered with the island as a pledge, naturally it could have been sold for much more." Count Ito refused to be talked over, though the Viceroy begged again aud again for only a little coucessiou in either money or territory.

The discussion now passed to the question of the position of Chinese landholders in territory ceded to Japan, and the Viceroy asked that abseutee proprietors might be confirmed iu the possession of their property as securely as Japanese subjects. Count Ito pointed out that this was difficult, as aliens cannot possess real properly in Japan. The Viceroy said that he referred to laud which had been handed down from father to sou for generations, but Count Ito explained that " if Japan allows Chinese to own real property iu the interior, then Foreign Powers will certainly avail themselves of the most favored nation

1. >"o\v Marquis Ito and the late Count Mutsu,

1111. RISK 01 THE FORMOSAN REPUBLIC. 2/7

clause to put obstacles iu our way.'' The Viceroy went ou to warn Couul Ito that Japau might expect a good deal of trouble iu Formosa. " It "is uot au uncommon thing," be -aid, "for the people of Formosa to rise and murder their officials. When that happens it will uot be imputed to us." "You recall your officials and withdraw your tro p ," -aid Cottot It", "and we will be respon-sible for the rest." Tlu-n a long disou sion took place ;t- t<. the time within which Formosa was to be handed over, the Viceroy proposing that the cession should be completed in six months after the exchange of ratifications. Count Ito would not hear of six months, and proposed that officials be sent to effect the transfer immediately after the exchange of ratification . Be pointed out to the Viceroy a special section dealing with Formosa, which was substantially as follows : " All fortifications, rifles, aud Kims, with public buildings, etc., are to be handed over to the coutrol of the military authorities of Japan. The soldiers shall be permitted to take all their baggage aud pr vate effects to some place indicated by the Japauese officials, and the Chiuese soldiers shall n.- directed to remain in that place till their with-drawal .... Aud by a certain fixed date the Chiuese government shall have withdrawn them all The expenses of removal shall be borue by China. After the troops have beeu withdrawn the officials ..f Japan shall return their rifles, and then civil officers shall be sent to assume control Official reside and property -hall be handed over to them. The remaining details shall be settled by the military officials of both Powers." The Viceroy: " That all relates to matters connected with the transfer, which I have no authority to determine.'' This seeuis to have taken Count Ito rather aback. "TheGraud Secretary," he asked, " has authority to change the date, and this matter is of equal importance with the rest of the treaty, why has he not authority?" "All these are details," said the Viceroy, " to be discussed after the exchange of ratifications ; the treaty only cedes Formosa to Japau, and until the exchange of the ratifications Formosa is Chinese territory." Oount Tto: " I might send troops to Formosa at once by virtue of the armistice; Formosa is not included in that." Tli. ' "Lei

Formosa be omitted from the treaty uutil you have taken it." After some more discussion as to the date of the transfer, Count Ito had a clause drawu up to the effect that within a month after the exchange of ratifications the two countries should send High Commissioners to arrange the transfer. The Via I " Within a month is pressing us too hard. The Premier aud I are too far from Formosa to reailv appreciate all the couditious involved. The best way would be for the Chinese government to direct the Governor of Formosa to come to au understanding with the High Commissioners sent by Japan to Formosa as to the regulations and details of transfer. When ratifications have been once exchanged, and the two couutries have fairly entered upou cordial relations, theu any matter can be discussed." Count Ito : " A month is enough." The Viceroy : " Everythiug is iu a state of confusion. Two months would allow thiugs to become comparatively settled. Why be iu such a hurry about Formosa when it is actually in your mouth?" Count Ito: "We have not swallowed it yet, and we are very hungry." The Viceroy: "Two huudred millions are euough to appease your appetite for a time. After the exchange of ratifica-tions it will be necessary to memorialise the Throne to seud commissioners, and a month is too little." >', mnt Ito: "It may be put thus: 'A rescript shall bo obtained within a month, etc." The Viceroy: "One may not say ' obtained.' " Then Count Ito wauted to kuow if these commissioners could be sent within a month. "Yes," said the Viceroy, "hut as to the transfer of the island, that depends ou the Governor." Count Ito replied that it must he clearly stated that the transfer was to be completed in two months : and at last after bandying the matter for some time to aud fro the clause as it appears iu the treaty was ngreed to: " Kach of the two governments shall, immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of the present Act, send one or more Commissioners to Formosa to effect a final transfer of that province, and within the space of two mouths after the exchauge of the ratifications of this Act, such transfer shall be completed." And after all there is good reason to believe that, but for the firmness of Mr. Foster, the American adviser, the Chinese would have tried to evade this clause of the treaty.

The fifth conference was the last. Count Ito declaring that the de-mands <>l Japan both for indemnity and the cession of territory being final they were no longer open to discussion. The treaty was accordingly signed on the i ;th, three days before the expiry of the armistice, and ratified at Chefoo, China, on the 8th May, 1895.

No doubt the higher officials of the island were informed of the signing <>1 the treaty at Shimonoseki soon after it occurred ; but to the people in general nothing was known further than that the cession of the island to Japan was very probable. To protest against this, a commission, consisting of a number of prominent residents backed by all the censors, board secretaries, and lianlins hailing from Formosa and Fokien province, visited Peking and presented a number ol memorials to the emperor, praying that the island should not be ceded to Japan; and that if China were really unable to hold it, it would be far better to present it to England.

Although the deputation made out that they had received but little satisfaction from the central government, it is now well known that the very plans of the republic were actually formed within the walls of the capital city.

The principal supporters were found, however, among the higher officers of the middle provinces, who, having taken no active part in the war, still believed in the superiority of their own braves, and were thus easily persuaded to furnish the funds for this monstrous act of duplicity , to which the whole history of warfare shows scarcely a parallel. Furthermore, their connection with the movement was characterized by a display of ignorance and conceit tn an extent that could be found in no other country than China. It was a remarkable movement. Not that the Chinese officials would have any conscientious scruples in endeavoring to evade the conditions of a treaty already ratified by their emperor, but that one would scarcely expect Chinese officials to take such a course as the present in attaining their object. Chinese literati in connection with a republic and independence are almost inconceivable.

Just previous to the declaration of independence by the literati of Formosa, a memorial consisting of sixteen characters was telegraphed to the emperor at Peking by the provincial government of the island. It ran as follows : " The literati and people of Formosa are determined to resist sub-jection to Japan. Hence they have declared themselves an independent Island Republic, at the same time recognizing the suzerainty of the Sacred Tsing dynasty."

Whether the organization of the republic was initiated by Acting-Governor Tang and his associates or by the officials on the mainland is unknown ; but that the latter furnished die instructions is conclusively proved. That it was not a movement of the people, as the above telegram would imply, there is not a doubt. They knew nothing of it, and the republic as organized was the work of the officials from first to last. This should be borne in mind. The reports sent to the mainland regarding the " will of the people," " the people united to serve the Imperial Government," " the election of the republican officers by the people," etc., etc., were simply canards circulated by the officials to win sympathy and support. True the people were sometimes notified by proclamations as to what was going on ; but in not a single in-stance did the authorities consult with the people or even allow them an interview that the)- might express their wishes. The people were incited to oppose the Japanese, but were not inclined to endorse any other movement of the officials. It is doubtful if a thousand men in the island ever knew what the word " republic" meant.

Many of my readers are perhaps familiar with the exploits of General Tcheng Ki-tong, a Chinese officer, who, while military attache at the Chinese embassy at Paris, was found guilty of embezzling public money and com-municating certain letters to the press. This discover)- led to his recall ; but, as such offences lie easy on the heads of Chinese officials, it was not long before the degraded general was again in close touch with the higher lights of the empire. With the idea of holding Formosa by declaring the island a republic, arose the urgent need of some official well versed in international law and republican forms of government. Tcheng Ki-tong was exactly the man for the place, and after a conference at Peking and a few days in Tien-tsin and Shanghai, the new])- deputed official arrived in Formosa to occupy

Till' RLS1 OF THE FORMOSAN REPUBLIC. 2~q

nominally the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs, but in reality to organize the new republic in accordance with foreign usages, so as to gain recognition from foreign powers, and to act as the adviser of the newly elected presi-dent.

The movement in the island was first made known to the people by the publication of the following proclamation on the walls of the city : —

" China has been grossly insulted by the Japanese dwarfs, aud we cannot be other than their enemies. Therefore, we, the literati and all the populace, must join together and oppose the barbarians if they dare to land. If any one sympathizes with the dwarfs let them be seized and killed at once."

(Signed) " All the populace of Formosa."

It was not at first believed that the above proclamation was issued with the governor's sanction ; but later it was found that, though none bore the official seal of his approval, they were scattered broadcast without his inter-ference or disavowal. About this time, Tcheng Ki-tong arrived on the scene with apparently definite orders, and the affair, which had until now been carried on in a half-hearted irregular manner, began to assume definite shape.

To the natives of die island, the opposition to the Japanese, in spite of the fact that the emperor had nominally ceded the island, ap-peared in no other light than an act of loyalty to their sovereign. Still with the mild ideas of patriotism that exist in the Chinese mind, there were great numbers, in fact the majority of the middle clashes, who wavered between two opinions. That it took but little to influence them to join one side or the other is evidenced by the attention that was given to outside omens. A Chinese account runs as follows: "Owing to the long drought in the island for the past two months, it was feared that the crops would bring in a poor harvest, and the agricultural portion of the Taipeh prefecture began asking one another whether this was a sign of Heaven's disapproval of their determination to resist the Japanese. In consequence of this, many became half-hearted in their manifestation of loyalty to China : but when, on the 22nd of May, a splendid rainfall began to pour down and lasted long enough to ensure a bountiful harvest, the sentiment immediately turned the other way, and this was taken to mark the full approval of Heaven to resist the Japan-ese occupation to the death. Even,- one who possessed any weapon then began at once to sharpen his sword or bayonet for the coming struggle. A couple of days afterwards the independence of the New Republic was declared."

On the 23rd of May, the new- government was announced as organized, and the declaration, of which a translation follows, was widely published: —

Official Declaration of Independence of the Republic of Formosa.

The Japanese have affronted China by annexing our territory of Formosa, and the supplications of us, the People of Formosa, at the portals of the Throne have been made in vain. We now learn that the Japanese slaves are about to arrive.

If we suffer this, the land of our hearths aud homes will become the land of savages and barbarians, but if we do not suffer it, our condition of comparative weakness will certainly not endure long. Frequent conferences have been held with the Foreign Powers, who all aver that the People of Formosa must establish their independence before the Powers will assist them.

Now therefore we, the People of Formosa, are irrevocably resolved to die before we will serif the enemy. And we have in Council determined to convert the whole island of Formosa into a Republican State, aud that the administration of all our State affairs shall be organized and carried on by the deliberations and decisions of Officers publicly elected by us the People. But as in this enterprise there is needed, as well for the resistance of Japanese aggression as for the organization of the newadmiuistration. a mau to have chief control, in whom authority shall centre, and by whom the peace of our homesteads

shall bo assured, — therefore, in view of the respect and admiration in which we have lung held the Governor and Commander-in-Chief, Tang Ching Sung, we have in Council determined to raise him to the position of President of the Republic.

Au official seal has been cut, and on tho second day of fifth moon, at the ssu hour, [9 a.m. May 25th], it will be publicly presented with all respect by the notables and people of the whole of Formosa. At early dawn on that day, all of us, notables and people, farmers and merchants, artizaus and tradesmen, must assemble at tho Tuau Fang Meeting House, that we may in grave and solemu manner inaugurate this undertaking.

Let there be neither delay nor mistake.

A Declaration of the whole of Formosa.

[Seal in red as follows] Au announcement by the whole of Formosa.

The seal cut for the self-appointed President of Formosa bore the words " Great Seal of the President of Formosa." But to show that he was still loyal to the Emperor of China, President Tang later adopted the follow-ing heading : " President of the Republic of Formosa and Ex-Acting Governor of Formosa " in all his official communications and proclamations.

To the various viceroys and governors of the Chinese empire, President Tang sent this despatch :

Translation. — "Japanese having demanded the cession of Formosa by China, this has been resisted by the people of the island. We repeatedly memorialized His Majesty to reconsider this portion of the Treaty with Japan, but were as often repulsed by the Throne. In their loyalty to the dynasty the people of Formosa have sworn to oppose the Japanese to the death. Having received His Majesty's commands to return to the mainland, and while everything was in a critical condition, the people and gentry (sic) suddenly presented me with a seal and various insignia of rank appointing me President of the new Formosan Republic, the above words being cut in the seal ; also the new rlag of the Republic being a blue ground and yellow border, I was compelled to consent to act as President of the Republic for the time being, pending a second choice by election of the people, at the same time recognizing the suzerainty of tho Emperor of China and standing in the relation of a tributary state to China. We aie also consulting upon appealing for outside aid and a thorough reorganization of the state. I had no alternative but to accept the election of the people in the midst of the general confusion ; while on the other hand I take the opportunity of telegraphing the above to my colleagues and the various Powers of Europe and America. As to our ability to stand long against the enemy it is difficult at present to prognosticate, but I earnestly hope that you will take pity upon us and aid us where you may. (signed) Tang Ching-sung."

The first business of the new government was to notify the Powers, w ith the intention of obtaining the recognition of the new republic. The intimations were sent by telegrams on the 23rd. Of course, it was pure folly to expect that this republic, established after the territory had been ceded to Japan, would be recognized by the Powers. Had the movement been a few months earlier, the position would have been different. Still even then, with the knowledge that open support was being extended to the island from China, the deception would have been so evident that it is extremely doubt-ful if the Powers, with the very possible exception of Russia, France, and German)', would have given their assistance in furthering the subterfuge.

Arrangements had been made to house the new government in the old yamens at Taipehfu. The Parliament House was installed in the yamens formerly used as headquarters of the Defence Board, the Navy Department in the old Military Secretariat, while the President occupied his palatial Government House as of old. The Cabinet consisted of Ministers for War, the Navy, Home Affairs, and Foreign Affairs. They were installed in the large yamens which formed the old Provincial Treasury.

The military officers serving under Imperial Commission at the time of the Declaration of Independence were General Liu Yung-fu, Commander of the Chinese forces in the south, Chiu Hung-chu, an expectant Under-Secretary of the Board of War and a scion of one of the oldest and most influential

rim — •*'->»

,

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.

Formosa Republic (Tainan) one dollar

Government note, one fourth natural size.

Formosa Republic vTainan) ten cent postage stamp, natural size.

Tang Ching Sung, ex Acting Gov. . fiist President of the Fcrnics.t ..■

The Black Flag chief Lu Yung Fu, President cf the Formosa Republic organized at Tainan.

"Jing galls" manufactured at Tang's Taipeh Aisenal

families in Formosa, commander of the forces in tin central districts, and Admiral Yang, naval commander of the Chinese army in the north.

Upon the declaration of independence, notice was given that, in order to dispense with half-hearted republicans, any official or private indivi-dual would be permitted to leave within the space of three days, after which no departures would he permitted unless on government busi-ness. This permission was immediately taken advantage of, either from fright or keen intelligence, by someone hundred and fifty persons of different ranks and conditions, including Ku, the provincial treasurer, and Yang, the h'okien admiral, — the latter taking passage on a Chinese gunboat which had been lying in Kelung harbor for some time. Only Uvc or six of the "deserters," for so these people were styled, were military officers of any importance, the others being civil officials from Kelung, Tamsui, and Taipeh, with their families.

Chief among the refugees was the famous millionaire of the island, Lim Pan Bang, (Liu Wei yuan) the wealthiest landed proprietor in Formosa.'

I >n die first day of the organization of the republic, Lim was residing in his comfortable residence in 1 watutia. ( )n the next morning, In- was gone. No one had observed his departure, not even his own bodyguard, who, had the)' been aware of his intended flight, would have certainly frustrated it. Formosan body-guards were of that peculiar type that Un-protected their own interests much more than those of their masters. People who pretend to know say that the dignified celestial made his escape to the port of Mobe, clad in the rags of a common coolie. A foreign steamship had just arrived, and within an hour she departed specially char-tered. The next morning, the Senior Commissioner of the Imperial Stud was landed at Amoy, having turned his back on the republican government and his millions of property in the " Beautiful Isle'

The first day of the new republic was greeted with a drizzling rain. The mass of the Chinese were unable to appreciate the seriousness of their position; in fact the Declaration of Independence appeared to them to be of but little more importance than any other piece of official business. I expected that the memorable day would find the streets filled with holiday makers arrayed in their best clothes, the houses gay with (lags, and the day noisy with tire crackers. It was not so; for all jogged along as usual. I he pntty tea-girls (and Formosa has some pretty girls), were picking tea with no addition to their old time coquettishness, the tea-box makers and painters

J. The history of Lim Pan Bang would be very interesting could reliable details be obtained. According to Chinese reports, a remote ancestor of his was once oue of the crew of a Ch Dese junk. On one of the voyages, the crew mutinied, and, after disposing of the master, they landed in Formosa with rich spoils. Lira's aucestor then settled down in the islaud permanently, and by careful investment of his ill-gotten gains, was soo 1 on the road to fortune. It is also commonly believed thai this same adventurer rendered such valuable service to Koxinga that he was considered by the pirate king as one of his most trusted officers. Generation after generation the fortuue of the family steadily increased. As the island developed so did they enlarge their property, until the estates of the present Lim reached from north to south and were valued at many millions. The Chinese officials, however, were not to go without their share, and frequent contributions inanded. In return he was decorated and given the rank

CHAPTER XIX (PART 2 OF 2)

of Senior Commissioner of the Imperial Si ire, the honorary position of

nior was bestowed upon him, no doubl much to Ins regret ; for while he had but little to say in tlie affairs of government, he had much to do in furnishing funds for the proper maintenance of his position and the keep of 1 ho large number of soldiers committed to 1"

wen- working away in their usual busy style. Not a new flag or a fire cracker in the settlement. At the president's yamen, however, the court was crowded with enthusiasts, the whole square was brilliant with new flags, including two large banners which bore the characters, " The President of the Republic of Formosa" ; while above them all, tloated the new (lag of the nation; a blue background with the centre decorated by a hungry looking yellow tiger possessing a tail of greater length than is customarily allotted to a real tiger. The people, principally officials and their friends, fired oft crackers and chattered and buzzed away with the idea, no doubt, of mutual encouragement ; for the lack of enthusiasm with which the towns-people regarded the: affair must have been rather disheartening to the leaders. It was somewhat amusing to note how many of the Chinese mer-chants condemned the movement wholly, because the ex-governor had introduced it during the busy season. As one local tea merchant informed me: " My talkee that new fashion blong velly good, but just now my too muchee pidgin, no have got time."

While those gathered about the Government House were still celebrat-ing the glorious occasion, a messenger arrived with the news of the arrival of five Japanese men-of-war off the port. The effect of this was at once visible ; the crackers now became limited to an occasional explosion of a stray misfire by a Chinese small boy, the crowd began to melt away, while the officials withdrew to formulate some plan of action. They were beginning to realize that, in declaring the " Beautiful Isle " independent, there was something else to do besides hoisting new flags and firing off crackers. With that great love for publishing proclamations which I believe is charact-eristic of all Chinese officials, it was thought that a proclamation would effectively dispose of the present difficult}-. Accordingly, the people were informed that the Japanese had arrived and that it behoved loyal citizens of the state to rise one and all, and drive the hated dwarfs from the island, ami to punish anyone found sympathizing with them. Down at the port the tiger flag was hoisted over the big fort and saluted with twenty-one guns, all in plain view of two Japanese men-of-war lying off the harbor. Mr. II. B. Morse, Acting Commissioner of Customs, was ordered to fly the new tiger flag over the Custom House; but he refused, stating that he was collecting customs for the Imperial Government of China only, and not for the Republic of Formosa. No attempt to force him to comply was made, but he was informed that the president intended that the duties collected should go into the treasury of the new government, and that Chinese would soon be placed in the positions then occupied by foreigners.

The Japanese men-of-war outside, no doubt, surmised what was going on, and with the intention of making' a closer investigation, the Natniwa and Takachiho steamed in quite close to the port and within easy range of the guns at the fort. Three other vessels flying the Japanese flag remained well outside. A steam launch then put off from the Namwa and, about 10 a.m., steamed boldly across the bar right up the river for alout a mile to where the British gunboat Redbreast was lying. There some inquiries were made of Lieutenant Edwards, the officer then on duty, as to the condition of affairs on shore, and after the visitors had made some remarks to the effect

.•>

that the two Japanese men-of-war had come on in advance of Admiral Kabayama's party who were to follow in a few days to take over possession of the island, the plucky little crew swung around and steamed out again t<> the Namwa, but not without taking- soundings along the way. < >n shore, but a few rods distant, a Chinese officer, followed by a number of soldiers, was running to and fro in a great state ot excitement, trying to induce some one to go out and capture the saucy marines who were actually surveying the whole harbor right before his eyes. I believe that, as the launch was about to cross the bar, some two or three rifle shots were fired at her from a sand spit near the mouth of the river, but without creating any alarm on board.

At the capital, Taipehiu, on the morning of May 25th, the new silver seal of the republic was carried through the streets, followed by a big parade in which the officials and soldiers participated, there being, however, a noticeable absence of townspeople and merchants. The situation now became exciting in the extreme; although the atten-tion of the villagers was somewhat diverted by the arrival of a party of Chinese with the head of a savage who had been killed in the camphor districts. The gory relic was carried about the streets of Taipehiu by three soldiers in uniform, followed by a howling laughing rabble of Chinese. The people along the way all dropped their work and lined the road, apparently obtaining much satisfaction in viewing the mutilated head. After being exhibited about the streets, the trophy was taken to the second government yamen, where a number ot tiends had the extreme pleasure of spitting upon it, jabbing it with sticks, and engaging in other highly enlightened practices. The three soldiers were paid $20 for their part in the performance, and they took the next morning's train for the south, no doubt to win equal fame and fortune in the southern towns.

Before the declaration of independence, three foreigners had been en-gaged as military instructors, two receiving a salary ot one hundred and fifty dollars, and one, Mr. Billy Waters, as chief artillery instructor, receiving three hundred dollars a month. Mr. Waters, miner, bar keeper, pugilist. etc., after many tips and downs in life, at last, with the birth ot the republic, rode on the flood-tide of fortune. From artillery instructor to Minister of War is quite a jump, but Mr. Waters, who informed me that he was at one time the "champion pugilist of the state of Montana," was equal to it and did not fail to make the most of his opportunities. His first mission was to .Nanking \ ia Shanghai, whither he went to conduct business of state with Viceroy Chang Chih-tung. He returned to Shanghai bringing munitions of war and a considerable amount of treasure with which to carry on the struggle. At Shanghai he was in constant communication with the local officials and taotai, and was attended by two high deputies of the viceroy of Nanking.

Active preparations wen: now made to strengthen the defences and increase the forces of the new republic. The different headmen throughout the country were forced to contribute large numbers of native troops, and several steamers wen; busily engaged in bringing troops and munitions ol war from the mainland. The steamships Martlia and . Irtkur, under the

284 THE ISLAND OF FQfcMOSA.

German flag, had been chartered by the Forraosan republic, and were for some weeks kept plying between Formosa and the mainland, carrying troops and ammunition. Soon after the establishment of the republic, the owner. Count Butler, wired definite instructions to Shanghai that neither vessel was to be permitted to carry munitions of war. Other owners were not so scrupulous, however, and several chartered vessels, under the* flags of European nations, carried on the transportation of war material without molestation. It would appear that the Customs treated the new republic very leniently, in clearing vessels with troops and ammunition for a country then nominally in rebellion against the emperor. Without the least pretence at secrecy, ships carrying undoubted contraband of war departed for ports in Formosa after the cession of the island and the establishment at the republic. The principal shipments were made from Canton, Foochow, and Shanghai ; and, had a repetition of the Kawshing affair [occurred, the Japanese could scarcely have been blamed.

The Viceroy Chang Chih-tung was, so far as is known, the principal patron of the new republic. Besides furnishing arms and ammunition, he sent much treasure to the island, and during the days of contusion just prior to the arrival of the Japanese, a foreign firm was approached by the agents of the viceroy with the request that they should aid in the transport of $200,000 to the president of Formosa.

Although very boastful of their own strength, the new government began to look around for foreign assistance. With the knowledge that the French press was agitating for intervention to prevent the Japanese occupation of Formosa and the Pescadores, the new president had hopes that the great Furopean republic might extend its sympathies and help to its poor little sister in the iar East. Certain overtures were made to the French, and it was extensively rumored about, not only in the island but in the foreign journals on the mainland, that the whole French fleet would soon appear in Formosan waters. At last the da}- was definitely stated, and, sure enough, the French arrived ; not, however, with their fleet, but with one small cruiser, Beautemps Beaupre. Two of the officers went up to the capital anil had an interview with His Excellency Tang. Just what transpired was kept secret, but General Tcheng Ki-tong informed me a few days later : " We are very hopeful." Still it was extremely unlikely that France would be induced to interfere at that late hour, and certainly no naval officer would hold out false hopes of en-couragement. Thrown now on their own resources, the officers of the republic exerted themselves even more than before to strengthen their position from a military point of view.

In summing up the defences of Formosa, it is well to divide the island into two parts, north and south. Although geographically not far apart, the conditions of each are so entirely different that, in planning a cam-paign, they would need to be handled as separate problems. The mon-soons which blow strongly at certain seasons on the Formosan coast are responsible for this. That portion of the year which would be desirable for a prolonged campaign in the north would, owing to the monsoon. be entirely unsuitable in the south, and vice versa. In the north there are only

THE RISE OF THE FORMOSAN REPl 1:1. 1'.. 2S5

two harbors open to sea-going steam vessels, Hobe (Tamsui) and Kelung. The former affords a safe anchorage in the Tamsui river to vessels drawing

less than thirteen feet. Kelung has a large harljor open to vessels of any size and can be used with more or less safety all the year round, but is usually troublesome during the north-east monsoon. The harbors on the eastern side are practically non-existent, with the exception of Suao Bay. Those on the western coast are mere roadsteads with sand banks and shoals, some of which, however, ran be negotiated by Chinese junks and steam launches. The local military authorities -had confined themselves to the erection of modern fortifications at Kelung and Hobe. The Chinese are great sticklers for old customs; and as the French had bombarded Kelung and attempted to land troops at Tamsui, they thought it followed as a matter-of-course that the Japanese would attempt the same. It must be admitted that Kelung was admirably prepared to meet almost any tleet that was likely to be sent against it. The harbor with its narrow entrance is surrounded by high hills and bluffs, several of which were crowned with splendid fortifications mounting heavy modern guns, including one twelve-inch, one ten-inch, two eight-inch, and two six-inch Armstrongs. Scattered about were also a number of small batteries for close range firing containing some thirty or forty small Kruppguns of six and a half centimetres, and several machine guns from the arsenal at Nanking. So impregnable did this position appear that a certain foreign resident of Kelung was absolutely convinced to the last that if the Japanese were to appear, their defeat was inevitable. Well equipped troops to the number of 20,000 men, inclusive of local levies, guarded this district, which also comprised the villages of the surrounding territory and coast line south for some twenty miles.

At Hobe (Tamsui), the "great fort" on the northern side of the river, the principal protector of the port, contained one twelve-inch, and one ten-inch Armstrong's, and two eight-inch Krupp's. Several batteries had been newly erected in the vicinity of the port and on both sides of the river. About three miles up the river and on the south bank, a long trench had been constructed along the mountain side, defended by one eight-inch and one six-inch Armstrong. Long lines of newly built trenches and ramparts, connected in such a way that troops might be marched between different points of strategical value without coming in sight of the enemy, surrounded the village of Hobe to the seaward. Upon these were mounted most interesting old curios in the shape of guns. The display in its way Mas really magnificent. There were Spanish guns, Dutch guns, and representative guns of apparently every imperial dynasty in China since guns had been invented. They were of all sizes, from little fellows ot three feet to monsters of from ten to fifteen feet in length, but all were in one uniform condition of rust and rottenness. The soldiers could be seen nearly every day prospecting around for these old cannon, which had lain so long on the ground that the majority of them were buried from sight. I pon one being found, there was as much joy expressed as we might expect from the discovery of one of Captain Kidd's treasure chests : the assistants were called, the old weapons were exhumed, the mud scraped off them, and they were carried away by a crowd <^~ soldier-coolies to the fortifications.

2.S6 THE ISLAM) OF FORMOSA.

There they wen- mounted on parapets so small that there, was scarcely room for the gun carriages, and made of such soft, newly thrown up earth that the discharge of the guns could not but have rendered great service to the enemy, inasmuch as it would have indicted terrible slaughter on the gunners standing by and the infantry lying low in the trench behind. So apparent was this that it is impossible to believe that any Chinese who had ever witnessed the discharge of any fire-arm would have consented to act as gunner or to be within a hundred yards of such weapons when fired. Incomprehensible as it may seem, some of these cannon were absolutely without any carriage whatsoever, being mounted by partially covering them with earth, but leaving both ends exposed. Per-haps the Chinese idea was that the moral effect of a long line of frowning muzzles would he sufficient to frighten away the Japanese and that it would never be necessary to fire a shot. Whether this was so or not, the village people seemed to be much impressed with the formidable nature of these instruments, and greeted the approach of a fresh one with a chorus of " Ai-yas."

Twenty camps, containing ten thousand soldiers in all, were stationed at 1 lol>e and scattered along the river a dozen miles to Twatutia. According to the president's reports, there were, including native volunteers, fully one hundred and fifty thousand men under his command in the island. With a liberal discount for exaggeration, there were no doubt altogether from north to south about half this number, say seventy-five thousand men. Two thirds of the troops, according to the official report, were on duty in the northern half of the island. Counting the in-country volunteers, the Hakkas armed by the president, the regular army from the mainland, it is safe to say that the number in the north reached some fifty thousand men.

The government arsenal at the capital with its thorough equipment of modern machinery, including a complete rolling mill, had been manufacturing ammunition for four years, so that there was an abundance on hand even for a protracted siege.'

The powder mill had also been kept running full time, turning out ex-plosives which, I was informed, were of fair quality. Altogether in the arsenal, powder mill, and rifle repair shops, some 800 men had been daily at work for a considerable period. They would not have been Chinese if, even in their foreign built establishments, they had not added something to show that they were still loyal to that " Olo custom," and in the new arsenal, mingled with modern Krupps and Catling guns, were to be seen a number of those most ridiculous of weapons — the old Chinese jing-galls.2

1. The full working capacity of the arsenal was some three hundred 8, 10, aud 12 inch aud six huudred 0 aud 7 inch chilled shells, besides 1,000 small shells for field guus aud 500,000 rifle cartridges, per mouth.

2. Jing-galls are of various leugths, but those used in Formosa averaged about uine feet, aud had bores of about an inch in diameter, now varying considerably with the amount of rust that had been allowed to accumulate iu them. Their mechauism was decidedly simple; in fact that was one of their chief defects. One kind consisted simply of a long barrel with a matchlock mounted on a wooden tripod with a sort of stock, presumably to be placed against the shoulder of the marksman. There were a large number of breech-loaders with half of the circumfereuce of a portion of the barrel at the butt end cut off lengthways, so that a permanent cartridge, made apparently of cast iron and provided with a handle, might be iuserted and shoved well into tbebarrel ; after which a piece of bar-iron placed between its head and the butt of the barrel provided against the cartridge being thrown out when the weapon was discharged.

THE RISE OF THE FORMOSAN kirriilh 287

It should be noted that, whatever was the equipment of the army on

the mainland, the troops in Formosa wen- generally well, and some of them splendidly, armed. Several thousand were provided with late model 44

calibre Winchester repeating carbines, weapons which will compare favorably in cost with any military rifle in use in Europe : and which are considered unsurpassed for all-round work, especially guerilla warfare, which the Formosa-Chinese troops were expected to adopt. Other rifles, some ol which were magazine, were the comparatively modern Mauser, Lee, Remington, Spencer, Peabody, and Martini-Henry. These were divided among the different corps so that all soldiers of one camp were possessed of the same kind of rifle and had an abundance of proper ammunition for the same. It can safely be said that the regular troops of Formosa were well-armed, well-uniformed, and that many w<-r<- well drilled in a sort of semi-European style. I witnessed their drill on several occasions, and, while there was much that reminded one of a pantomime at home, still the men were in pic-turesque uniforms all of similar design ; they stood straight and well in line : generally in single rank, and seemed familiar with the use of their weapons. Their various movements appear to have been directed by drum signals. Formed in one long rank with the officers in mandarin dress, the roll of a small drum prepared them for the movement required, which was executed immediately after a low "boo — 00m" from the big drum ; the latter on one occasion being an affair about six feet in diameter, anil requiring two men to carry it. Banners and colors were in great number and variety, and seemed to be limited by no general regulations, but selected at the pleasure of the commander. The best organized troops had first a large flag with charac-ters denoting the division, then followed a smaller flag denoting the corps or camp of 500 men, the company Hag to each hundred men, and lastly one small banner to every squad often soldiers; although, to do them justice, we must state that usually the squad color-bearers also carried arms. ( )f target practice there was very little. When any did take place, it was usually on a range of small area and provided with a trench running the entire distance from the marksman to the target. The reason of this I could never learn. It was the custom on certain occasions for high Chinese dignitaries to attend and sit in state to the rear of the marksmen. Near the target, but | tected from wild shots, was placed a drummer who pounded vigorously whenever the target was struck, no very difficult task considering the size ot the targets and the close range. Still it was possible; to miss: and if com-mon gossip is to be believed, a small compensation, varying with the degree of excellence the marksman wished to attain, was sufficient to induce the drummer to entirely overlook the target and record as bull's eyes any shots which fell scattered al out the surrounding landscape. Furthermore, it was quite possible by similar means to insult the drummer to such an extent that

The charge was ignited usually by a match-lock arrangement, although some rudo attempts had heen made to provide the weapons witli a hammer for the use of percusai mi caps. They were aba lut' [y .'f no practical use, and no better example of the conceited ignorance and incompetency of the Chinese officials could be found than the fact that even the high officials of the Board of War at Peking declared that, after due examination, the Chinese jing-galls were found to be ol superior carrying power to the modern weapons bought in foreign countries ; aud thereupon 200,000 of these worthless playthings were ord to be manufactured for distribution throughout the empire, and this after 112,874 pie< 0 already

made for the use of seven provinces.

he would quite lose his head, and while certain persons were shooting, neglect to drum at all, thus making it possible for any one to play a joke on his best enemy it In- desired and had the all necessary funds.

The ordinary soldier was dressed in a large sleeved Chinese jacket of some attractive color, trimmed with a wide border of a darker shade. This jacket was generally made specially prominent by large sfifl circular pieces of cloth, usually of white lignt red, or yellow, eight or ten inches in diameter, and sewn one in front and one behind, on the centre of the jacket. This bull's-eye, for such it might be termed considering that it covered the heart, bore, in Chinese characters, the division, corps, company, and number of the wearer. It was perhaps the most striking part of the whole costume, especially when appearing on the darker shades of uniform. It is no exag-geration to say that the bull's-eye would identify the Chinese as a soldier long before the uniform could be made out. And that it was placed over the most vital parts of the body is still more incomprehensible, affording, as it did, a most splendid target for the enemy. No doubt the reader has often seen in street shooting-galleries brightly colored figures representing men in different positions with targets of vividly contrasting colors on their breasts. No description I could give would afford a more correct idea than this of the Chinese soldier, who thus accommodatingly furnished his foe with such splendid directions as to the best place to aim at. The jacket was the principal part of the uniform and the only one in which re-gularity could be found throughout a camp, with the possible exception of the head covering, which in some cases was an ordinary straw hat covered with paper and brightly painted, and in others a native woven straw peak-shaped thing, the brim of which was turned slightly outward. A waistcoat, an affair fastened around the neck and body by strings, and furnished with a row of pockets, took the place of a cartridge belt. Trousers, with the exception of those worn by the body guards of certain high officials, were non-uniform, and of all colors ; but owing to the custom of lower class Chinese of wearing merely knee-breeches, these garments were so short that not enough of them could be seen to mar the uniformity of the corps. No attempt at any other leg covering or footgear was generally made. Common straw sandals were often worn, and occasionally a pair of Chinese shoes. Certain of the lower officers were provided with extremely wide brimmed straw hats, trimmed with black and supporting tassels. Their garments were entirely distinct from the soldiers' uniforms, and were ordinarily but the usual garb worn by mandarins, except that some were made of materials perhaps more bright, and embroidered with gay designs, so as to make their appearance more dashing and impressive. This was left, however, entirely to the officers' own desires, there being no regulation or system respecting the uniform to be worn by this class.

As to equipment, besides the rifle, the troops were provided with knives and sheaths of home manufacture, some of them very long and with exteriors quite dazzling in appearance. The blade, however, when drawn exposed a blunt edge which would be of but little use in combat. A pistol, usually an ancient relic of the old horse-pistol type, single-fire percussion caps, and load-ing with a rammer. A large number, however, were provided with a modern

" American revolver made in Belgium " according to the inscription on the barrel. They were self-cocking, automatic ejecting, and provided with all modern improvements, except as to the material of which they were con-structed. Apparently cast-iron lightly nickled, they were such weak affairs that it would have been positively dangerous to fire; them off. Other baggage, which will be described later, was permitted by' most commanders to be carried ad libitum, and it cannot be said that the Chinese did not take-advantage of the permission.

The native volunteers were armed and equipped in a more miscel-laneous way. It would require too much space to describe the varieties of arms with which they were provided: — from old blunderbusses that no one dared to use to modern rifles which often, from lack of proper ammunition, no one could use. The old fashioned Chinese pikes and spears had lost none of their popularity, and there were but few bodies of troops that did not include a corps of these sword-bearers, just to help out appearances. Trumpeters gayly uniformed were in abundance, and in times of safety marched at the head of the column blowing long deep blasts with brass horns, five and a half feet in length. This inspiriting music, which was so freely discoursed before the battle, was notably absent during the presence of the enemy.

As a rule, the soldiers were quartered in camps consisting of 5C0 men each. Low mud shells, scarcely sufficient to keep out the rain, comprised the barracks, and in them troops were crowded like cattle; while, surround-ing all, was a mud wall upon which an occasional sentry stood guard. Xo attempt was made to provide separate buildings for hospital use, although numbers of the northern troops were dying oft like flies. The sick and well were all housed together, and the former received no special favors. Per-haps a soldier friend brought the regular rations to his dying comrade and burned joss sticks in his behalf. The officers yave no heed until death brought relief, when the body was ordered out to be buried by friends, it there were any ; if not, to be thrown into a trench with the rest who had passed before. The pay of a soldier varied from one to three taels of silver per month, in-cluding rations, or fixe and six taels when soldiers were expected to procure their own food.

Most interesting were the frequent processions which accompanied high Chinese officials when out on a short journey. They were pageants worthy of reproduction on comic opera stages of the west : — A corps of trumpeters, followed by little boys fantastically dressed and with very high-peaked hats, beating gongs and cymbals, others with drums, a squad of spear bearers, an attendant or so on horseback, and finally the richly decorated chair with its numerous bearers surrounded by the body-guards well armed and gorgeously uniformed, having, in addition to jackets similar in shape to those of the com-mon soldiers, leg shields consisting of pieces of cloth attractively embroidered, hanging down from the hip. to 1 clow the knee and hiding tin- leg as seen from the side.

CHAPTER XX (PART 1 OF 4)

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF NORTH FORMOSA.

1895.

Mixed Brigade, Imperial Body Guard, Prince Kitashirakawa commander, arrives at Samtiao point — Landing operation* — March on Keluhg — Difficult travel — En-gagement at Kinchu chang ~ Loi'd Li arrives off Samtiao — Formal transfer of Formosa effected — The transfer negotiations in detail — 77/ e author joins Chinese forces in Kelnng — Chinese soldiers' baggage — The military train to Killing — Officer* in name mil// — Chinese disciplini — Arrival at Kelung — Exhibition of Japanese heads — .1 day of confusion — Chinese forces at Kelung — Commander ( 'hung wounded — 'The return journey to Taipvh — Panic stricken civilians — Women and children abandoned — A scene of despair — Japanese troops approach Kelung — The Japanese navy and Chinese forts in combat — Colonel Kojinta's land forces enter Kelung — .1// opportune rainstorm — The west side fort offers strong resis-tance— East-side castle and Palm Island forts fall easy captures — Chinese attack Chinese — Kelung occupied — Interesting hospital cases among wounded Chinese — A midnight risit to the president — Escape of republican officials — Chaos at the capital — The treasury looted — Flight of President 'Tan// — Government buildings burned d<am — At the mere// of uncontrolled soldier// — Rifle flre unceasing — Soldiers quarrelling over the spoils — Looting of the arsenal — War munitions at a discount — Krnpp mountain-guns for $2. — A million-dollar robbery — Telegraph-ing under difficulties — Taipehfu on fire — Powder mill destroyed — Powder maga-zine explodes A hundred hilled — Ghastly scenes — Chinese apathy — Foreigners in Taipeh — Trip to the Japanese camp — Japanese troops to the relief — The Japan-ese in possession — Affairs at Hohe — Hungry soldiers — German steamer " Ar-thur" attacked — Consternation among officials — An odd cash bargain — Battery opens fire on S.S. " Arthur " — German gunboat "litis" to tltc rescut — Foreigners at Haiti — Ponder magazine explodes — Ex-President Tang at Nanlcing — Official sale of iconic 11 and children — Japanese arrive, and occupation of north Formosa effected — Refugee Chinese braces — Narrow escape of the S.S. "Ningpo" — Japanese headquarters established at Taipeh.

To the first mixed brigade of the Imperial Body Guard, under command

of the Imperial Prince, Kitashirakawa, fell the honor of being the- foremost troops to enter the newly acquired territory. They were despatched from Port Arthur aboard fourteen transports on the 22nd of May, and on the 26th, the vessels dropped anchor in the port of Nakakusuki, Chujo Bay, in the Loochoo group of islands, north east of Formosa. Mere they effected a junction with Admiral Viscount Kabayama, the newly appointed governor-general. Xext evening the transports left, and at 9 a.m. on the 29th, the ships assembled some five miles to the south of Agin-court Island close to the N. E. coast of Formosa, where orders were received for the troops to land at a roadstead near Samtiao point (Samshokaku). Prior to this, official information had been received to the effect that the tiger flag was living over the forts at Tamsui, that a republic had been declared, and that vigorous preparations were being made on every side to oppose the occupation of the island by the Japanese.

The transports, escorted by the Matsushima and Naniwa, anchored in Samtiao roadstead at 1 p.m. At 2 p.m. the first boat-load of infantry was safely landed. It was then ebb-tide ami, moreover, a strong western gale swept in upon the shore, rendering the task of landing one of great difficulty and danger. Owing to sandy shoals, the soldiers were often obliged to jump from the boats into water up to their waists, and then wade ashore. The work continued during the afternoon and all night, the natives on shore rendering valuable assistance. A Chinese force, consisting, according to native reports, of 500 men, made its appearance during the first afternoon and engaged the Japanese infantry then on shore. The assailants were soon driven off, leaving behind them four dead, a number of Martini Henry rilles, and their uniforms which they had discarded as the)- retreated. The next day, the 30th of May, four of the delayed transports arrived; all the forces, about 12,000 strong, were landed ; and by the afternoon of the 31st, horses, supplies, reserve munitions, etc., were practically all ashore, and the Imperial Prince consequently gave orders to advance towards Kelung early the next day.

The troops encountered exceedingly bad roads ; narrow and rugged, winding over mountains and through dense woods. I I.I.H. Prince Kitashirakawa and his staff had to dismount and walk for the greater part of the distance. The mountain and machine guns were dismantled and carried by the soldiers, and there were not a \cw ugly falls in consequence. The first village reached was Chish-wang-ting, a small place among the mountains. The streets were placarded with official proclamations exhorting the people to take up arms and resist the invading Wojen, and stating that Russia. France, and German)- were sending warships to protect the Formosan people. On June 1st, the head ot the column left the village. The advance guard consisted of the second regiment, a company of engineers and medical staff corps, the whole under command of Major General Kawamura. That night they bivouacked on a mountain called Santiau -tabling. Heavy showers aggravated the-hardships of camp life, ami the roads wen: the worst yet encountered. The intention

was to descend at daybreak on the Chinese stronghold at Kinchu-chang (Kinkosho), where a battery had been tiring at Japanese scouting parties (hiring the preceding day. Meanwhile, Major Sunaga, commander of the 2nd battalion of the 2nd regiment, had a slight skirmish with a small Chinese force which soon retreated.

At 5 a.m., the advance guard was divided into two columns, one following the coast line, the other advancing to engage the enemy's artillery. The Japanese troops were forced to proceed over the narrow pathways in single tile, occasionally exchanging shots with Chinese outposts. The village of Kinchu-chang was soon surrounded, and the first real combat commenced. The mud walls of the houses protected the enemy, and after a hard fight, during which Chinese and Japanese losses were about equal, the enemy retreated to the north-west. Another ineffectual effort was made to oppose the Japanese advance, and the braves, as they eventually retreated, were exposed to the Japanese lire and shot down in considerable numbers, including General Chung, commander of the Kelung troops, who was wounded by a shot which entered the sedan chair in which he was being carried to the rear. By half-past eight, the district had been cleared of all Chinese. The main republican force had advanced that morning from Kelung and was said to number eight or nine hundred. They were armed with Martini-Henrys, their markmanship was good, and the)' had made an obstinate resistance, their loss during the engagement being about one hundred killed ; while on the Japanese side, Captains Ono and Utsuki and Lieutenant Sato were killed and thirteen privates wounded, some seriously. Although the Japanese were now in complete possession of the approaches to Kelung, a sharp lookout was kept on the Chinese. Presently some two hundred ot the enemy approached, but after a little firing, during which thirty Chinese were killed, they retreated towards Kelung. The Japanese captured two cannon, fifty-seven rifles, and a large quantity of ammunition.

Although the Japanese had now for three days had their forces on shore, the final transfer of Formosa was yet to take place. Lord Li Ching-fang, the adopted son of Li Hung-chang, had been deputed as Imperial Com-missioner to hand over the island. Li did not regard this as a desirable task, quite understanding that the further he and his illustrious father kept away from the new-born republic the better for them both. Li Hung-chang had accordingly memorialized the throne in respect of the unsuitability of the appointment, and also of his own inability to be present, on account of sick-ness. The anti-Li faction, however, was too strong, and his excuses were not accepted. Lord Li then applied to the Shanghai Taotai for a force of one hundred foreign-drilled men as a body-guard, but he was likewise un-successful even in this. Li Ching-fang, now greatly disturbed, made over-tures to the Japanese that they should first suppress the rebellion before he formally handed over the island. Without taking into consideration this rather curious request, the Japanese appreciated the embarrassing position in which Li Ching-fang was placed, and granted him permission to make the formal transfer on board a Japanese man-of-war. Highly pleased with this concession, Lord Li and his secretaries left on the last day of May, aboard

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF NORTH FORMOSA. 29^

the Kung-yi, via die Pescadores, and arrived off Samtiao Point (N.E. coast of Formosa), where an interview was held with Governor-General Kabayama then aboard the )'okohama-mant, and after lengthy negotiations, on the second and third of June, the transfer of the island was formally effected. A detailed account of the negotiations was published, of which the following is a translation as given l>y the yapan Mail :

Wlieu the Kvmgyi arrived oil TaniMii, she was met by a Japanese man-of-war which delivered a letter from Admiral Katiayama requesting Lord Li to meet him iu a bay close to Samtiao Point some twelve miles K.S.K. of Kelung. The Kvmgyi proceeded under escort of tin- man-of-war till another man-of-war was met, when the first one returned to her station. Samtiao Point Bay was reached on Saturday afternoon.

The next morning, June 2nd, Lord Li went on board the YoiohcmKwnaru to confer with Governor General Kabayama as to the transfer of Formosa. This was the first meeting. The conference was attended on the Japanese side by Governor-General Kabayama, Minister Mizuno, Secretary Shimamura, aud Interpreters Niiv and Okubo, ami on the Chinese side by Lord Li Chiug-fang, and two Secretaries. At the commencement of the meeting, in reply to an inquiry by Viscount Kabayama, Lord Li said that, after returning to China from Shimonoseki, he had fallen sick aud was undergoing medical treatment at a hospital in Shanghai, when he received the commands of his Sovereign to proceed to Formosa as Com-missioner for its transfer : that he had no alternative but to obey the Imperial order despite his indisposition ; and that he had been chosen for the post probably ou aecouut of his connection with the peace negotiations, as well as because he had once represented his country in Tokyo. Viscount Kabayama then praised the services rendered to China by the Viceroy Li and Lord Li at Shimonoseki and subsequently, and assured Lord Li that his appointment as Commissioner was especially fortunate. He further stated that, as he had intended to arrive in Formosa by Mav the 25th, he had instructed Secretary Shimamura and other officials to proceed thither before him by the warships Naniwa Kan and TakachiJio Kan. Arriving at Tamsui, these officials had attempted to go ashore to give early notice of Viscount Kabayama's arrival to the local authorities, but they had not been able to do so because the steam launch of the Tahachiho Kan, in which they were proceeding toward the shore, was repeatedly fired at from a fort ou the right bank of the river. The Governor-General was, consequently, obliged to change his course in the direction of Kelung. For the purpose of meeting the Chinese commissioner at Taipeh-fu, be had caused his escort to laud at Santiao chue, but they, too, had been attacked by the insurgents. Under these circumstances, continued Viscount Kabayama, it became necessary to employ, for the suppression of the insurrection, troops that had originally beou despatched for the purpose of maintaining order and tranquillity after the transfer of the island. Finally, he in-quired what were Lord Li's ideas about the manner of effecting the transfer. In reply, the Chinese Commissioner stated that the inhabitants of Formosa, holding himself and his father responsible for the cession of the island, had conceived sentiments of hatred against them ; that he would certainly bo killed should he go ashore ; that he would, therefore, request the Japanese Commissioner to effect the transfer of the island without landing; and that, concerning the resistance of the inhabitants of Formosa to the ordor of the Chinese Government, he understood that his father had sent telegraphic notice to Count Ito. The Governor-General replied that he had received from Count Ito a telegram respecting the notico alluded to by Lord Li ; that it was not necessary to < ffeot the ceremony of transfer on land ; and that ho would endeavor to consult the convenience of the Chinese Commissioner in every way possible. This assurance was received by Lord Li with evident satisfaction. The conversation then turned upon the telegraphic correspondence that had taken place between the Viceroy Li aud Count Ito. Lord Li said afterwards that, the inhabitants having risen in insurrection, it was impossible for him to effect the transfer iu a proper manner; and appealed for the assistance of the Governor-General, confessing that, without the latter's kind consideration, he should be unable to discharge the duties of his mission. The Governor General remarked that, according to the stipulations of the Shimonoseki Treaty it would seem necessary to draw up a catalogue of the forts, fortifications, and all other Government property, but that, under existing circumstances, it being impossible to go through such formalities, the only feasible course appeared to be that the transfer should be made en bloc, omitting all speoifioation of details. He asked the Chinese Com-missioner's ideas abnut the method Of procedure and place of effecting the transfer. Lord I .i answered, that since he was unable to stay long in Formosa on account of sickness, he desired to accomplish the purpose of his mission as quickly as possible; that, Formosa having b en ceded to Japan by Treaty, the sovereignty over the island had already passed into her hands ; and that the transfer was a mere formality. He then asked permission to continue the conversation in his personal capacity, and begged leave to lay before the Governor-General a private memorandum 011 the subject of the transfer, which, should there be no objection on the part of Viscount Kabayama, might at once be recognized as an official document. To this proposal Viscount Kabayama replied that, much as ho desired to expedite the conduct of business, lie could not agree to hold a private conversation at a meeting of the Commissioners of the two countries. But as he had received special instructions from Count Ito, he expressed himself willing to endeavor, within the limit of those instructions, to suit the convenience of the Chinese Commissioner; and he consequently proposed to send Minister Mizuno and Seoretary Shimamura to the latter's ship to confer with his secretaries. This proposal having been gladly consented to by the Chinese Commissioner, the time of conferei between these officials was fixed at 2 p.m. on that day. Lord Li then referred to a story that he had learned from the Captain of a Japanese warship at Tamsui, to the effect that some Chinese offioials haviug with diffioulty escaped from forcible doteutiou by the populaoe, had flod to Foo-chow ; aud drew

the attention of Viscount Kabayama to the desperate and wicked character of the poople of Formosa. Tii,. . ,!, in reply, referred to tho bravery and good discipliuo of tlio Imperial Guards, and

bade the imissioner beat easo as to the suppression of tlie insurrection. After conversing

!' ill" geography of the island and tho customs and manners of the inhabitants, Lord Li observed that the dominions of Japan and China having oome into closer proximity, the friendship between the two countries onghl I intimate than formerly. He also thought it exceediugly fortunate that

Viscount Kabayama bad beeu appointed the first I k>vernor-< ieneral of the island. After a correspondingly courteous reply from the < I ovrnor-l ieneral, the conference came to a close. It was then 10.45 a.m.

At 11. '20 a.m. the same day, Viscouut Kabayama paid a visit to Lord Li on board the Kung-yi accom-panied by Major Matsukawa, Commander Takikawa, and Interpreters Niro and Okubo. At this meeting the ■■ were present on the Chines: side the same officials as ou the occasion of the first conference. Tho 1 1 ■■ . trnor-l Ieneral remarked that he should send his subordinate officials to the Chinese ship, as promised, at 2 p.m , and hoped that a satisfactory result might ensue from their consultation with the officials under the Chinese Commissioner. Lord Li once more alluded to his iuability to stay any length of time ou account of ill-health, and added that the sovereignty of the islaud having already passed into the hands of Japan, he hoped to effect as quickly as possible tho object of his mission, which, after all, had no concern with anything hut the mere formality of transfer. The Governor-General concurred entirely with the Chinese Commissioner as to the advisability of a speedy completion of the transfer, but wished

iy a few words on a matter of some importance. He had hitherto believed that the resistance offered troops on their landing a few days previously had been tho act of insurgents ouly, but he had just been surprisod to find, from a notification discovered in a barrack at Sieti, that tho Chinese officials had issued instructions to the inhabitants and troops under them to attack and drive away the Japanese. He had already reported the matter to the Government at home. At this announcement, Lord Li seemed to be considerably embarrassed. He, however, did all in his p twer to explaiu away the un-pleasant revelation. He stated that ho had heard of the establishment of a republic ouly since his arrival there ; that the insurgents had by force prevented the civil and military officials from oboying the Imperial command recalling them; that under theso circurn-tauces, tho notification in

lion was presumably the result of coercion ; that ho himself would in all probability be subjected to such coercion, should he go ashore ; that the notification and the seal attached to it might altogether be a forgery; and that, uuder any eircumstauces, the Government at Peking had uothiug to do with the matter. The Governor-General then passed ou to the subject of the suppression of the insurrectiou, and observed that the insurgents could not be regarded iu the light of legitimate belligerents; that the object of the Japauese Government being on the one baud, to purge the islaud of such as might offer resistance to its arms, and, ou the other, to treat all good citizens with cousideratiou and clemeucy, he had no doubt that the people, appreciating the just and righteous conduct of the Japanese Government, would soon be glad to place themselves under its administration. Lord Li seemed to admit the truth of these observations. He extolled the ability of the Governor-General aud said that tho inhabitants of Formosa were to be congratulated on possessing such a ruler. He also begged that, upon tho complete restoration of order and tranquillity in the island, the Governor-General would let the people understand that Formosa had become Japanese territory in consequence of the Peace Treaty, aud would otherwise endeavor to remove the feeling of resentment agaiust the Li family. Tho Governor-General assured him most emphatically that he should spare no paius to eradicate auy sentiment of umbrage from the minds of the islanders. Lord Li thanked Viscount Kabayama, bowing his head several times, and the Govcrnor-ral promised to supply him with a convoy ou his return voyage to China. The couvoy was, however, declined afterwards by Lord Li. This couference terminated at 11.45 a.m.

In fulfilment of the Governor-Geuerars promise, Minister Mizuno and Secretary Shimamura waited upon the Chinese Commissioner on board the h'unrj-yi at 2 p.m. Minister Mizuno asked for tho produc-tion of the memorandum alluded to by Lord Li iu his conversation with Viscount Kabayama, aud the document was at onco shown to him. It na; in the form of a note describing very fully the state of things then existing iu Formosa. Minister Mizuno observed that the condition of affairs iu the island was of course well-known to tho Governor-General; but should such a note be officially addressed to him, it would be tantamount to a recognition by the Commissioners of the two countries of the outbreak of an insurrectiou aud the establishment of a republic. The Governor-General would then demand the suppres-sion of the insurrection by China before tho transfer of the island; whereas the Chinese Commissioner would not be able to agree to such a demand. Minister Mizuuo, consequently, advised the withdrawal of the note. Lord Li acknowledged the justice of these observations, and complied with Mr. Mizuno's advice. Minister Mizuno then presented to the Chinese Commissioner a draft memorandum ou the whole. Keferriug to the catalogue of government property iu the different parts of tho island, he expressed himself entirely unable to draw it up, as he had never been in Formosa, and he therefore desired to effect the transfer ou the basis of auy catalogue compiled by tho Japanese Commissioner, who doubtless knew more about the island than he. Mr. Mizuuo accepted the offer, aud proceeded to arrange with the Chinese Commis-sioner about the manner of enumerating the. Government property, the names of the islands, and so forth. Minister Mizuno then demanded the transfer of the submarine telegraph botween Tamsui and Foochow, since that line had beeu constructed for the benefit of the island. Lord Li replied that the question of the cable was beyoud the scope of his mission ; moreover be did not even know whether the cable belonged' to the Government or to a private company. It was finally arranged to iuclude the Hue in the catalogue with a note that the matter should be settled ou a future occasion between the Governments of the two empires. In the course of the above conversation, Lord Li remarkod iu a laughing way that, China having given to Japan a whole province, it mattered little to her whether or not she retained a telegraphic cable. At this stage of the couference, Mr. Ma entered the room and remained until the end of the meeting. It was decided that the matters arranged at the conference be sot down in a duplicate note in Japauese aud Chinese. At 1 p.m. Messrs. Mizuuo and Shimamura left the ship.

At nine o'clock that evening, Secretary Shimamura waited upon Lord Li on hoard the Kwig-yi, with a note bearing the signature and seal of Viscount Kabayama, which document then received the signature and seal of Lord Li. This completed the transfer of Formosa. After conveying his thanks to the Governor-General for the speedy completion of the ceremony, the Chinese Commissioner left for the north by the Kung-yi at thirty ininutea past midnight, on June 3rd.

CHAPTER XX (PART 2 OF 4)

On June 1st, afterhaving learned of the fapanese landing, I presented my credentials to a military mandarin and was placed in tin- officers' car attached to a military train carrying Chinese troops from Taipehfu to Kelung. I had scarcely taken my seat when a distant hum of voices increased to a perfect babel, and several hundred Chinese troopers swarmed down upon us. filling the station, the side tracks, and the train. The men possessed such a quan-tity of baggage and of such a character as to lead one to suppose that they were determined to have "all the comforts of home " on the battle field. Rifles, bayonets, pistols, two handed swords, knives of all sizes and condi-tions, cartridge belts most of them containing No rounds of ammunition, a blanket, and a bowl for rations, comprised an equipment which might be ex-pected ; but to this were added fans, umbrellas, lanterns, dishes, pots, small baskets containing pipes and tobacco, pictures, tin cans, pieces of rope, pieces of iron, big boxes, small boxes, straw mats, pieces of boards tied together, and bundles as big as bushel baskets containing I know not what — all carried helter-skelter without order or method. It was simply a mass of un-washed individuals, excited faces, red uniforms, boxes, bundles, loud clamors, and, to say the truth, strong odors. They were running backwards and for-wards from the platform to the open cars, trying to get all their bagga safely stowed before the train should start. They were constantly running into each other in their haste, dropping bundles, and quarreling about space, until I, in my ignorance of how little angry talk counts with the race, thought a free fight inevitable. After a short time the noise subsided to a certain extent, the troops had arranged themselves in a number of open cars, pro-duced their pipes, and settled down with a certain show of comfort. Unfor-tunately it commenced to rain, which stirred them all up again, and the din was renewed. The military officers and myself were in a closed carriage with vacant seats at one end. There was at once a rush made for this compartment by many times more men than could be accommodated. It mattered little to them that the car was reserved for the use of the officers. They did not intend to ride in an open car in the rain it they could help it. In they came, regardless of the protests of their nominal superiors, shouting and jabbering, until the noise was deafening. The vocal contest was finally ended by a plucky petty officer, who grabbed the chief intruder, a big fellow with bundles hanging all over him, turned him quickly around, and pro-ceeded to kick him and his followers out of the car. It was not exactly our system of enforcing military discipline, but it was effective and we had n< 1 further troul >le. The soldiers then returned to the flat cars to quarrel with their companions who had taken their places during their absence, until finally wegot under way. After having zigzagged along for about half the distance, we stopped for water and then proceeded running around the numerous cunt-sat a reckless speed. Within a few miles of Kelung our heavy train entered a steep grade. Our speed decreased as we ascended, until, just as we were about to reach the summit, we came to a dead standstill. We then tacked down again to the

296 llli: ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

level and, alter a stop of a few moments, ran up at full speed. We gained a tew feet on our previous record, but did not get over the ascent. The railway attendants then requested the soldiers to get out of the cars, but not one budged ; thej- only chattered and remained where they were, enjoying the whole situation immensely. There was nothing to be done but to run Ixick about two miles, where we remained stationary for some half hour, while steam was being coaxed up to rather a dangerous pressure, 1 fear, and then rushing forward at an alarming speed, we negotiated the hill and dashed down the other side into the village of Kelung.1 1 lere the soldiers poured out and scattered down the roadway with their many possessions carried Chinese fashion; their guns as shoulder poles with the bundles balanced at each end. The station was crowded with excited men, women, and children, with all their valuables about them, who filled the cars as soon as the soldiers had left them. Six train loads of people had been carried away, and as many loads of soldiers brought into Kelung during the day.

In the harbor, sanpans and junks were transporting families, who sought safer refuge, into the country, the children brimming over with happiness, laughing ami singing, considering it all a holiday: but the anxious faces of the parents giving evidence of different thoughts,

The town of Kelung itself was almost deserted, shops and markets closed, and such few villagers as were seen were hastening away to safer quarters. The soldiers were devoting much attention to three Japanese heads which had been brought in the night before with great bravado, and for which 300 taels reward had been paid. Later they were packed in saw-dust and sent to Taipeh-fu, where the)' were stuck on bamboos together with a blood-stained jacket and cartridge pouch belonging to a Japanese private, and placed in front of the president's yamen in the pre-sence of a large and admiring audience.

Arriving at the Custom House in charge of Mr. I Hilberg, I at once sent my credentials to General Chung. In answer he informed me that the follow-ing day, a force of 2,000 men would advance to the front, and that Icoukl join them. A new proclamation was published during the daw stating that 30,000 taels would be divided among the soldiers, if they succeeded in driving the Japanese back to the coast.

I he 2nd of June was a day of great confusion and excitement in Kelung. The Japanese were drawing near, and the retreating Chinese were pouring in all day. Many had already dropped their bright colored jackets, and some had turned them inside out. The)- all looked tired and worn out, and were glad to seek even such a temporary refuge as Kelung. Trains bringing troops continued to arrive from Taipeh nearly ever)' hour. After alighting, the men wandered about all over the place, paying but little attention to their officers. There were now altogether some twelve thousand troops in and about Kelung, and with their numerous gay banners and their brightly colored uniforms the effect was very picturesque. Later in the afternoon, General

1. This heavy grade, iu which ou ordinary occasions passengers wore frequently obliged to leave the coaches and even in an emergency to assist iu pushing the cars, has been avoided by the Japanese, who have constructed a long tunnel through the range formerly ascended.

Chung was brought back wounded. He had gone out with a small party of about 300 guards to reconnoitre and lay out a plan of campaign for the morrow, but the long-range shooting of the Japanese, so terrifying to the Chinese, brought him down with a shot through his leg as previously described, before he even knew he was in their vicinity. During the day, three Chinese were beheaded, who were found to have rendered assistance to the enemy and were wearing, attached to their clothes. a tag bearing characters written by Japanese. ( >ne of the heads was placed on a long bamboo pole and swung over the railroad track, the other two were taken to Taipeh fu, tied up by their queues, and left on short poles to "race the western crate.

I lost the opportunity of witnessing the next day's fight in consequence of the wounding of Commander Chung, who requested me not to attempt to go out, as the officers were losing all control over their men. One had only to note the wild disorder of the soldiers, quarrelling among themselves, kill-ing their officers, robbing and looting at every opportunity, to know that a foreigner would have had but little chance among them. And to make matters worse, my interpreter and boy had run away to Taipeh-fu. Unac-quainted as I was with their language, it became necessary to give up all plans of accompanying the Chinese troops, and to return to Taipeh. At the station there was a perfect panic. The place was strewn with guns and ammunition boxes, spears, banners, broken furniture, Chinese boxes, etc.; and hundreds of villagers, women with children in their arms, were begging places in the cars, while the men were pulling and crowding them back to make room for themselves. Even among the men it was a fight for places, and the weakest were forced off the cars to add their angry yells to the cries of the women and children. I believe not a woman or a child secured entrance, and as the train literally plowed through the hundreds that surrounded it, a cry of despair arose that was heartrending in the ex-treme. Several Japanese men-of-war had been seen well out from the har-bor, and with the Chinese soldiers straggling in from all directions, it was believed by the terror-stricken non-combatants that they were caught in a trap, out of which the departing train offered the last chance of escape. I )uring the night the last preparations to oppose the Japanese were made, the forts were crowded with soldiers, entrenchments on the surrounding hills were all occupied, and the last of the native families had followed the depart-ing train to Taipeh, surprised that they were not attacked on the way.

The direct attack upon Kelung was entrusted to the 2nd battalion of the 1 st regiment and a company of engineers under the command of Colonel Kojima.' The attacking column was on the move at early morning (June 3rd). Some skirmishes of little importance now took place, the Chinese retreating towards Kelung. After advancing a short distance, the)' came to a junction point from which three roads diverged. Here the column took the wrong road and eventually emerged on the summit of a mountain some four

1. The protection of the right flank of the advancing column was Assigned to Major Sugawa with half a battalion, while the task of covering the left fell to the lot of the 7th company of the 2nd regiment. The reserve consisted of the 1st brigade (minus 8 companies), a battalion of engineers, and the medical corps.

298 THE ISLAM 1 1 iF FORM »SA.

or five thousand metres to the south ol Kelung. A rest was now taken, and as the position was a good one, it was decided to establish headquarters there temporarily. About this time, the Japanese fleet oft" the coast opened fire against the forts overlooking the harbor.

The military attack was not, however, commenced at once ; about two hours being spent in waiting for the arrival of the bulk of the attacking column and reconnoitering the surrounding district. From the position now occupied by the main column, the city of Kelung could be seen below. < >ne slope ran down towards the right and another towards the left, and a single road led down between the two to the city. On the slope to the right stood a high watch-tower, while to the seaward of that was a large fort built to oppose the enemy on sea or shore. To the south of the city were several batteries along the summit of a hill pierced with a railway tunnel, while across the harbor crowning a high hill were the Chinese colors Moating over a fort and battery erected there. The bright banners and gayly uniformed Chinese troops could be seen here and there; and with the knowledge that modern guns of large calibre were mounted in the different forts, it appeared that the day's fight would be a memorable one. The navy was the lust to commence active operations. Since early morn-ing, the Japanese squadron, led by the flagship Matsushima with Admiral Arichi in command, had been cruising off Kelung. Later in the day, steam pinnaces had carefully reconnoitered the enemy's position, and returning had reported that many Chinese soldiers in white uniforms were crossing the small channel to Palm Island and occupying the fort there. The Japanese troops were now seen to be approaching, and to draw off the attention of the various forts, the fleet fired blank cartridges for some time. The forts did not answer, and at 9.13 a.m. the squadron ceased firing. The Oshima now arrived, making five vessels altogether, the others being the Matsu-shima, Naniwa, Takackiho, and Chiyoda. At this time one of the pinnaces brought the information that Chinese, estimated at 1,000 and carrying a large amount of supplies, were approaching Palm Island, and that upon sighting the launch, the Chinese had fired upon it. The Takackiho now approached the Palm Island fort and fired. This fort as well as the west side fort answered with several rounds. Upon perceiving this, the men-of-war all formed in line of battle, and at about 10.30 o'clock, by taking a circular course, the vessels approached one by one to a position some 6,000 metres distant and bombarded the fort, firing some fifty rounds altogether. Palm Island fort with its fine modern guns (one 12-inch Armstrong, two 10-inch and two 7-inch Krupps) made but little effort to defend itself, and after firing some 1 2 rounds ceased altogether. One of the other forts with two 7-inch guns fired 6 rounds. The shells of one fort invariably went over the Japanese war-ships, while those from the other as invariably fell short.

At noon, Colonel Kojima with the bulk of the column began to march down into the valley in the direction of Kelung. Under ordinary circumstances this would have exposed him to a strong fire, but fortunately it began to rain so heavily that the onward movement was (mite concealed. On arriving at the entrance of the town, however, their presence was greeted

with a heavy fire from the surprised soldiers. The Japanese returned the fire with good will, and, a second column supporting them from the heights above, the Chinese soon fell back, retreating into the village, and eventually out along the railway track towards Taipehfu, leaving Kelung in the possession of the column of 500 men. Meanwhile, the fort garrisons still remained to be dealt with. The west side fort, armed with two 7-inch Krupps, as well as smaller guns, was found the most difficult place to capture. Its very high elevation, commanding a position with steep slopes on all sides, made it impossible for the Japanese infantry to effect any damage upon it. Evena mountain-gun had little or no effect, there being no position from which shells could lie thrown into the fort. After a several hours' engagement, some six hundred of the garrison seemed about to retreat, and the rapidity of the fire from the fort greatly lessened. The Japanese took advantage of this pause, and a squad of nineteen privates was able to gain entrance to the fort from the rear and was soon followed by a company. The rest of the Chinese garrison immediately lied, and the Japanese flag was raised over the fort. Meanwhile, the castle fort near the Custom House with three 7-1'nch Krupps and four Krupp field pieces had fallen an easy capture, the troops marching in singing their national song. I 'aim Island fort with its mammoth guns had given up with scarcely a struggle. The garrison from the cast side fort, with two 7-inch Krupps and one 7-inch Armstrong, had also evacuated it without returning the Japanese fire. From Chinese sources it would appear that prior to the capture of the village, the- Cantonese troops occupying a battery on the hill over the old railway tunnel, made the lust light, but oddly enough it was against their own countrymen instead of the Japanese. It seems that, as the deserting Chinese soldiers from the various Kelung camps attempted to run away by the road passing the encampment, the only road then open, the Cantonese shot and cut them down, killing and wounding about fifty, and driving the others back. The Japanese loss during the engagement was three men killed, one officer and twenty-five men wounded; and the Chinese had about two hundred and fifty men killed. Considering the great strength of the forts, and the large force of 12,000 well equipped Chinese, the [apanese, with forces strikingly inferior in number and unprovided with field artillery, had reason to feel proud of their day's work.

Unfortunately an accidental explosion of Chinese gunpowder occurred in a temple after the city had been occupied, causing considerable loss of life.

To the little foreign community at Twatutia, 20 miles from Kelung, the early days of June were days of anxiety, while the Chinese were almost panic-stricken. The news of the Japanese victory at Kelung was known on the afternoon of the da\- of the capture, the republican officials making no attempt to deny it. Towards evening, the wounded began coming into Twatutia. They were provided with a space on the side walk in front of the Chinese hospital, where they received but scant attention from the Chine doctor in charge.1

1. Some interesting cases were seen among tlie Chinese wouuded, illustrating the wonderful penetrating power of the .313 (8 millimetres) calibre bullets which were here used by the Japanese for the first time in warfare. One Chinese had been Bhot in the back, the ballet passing through the right lung, then through the arm which must at the time have to his body. The wouud

300 THE IMAM i OF FORMOSA.

During the next day, June 4th, considerable confusion prevailed. Petty officials with their families were going down river, many shops were closed, and the streets were comparatively empty. I hiring the evening, it was rumored about the city that the president and Ex-Governor Tang, with his trust)' friend and adviser General Tcheng, intended deserting their beloved republic and joining their monarchic friends on the mainland, where, if there was not political freedom, there was at least freedom from (apanese men with guns, and that was something to think of. All were much interested in ascertaining the truth of this report, inasmuch as the flight of the officials meant a regime of anarchy ; and to satisfy ourselves on the point, a foreign friend and myself started about midnight for the city. It was a black night and drizzling rain was falling. The shop doors were closed, and with the exception of a passing soldier, no one could be seen. Arriving at the city wall, we found the gates closed and a heavy guard of soldiers on duty there. Still even in times like this, there are ways and means, and the showing of a silver dollar between the doors was sufficient to induce one of the guard to unbar and unbolt the big affair and bid us enter. The rain had now increased to a heavy shower, and with the excep-tion of an occasional Mash of lightning, all was pitch darkness, while the silence of the streets through which we passed was very depressing. Reaching the president's yamen we found a big guard outside the gates with loaded rifles, ready to prevent the entrance of any one who had no business there, and equally ready to prevent any one leaving who the)- thought was better there. We had a little difficulty in satisfying the guards that we really had important business with the president, and, if 1 remember rightly, a dollar or two was used here as a helper. Even then, the big heavy gate was swung open just wide enough to allow us to squeeze through and then hastily closed, and the big heavy beams again placed across and all made secure. Inside the great building was a scene that I shall never forget. All was in darkness, except here and there a flickering torch, lighting up the grotesque decoration of the place, the wierd faces of the grinning Chinese sages painted on the doors, and showing the apartments stripped of all valuables, as though flight was in view. Even the soldiers were very quiet, listening attentively to ever)' sound, but not without evidences of extreme anxiety ; for the Japanese were expected at an)- time, and the tales of the lighting at Kelung were not encouraging. Soldiers dripping with rain, bearing messages to the president, were constantly arriving, probably from different outposts. Their rifles were read)- for instant use, and I was quite alarmed to see several of them carried in the most reckless manner, loaded, and with the hammer at full cock. General Tcheng Ki-tong was called upon, but he had nothing to say about any intended departure either of himself or the president; in fact, he declared, nothing was further from their

in the back was a small red spot looking as though the skin had simply been scratched off, on the chest was a wound somewhat larger, while the arm contained a hole large enough to put one's finger in, and the bones were badly shattered. Another case was that of a man who had been shot near the elbow joint; the bullet, passing along in the arm through the wrist and finally striking the small bones of the hand, had literally torn it to pieces. The aperture at the elbow resembl. d a small round bum with the skin off, and no opening could be seen, while the arm, so far as outside appearances went, was uuiujured.

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF NORTH FORMOSA. 30 1

thoughts. We then departed, accompanied by two Chinese officials who wished to escape from the city without attracting attention, and who begged to be

permitted to pass as our servants. At the railway station, we found numerous soldiers watching the president's special car to provide against any attempt being made by His Excellency to escape by rail.

At 2 a.m. on the 5th of June, the yellow Republican Tiger gathered in his long tail, and laid down and died for lack of nourishment. The president had made an unexpected exit, the minister of Foreign Affairs had urgent business elsewhere, the eight members of parliament, who had been drawing the princely salary of fifty cents per day, had gone down river to Hobe to escape with their families to the mainland; and all that was left of the treasure was being fought for by a crowd of murderous fiends, who were making night hideous with their yells. Thus the ten-day republic was last fading away. It seems that the president had divided fifty thousand dollars among his own body-guard as release money, that he might leave his yamen. The news of this soon spread, and when other soldiers called to demand their share of the spoils, they found the ex-governor not at home. Thus foiled, the)' took the next best means of giving vent to their rage by firing the president's big yamen. This magnificent structure, built partially of wood, was all ablaze in a moment, and the flames shooting high in the air could be seen for miles around. The first flame marked the last hour of peace and order, and but a few moments intervened before the yells of the rioters anil the cries of their victims, with the occasional sharp report of a rifle, rose above the crackling and the roaring of the fire. All now realized that they were at the mercy of the thousands of Chinese soldiers and the town's rabble. Although it was still dark, all were on the alert, and a low hum of voices could be heard from the hundreds of peaceful though terrified Chinese who were anxiously waiting the coming of daylight. The rifle reports now became more frequent, while the pattering of feet and the hum of excited voices added to the tumult.

CHAPTER XX (PART 3 OF 4)

No one seemed to know exactly how or when the president got away. The German blue-jackets saw some guards approach the river with two or three mandarins, and depart on a steam launch during the night. The president was probabh one of them, but even if he left disguised, it was marvellous that he should escape the Chinese soldiers who were watching his every move. The looting of the treasury was attended with considerable loss of life. Greedy soldiers, anxious to earn- as much as possible, ran away with dollars wrapped up in cloths, and dropped them along the way. It did not take long to remove the several hundred thousand dollars that the officials had been forced to leave, but woe to the Chinese who was found by the crowd with more than his share of the silver. Fifty feet from the foreign club there la}-, during the day and night, the body of one looter who was actu-ally kicked to death; the silver, of which he had too great a quantity to conceal, having been taken from him. A second body was lying on the side walk not far distant, with its throat cut, and the rats were at the corpse before it ceased to breathe. The scene at the yamen where the treasure was, must have keen one of great excitement. The money was all in silver, audits great weight was a guar-antee that no one: of the fighting looters would obtain a very large sum. l'he

302 TI1IC I SI AND i il 1'oRMi ISA.

result was that hundreds flew to the scene and were enriched ; and. according to popular report, after the yamen had been stripped, the crowd devoted them selves to searching the streets to pick up the silver that had been dropped on the way.

At ten in the morning a friend and I walked to the president's yamen, which was still smoking with the conflagration of the earlier morn. We found hundreds of robbers overrunning the place and carrying away everything they could lay hands on; — chairs, cushions, bed clothes, mats, boxes, lamps, lanterns, trunks, mirrors, mandarins' clothes, flags, foreign pictures and frames, curtains, broken clocks, pieces of crockery, stools, benches, Chinese couches, doors, pieces of richly carved wood-work, in fact everything of value which had remained untouched by the fire. Long processions of Chinese carrying away the loot and returning Chinese running I tack ior more could be seen all day in longunbroken lines in every street leading to the city. Not far distant we found a half hogshead of samshu ' in the centre of an admiring crowd who had been drinking one another's health to such an extent that several were obliged to hold on to the big barrel with both hands in order to preserve their equilibrium. They were quite good tempered, proposed that we should join them in one for the president, and hulled the spirits out in any quantity to every man, woman, and child, who came Hocking from far and wide, bringing pails, pots, and cans to hold the stuff. So freely was it handed out that the ground round about was muddy with the waste

Returning to Twatutia, we found that the arsenal had been broken into, and long lines of robbers were filling the streets in its vicinity. Bars of lead, copper-ingots, copper slabs, zinc, tin, brass, big and small pipes, big sheets of steel requiring sometimes live men or more to carry them, boxes of nails, screws, long steel and sheet iron bars, pieces of machinery, parts of guns, machine guns, mountain guns, even field guns, enormous quantities of car-tridges ami ^un shells, in fact simply everything that was, or could in a short time be rendered, movable, were being hurried away. From the oil-house came tins and buckets of oil, chemicals, including sulphuric acid, a tin of which breaking in the street created considerable excitement anion;/ coolies who walked into it bare-footed and then indulged in the wildest display of Chinese language I had yet heard. The looters never hesitated at grabbing anything in the arsenal ; but, after having carried it several blocks and be-coming weary of the weight, the)- would usually stop and examine it, as though there might be after all a doubt of its value, and then rush down upon the fust well-to-do looking person passing by, with an offer to sell for #25, $50, or whatever fanciful price they thought the object might bring. Once refused they were perfectly willing to drop down from dollars to cents ; and in some cases, a string of cash would be sufficient to purchase an article which might cost to replace several hundred dollars. However, copper, tin, spelter, brass plates, etc., found ready purchasers among the less scrupulous of Chinese merchants, who bought great quantities at about one-tenth or twentieth of their real value. A brand new Catling gun went begging for a few dollars, splendid

1. An iutoxicatiug liquor brewed from rice,

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION 01 NORTH FORMOSA. 303

little Kni|)|) breech-loading mountain guns could be obtained for two dollars or

so, scarcely more than the coolie hire.'

The several thousand Chinese soldiers, now engaged in a more profit-able profession, were willing- to dispose of their rilles for a few cents, and large numbers of old muskets were thrown into the rice fields outside the city as worthless. Brand new Winchester repeating carbines could be pur-chased for a dollar or less, and it is absolutely no exaggeration to say that cases of cartridges and ammunition were lying about the streets practically ad libitum, and could be had by any one who cared to carry them away. ( >ne firm offered 75 cents for new rifles and secured more than 600 at that price. The rilles were immediately sent down river and despatched to Amoy. A great deal of the plunder was sent across the river, and there were probably not a hundred houses in the district that did not contain some of it. So bold did the looters become that they actually endeavored to remove the telegraph instruments from under the hands of Mr. Hansen, the foreign expert employed by the government, who on this occasion had very pluckily stepped in after the Chinese connected with the place had lied, and continued the service for the accommodation of the foreigners. In order to get my press telegrams off and at the urgent request of Mr. Hansen, I spent several hours, revolver and carbine in hand, commanding the doorway. On my departure a German guard was placed at the entrance, and the place was not again molested.

During the evening it was discovered that the powder mill was burning, and that the city of Taipehiu, which had now been deserted, was again on fire. It was feared by the foreign community that the powder magazine might catch tire, and as it was thought to contain a large store of powder, the explosion of which might result seriously for the foreign houses, a number of the residents stayed up the greater part of the night. At last, at approaching daylight, worn out by the excitement of the day before, the last man on watch retired ; and while he was enjoying his first wink the long feared explosion came off, just when it was least expected.

At about 6 a.m., came a huge boom, followed by a roar like the beating of a hundred temple drums, every vibration of which seemed to cause a similar vibration in the houses, which shuddered and rocked back and forth as during an earthquake, while a huge pillar of dense black smoke arose to a great height in the air. The Chinese about the streets were panic stricken, the men chattering wildly, the women wailing and praying, and the children crying. That the barbarians had at last arrived and were employing some terrible implement to kill them all was the universal idea. The magazine was, perhaps, a mile and a half from the city, and great quantities of explosives were stored there, the bulk of which was fortunately packed in boxes or canisters. Going out to the scene about half an hour after the

1. After the day's work of the lootors, a foreiguer who had been originally connected with the arsenal informed me that 150 tons of best selected English ingots and Japan copper slabs, -2t) tons of tin, 100 tons of spelter, besides an enormous quantity of copper and iron pipes, brass sheeting, etc., had been carried off; that including the injured machinery it would require some ^500,000 to make good the loss. This, together with the large amouut of loot taken from the different yameus and not including the silver obtained from the treasury, would easily reach, if uot considerably exceed in value, one million dollars.

explosion, I found the ruins still smoking, while unexploded powder was lying

about everywhere in big ] tiles, with here and there, a little stack of boxes containing powder, dynamite, or fuses. The paddy fields surrounding the ruins of the building contained great quantities of earth and debris; and plastered with dirt, or partially covered with the mud and muck, could be seen dead and wounded bodies of Chinese, some so disfigured that the only semblance to human beings was the quivering Mesh of a mangled trunk, a besmeared limb, or the hair attached to a head just protruding from the mud. It was a ghastly picture, the wailing and crying of wives and mothers in the surrounding houses adding to the tearfulness of the scene. With characteristic apathy, Chinese were standing by, much amused, and laugh-ing at the groans and writhings of the wounded. One poor unfortunate was sitting upright in the paddy field, now covered with water, moaning with agony and imploring the passers-by to assist him, but his movements, awkward from pain and weakness were entirely too much for the crowd. The)' laughed and chuckled, considering it the best of fun, and left their countryman to die without a helping hand. Our attention was called to a wounded man who had fallen, in rather a remarkable position, about two hundred feet from the ruins. Il<- was lying with his feet in the paddy field, his body resting in nearly an up-right position against the bank of the roadway which was four or five feet above the field, and his head, with all the back of it blown off, was bent at nearly right angles and rested on the pathway, with the eyes open and the face turned upwards towards the blazing Formosa sun. He was breathing, and moved his lips as if to speak, and that the poor fellow was too near death to articulate amused the crowd so greatly that they laughed most heartily. This was more than we could stand, and by taking two celestials bodily and forcing them to assist us, the body was removed from its unnatural position and placed on the pathway out of the glaring sun. The groans of the dying man became weaker and weaker. At last came a quiver of the limbs, and then the funniest part of the whole exhibition to the Chinese audience took place in a convulsive kick, as the poor wretch breathed his last. The Chinese have many good traits, no doubt, but when it comes to a matter of pity for suffering humanity, they are but little above the beasts. Certainly not less than a hundred persons lost their lives. What caused the explosion will never be exactly known ; perhaps the looters in their haste threw the explosives about or were smoking the ordinary Chinese pipe and blowing out the fire and ashes, thus igniting some of the loose powder. Fortunately for the safety of foreign houses, a great portion of the stock had been carried away before the explosion occurred. While returning, we were somewhat shocked to observe a smiling robber following us closely with six paper boxes of dynamite. Observing our alarm, the Chinese loosened his hold and the packages were just dropping when my friend caught them. We silently deposited the load under water in the neighboring rice-field and took the first path towards home, undesirous of encountering any more companions similarly loaded.

Firing, at the rate of twenty or thirty shots a minute, was heard all the mornino-. Although much of it was the result of the Chinese love of noise,

Ill I : JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF NORTH FORMOSA. 305

in numerous cases, especially in Barika and outside <>t the city, the constant fire day and night was to keep out the robbers who were looting right and

left. Several women and children were slain ; and, as for the men, they were too numerous to attract any attention, and were lying about the hot streets dead and dying, while- the river carried man)- a bloated body out to sea.

Now that affairs were ever)' hour growing more serious, the Chinese merchants prepared a petition to the Japanese, requesting them to come on to Taipeh with all haste, that the dangerous class of Chinese might be driven away and the indiscriminate burning and looting of property might cease. The Chinese, whilst they were praying for the Japanese to come, were naturally not a little averse to putting their signatures to a paper inviting them, for the reason that should the mandarins return and be victorious (and to the Chinese this seemed possible) the signers would be promptly be-headed as spies and traitors. Meanwhile, their property was in the greatest danger, and in some cases had been already burnt. Murder was a constant occurrence, and Twatutia was in imminent danger o\ being destroyed by tire The capital city had been fired, the arsenal had been stripped, the saw mill and timber-yard had not a movable object remaining, the powder-mill was burnt, the magazine exploded, and, frenzied by their success and encouraged by lack of opposition, the looters were looking about lor more plunder. Nothing now remained but the private property of foreigners anil Chi-nese; and the report was freely circulated that the houses of the former would be attacked. If the assault came off on not too large a scale, the lives of the foreign community could probably have been all saved, so admirable were the plans of the English and German guards. Property, at least the larger part of it, however, would, if the mob were at all determined, fall an easy capture. At all events, it was an exciting ami dangerous experience, such as few have passed through and emerged from unharmed.1

To afford protection to the foreign houses was the task set before the English and German guards, lift) -five men in all, and the little launch gun-boat Patrol with her machine gun and a small armed crew. The designs ol the two commanders were that, in case of a serious attack, the hong of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., and the German consulate at the extreme south end of the street should be vacated, and the foreign occupants assemble at Messrs. Tait & Co's large hong, which, owing to its situation

1. The residences of the foreign community of Twatutia, with two exceptions, were either on or near the hund of thoTamsui river. At the time we write of, the hong of Jardiue, Matheson & Co., which was represented by Mr. C. H. Best and Mr. M. Woodley, was the last foreign buildiii rth, surrounded

by a nest of Chinese shanties, and in the m 1U8 situation of all. The next building towards the

south and up river was occupied by Dr. C. Merz, the < rerinan consul. In the next block was the Twatutia

ign Clnb, and at the north end of the third blook the hongs of Boyd & Co. represented bj Messrs. A.

' trdiner and G. M. T. Thomson, and Tait & Co. 1 by Messrs. R. H. Bruce and E. H. Low.

trei ts bach of the Foreign Club was the hong of Brown cY Co with no repr< and two_blocks

to the south was the hong of Lapraik, Cass & Co. represented by Messrs. Francis Cass, Francis Ashtoo, and 1!. N. Jenkins; while Captaiu Shubrick, commander of the English marines was there as a go On one street forward wa the office of Reuter, Brockelmann & Co. and thi nta-

tive, Mr. It. N. Ohly, where, thanks to his kind hospitality, I was at this time residing. In the next block to the south resided Mr. E. Hansen, . lectrical cngiueer. Back from the ri\ >ck was the hong of

A. Butler & Co. aud the residence of Mr. J. B. Siebeuman, while several blocks to the south back from the river and near the Arsenal was the residence of Count A Butler, where Lii utenai t Timme, in com-mand of the German marines, was staying as a guest.

would afford the besi rendezvous. The foreign guards would then undertake

to protect the two blocks of houses in between. Should, however, the attack be too strong for the small force, the hong of Messrs. Lapraik, Cass cc Co. was likewise to be deserted and the efforts of the guards confined to the two houses facing the bund. 1 lere the last stand was to be made, and should the hongs be then strongly attacked from the rear, which would probably be the first move attempted by the rioters, the foreign guards and all the residents were to seek refuge on the armed launch Patrol, and protected by its machine gun, as well as by the guards, would be carried down river to Hobe. Some loss of life would no doubt result, however, should matters come to this pass.

It was very unfortunate that such a state of affairs should exist while the Japanese were only ten miles away and would, if notified, have probably come on with a few hundred men, which would have been sufficient to quell all trouble in the city at once. It was resolved that it would be best for all concerned if the Japanese were notified. To do that promptly there was only one way. It was decided that a small part)- should make the journey and notify the Japanese. Mr. Only, Mr. Thomson, and myself volunteered to make the trip. We left about noon, heavily armed and accompanied by an armed Malay, a Chinese coolie, and a Chinese Hag-bearer, and took the route following the railroad track. We found the people along the way perfectly peaceful, the majority of houses had small white flags raised ; and, if it had not been for the constant firing on every side, one might have thought it was an ordinary trip during peaceful days. Nothing of interest occurred on the outward journey other than meeting occasional little parties of looters, one of whom carried in his hand a gold chain and gold cross evidently stolen from a Christian. The first sight of the Japanese we had was just before reaching Sui-teng-ka, (Suihenkiaku), about 10 miles from Taipehfu. We were there stopped by a sentry, and were much surprised to hear the private soldier speak to us in perfect English, "To what port are you going, gentlemen .J" We explained our business, and were soon passing through the camp to the commander's headquarters. After having had weeks of Chinese rabble, the manly appearance of these soldiers was a most refreshing sight. They had advanced on that da)' 500 strong from Kelung, regardless of the 20,000 Chinese troops they believed were in Taipeh to oppose them. Headquarters had been established in a pretty little Chinese joss-house, and all about the camp had been made neat, spick, and span. We were received very cordially and with expressions of confidence. At our suggestion, it was decided to move the whole camp on to Taipeh at once. We joined the officers at their evening mess, consisting of rice, dried fish, and a bowl of vegetables, and after a pleasant hour's visit we were on our way back ; 500 soldiers marching briskly along with us, regardless of the ten miles journey they had just completed, and willing to face another ten miles . without the least appearance of discontent. The)- were a merry set every one of them. A full moon made night radiant, and the troops moving in one unbroken line along the zigzag railway track resembled a giant snake. And no snake could have created greater terror among the Chinese on the hills about us, who ran back into the interior, shrieking and howling as though

thk Japanese oca of north Formosa. 307

their last hour had come. So terror-stricken was one poor old man that he ran towards the troops, and falling at the knees of the commander, yelled and cried like a madman. It was with difficulty that he was made to release his hold and return to his home in the darkness of a bamboo grove. The beating of gongs, the wailing of women who were hurrying away with their children, the wild shouting of the men as they ran from house to house warning the inmates to flee, made up a scene that I shall not soon forget. But the Japanese marched steadily onward, and no doubt it remains to this day a mystery among the simple minded Chinese who witnessed that night's quiet entry, how it was that the Japanese did not kill them all when they had such an excellent opportunity ; for these people fully realized that it the situation had been reversed, the Japanese would have been utterly exterminated. Out of consideration for the inhabitants of the city, the com mander decided not to enter during the night ; for the Chinese in their present condition of nervousness would have been thrown into a state of great alarm. However, if there appeared any sign of fire or rioting, he determined to take in his men at once.

We were advised to remain with the troops ; but, believing that the suc-cessful termination of our mission would be welcome news to both foreigners and Chinese, we decided to return, and started at once for the city only some two miles distant. We were just entering the outskirts about 2 a.m., and were congratulating ourselves upon having met with no mishap, when six shots were fired at us at close range ; but thanks to the darkness and the ordinarily poor aim of the Chinese, we escaped with only a slight shock to our nerves. But it was all a mistake, so we were told with many apologies ; the Chinese who fired at us were guarding the street from armed robbers, and they took us for such ; but when we. informed them that we had been to fetch the Japanese they were most enthusiastically happy. The report of the arrival of the Japanese circulated throughout the city during the few hours following our return ; and, although a Chinese courier went about the streets beating a gong and crying at the top of his voice ; " I >o not despair, have courage, for the great one-eyed Lim will come to-morrow from the south with twenty thousand fierce braves and drive the cowardly invaders back into the sea, whence they came," his tidings wen-received with but little confidence, and the Chinese soldiers and other rabble cleared out at once. The Japanese marched in at daylight (June 7th) without meeting with any opposition, and were welcomed by all peaceful citizens.1

While we were having our little amusement up river, the foreigners down at Hobe were not without protection ; though, had it not been for the German gunboat litis, they would have had more than their share of trouble. The steamship Arthur, formerly the Cass, with Chinese officials and others aboard, arrived at Hobe from Shanghai on the 1st of June. On the morning of the 4th, the incoming Chinese- soldiers retreating from Kelung made things in Hobe look a little serious. The Arthur had remained at anchor in the

1. II. 1.51. the Kmperor of Japan was graciously pleased to express liis satisfaction with the efforts of our little parly by conferring on each of us the Imperial Order of the ltisiug Sun, with the decoraliou and brevet that accompanies this honor.

CHAPTER XX (PART 4 OF 4)

308 THE ISLAM' I IF 1' iRMOSA.

river; and during the morning, the Chinese paymaster of the forces went on board, carrying with him $45,000 which was intended for, and properly be-longed to, the troops, — an action not calculated to promote kindly feelings among the poor starving wretches on shore. In the afternoon, the soldiers, realizing that, without food or money, they were being deserted in a strange land, commenced to tire on passengers going oft to the . Irthur, — peoplewho were fleeing from the country with what valuables they could hastily collect. The latter were thus forced to turn back towards land ; and, as their boats touched the shore, they were overrun by the hungry rabble and everything of value appropriated.

During the evening, Captain Jenssen, in command of the Arthur, came ashore, called on Acting-Commissioner Morse of the Customs, then started to return to his ship, but was tired upon by the soldiers, forced to turn back, and was taken prisoner by the Chinese about nine o'clock. The Chinese still continued to fire on the ship, and the report that President Tang was on board quite naturally enraged them all the more. As the Arthur was inside the harbor anil perhaps half a mile up the river, she was practically in the power of the Chinese, who could use the big guns of the forts and sink her if they desired. Word had already been sent aboard that, if she attempted leaving, the torpedo mines would be exploded, and if that failed, the)- would send her to the bottom with the big L;uns. As the tide turned and the Ar-thur could not leave on account of low water, the captain was released. All night an intermittent fire was continued; and the native boats on the river continued to receive attention, and were forced to mn ashore, and submit to being plundered.

A futile attempt was made the next da)- to get the vessel out, but such a continuous shower of bullets poured down upon the bridge and forecastle-head that it was impossible to work die windlass. In the afternoon, there was more firing from shore, so Captain Jenssen signalled the German gun-boat litis, which was some 600 yards away, that he was in need of help. The commander sent word that he advised Captain Jenssen and his officers to leave the ship. This they could not do in safety, owing to the armed soldiers who would undoubtedly fire upon them. Captain Jenssen, however, succeeded in persuading his passengers to give up their arms, 500 of which, lacking a safe repository, were thrown overboard as soon as secured.

On the morning of the 5th, the soldiers were still firing on the ship. Meanwhile, an armed bod)- went on board, demanded money, and extorted $10,000 from the frightened officials ; while later, two other gangs, following the same tactics, secured $35,000 between them, dividing the amount among the soldiers as far as it would go. A Customs deputy was also taken from the ship and held in his own yamen for ransom, but he escaped by a back door and arrived at a foreigner's house for protection with his clothes torn to rags. Earl)- in the evening, word was sent from the commander of the big fort that the men were beyond his control, and that the)- threatened to turn the 45 ton gun on the vessel and sink her, if any attempt was made to leave ; and just to show that such a thing was possible, pot shots were taken with smaller guns at sampans and cargo boats near the bar, thus cutting

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION < >F NORTH FORMOSA. 3O9

off all shore communication with the steamers Formosa and Bygdo, both lying outside. The special grievance among the men at the fort and different batteries was that they had had no hand in the spoils. When the commander of the fort was asked what could be done, he said that he possessed no authority over his men, but hinted that he believed the soldiers would give up the guns for $5,000, adding that, if that amount was not given them and delivered before morning, the Arthur would be sunk with all on board. Two foreigners, Mr. Nightingale, of the Chinese Customs, and Mr. Waters, very bravely went to the fort late at night to open negotiations. Mr. Morse, acting-commissioner of Customs, succeeded in collecting the amount, and at four o'clock in the morning, the money had been paid into the hands of the soldiers concerned, and the four breech-blocks of the big modern guns had been placed in the possession of Mr. Morse.

Although the Arthur seemed to bear the brunt of the excitement, it cannot be said that the foreigners on shore were without their share. ' Their premises were overrun by the rabble, and it required much tact to avoid arousing the rioters to hostile action. The sight of the gunboat Redbreast, anchored about a mile away, and the litis, close at hand, no doubt tended to promote good behavior. The English consul was provided with an armed guard from the Redbreast.

( )n the morning of the 6th, although the big fort had been effectually disposed of, the soldiers were making more trouble than ever, and con-siderable shooting had been going on in the streets of the village. At 7 p.m., while the crew of the Arthur were about to weigh anchor and get away, a shell from the south shore, where there was a field battery of 9 pounders, came crashing on board, going through the upper deck on the port side, passing through the body of the captain of the ex-president's guard, and fetching up against the steel bulkhead without exploding.

Another shell hit the upper deck, and exploding killed six men instantly. < Hher shells came uncomfortably near, but no further damage was done. Altogether nearly fifty Chinese on board had been wounded — some fatally. As soon as the first shell was fired. Commander Ingenohl, of the litis, gave the command to clear for action, and soon after the signal from the . Irthur, " Help, I am attacked," had been read, the first shot was fired. This exploded just below the battery; but now, having found the range, which was about 2,800 metres, the return shot from the Chinese batten-, which did not hit either vessel, was answered with a second shell, which ex-ploded in the batten', killing, it was afterwards ascertained, 1,3 men. In five; minutes, a third shell was fired ; but the Chinese, who like fighting only when they have it all their own way, had already deserted the batten-. At 8.30, the

1. The foreigners onshore were Mr. L, C. 1 topkins, ELB.M a Consul, Mr. Robert Touzalin, in charge of the hong of Messrs. Lapraik, Cass & Co, Doctor Anglar, the community physician, and the following Customs officials: — Mr. H B. Morse, Acting Commissioner, Mr. J. 1'. tie la Touchc and Mr. Larson, assistants, Mr. Diilberg, Mr. Mailer, Mr. Nightingale, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Heinriohs, Mr. Schneider, Mr. Schwarzer, and Mr. Cautwell.

On the 7th, several hundreds of refugee soldiers had literally taken charge of Messrs Lapraik & Co.s godowns. Mr. Touzalin, the (inn's representative, succeeded in persuading the men to deliver up to him their arms, and large stores of weapons and ammunition were secured by him and placed under lock and key.

310 the Island of foRMosa.

i Xrthur steamed out unmolested with her 2,000 soldiers and many officials of die republic on hoard.'

lust about noon, as affairs were quieting down, and but a few hours after the explosion of the big powder magazine up river, the Chinese created a new excitement by endeavoring to combine business with pleasure, by indulg-ing in a social smoke during the looting of a powder magazine. Result, six dead, besides a considerable but unknown number who found a grave under-neath the mass of earth ami stone which came crashing down upon them. At noon, two Japanese ships arrived off the port, and the firing which had been heard from every side ceased instantly. H. B. M. S. Rainbow arrived on the 7th, and H. G. M.: flag-ship Irene on the 8th. Both saluted the Japanese admiral.

On June 8th, eighteen weary cavalrymen came into Hobe from Taipch-fu, having- led their horses most of the way, owing to the non-existence of proper roads ; and the occupation of Hobe by the Japanese was effected. The next day, more Japanese troops and several civil officials arrived, and the first task undertaken was the forwarding of the Chinese soldiers t<> Amoy. These unfortunates were in a deplorable state, and so alarmed were they lest they might be left behind that considerable force was required to keep them back while any fire-arms that they possessed were being taken away, and precautions made that the steamers should not be overloaded. Both from Kelung and Hobe, shipments were carried on for several days. A few deaths occurred, seemingly from weakness combined with an extreme nervous shock. The writer saw two instances of this. In one case, the man was standing 0:1 the wharf, waiting to cross the gangway. He made several unsuccessful attempts to push into line, his thin ghastly yellow face plainly indicating want of nourishment combined with deprivation of opium. Without a sound from his lips, he iell dead where he stood, the body rolling over once, and falling with a splash off the wharf into the water. The other poor wretches with sickly grins on their faces shoved up further, availed themselves of the space just vacated, and the embarkation continued as before. The other case occurred just as the S. S. Formosa had cleared the wharf and was about to put to sea. A soldier appeared in a sampan with a ticket in his hand, frantically urging on the sampan man to reach the vessel before it was too late. The Chinese on board were shouting to him to make haste, and already the screw had commenced to turn. After much splashing and vigorous rowing, the sampan gained the

1. Tang Cliing suug, Ex-Treasurer, Ex-Acting Governor, and Kx-J 'resident of the Formosau Republic, finally arrived at Nauking after his escape from Tamsui. He evidently thought it unwise to go ou to Peking, not that he would be declared a rebel, but that he might be called on to explain the whereabouts of the large amount of government money that remained in Formosa. It is said that after his arrival at Nanking he fell upon his face before the viceroy, aud refused to stir until pardon was granted for his failure p the Japauese out of the island.

The refugees brought over from Formosa to China included many women and children, those destined for Foochow being taken care of by the mandarins at Pagoda anchorage. Those who wore so fortunate as to have homes were despatched to them. However, there were many p or women without frieuds or relatives; and these, according to the report of a reputable foreign journal published at Foochow, were sold at about $8.00 apiece, the child or children, if there were any, being thrown in. Buyers, it was Understood, were not allowed to pick out the handsome and younger women ; and that none of the more unmarketable of the poor creatures should be left in the hands of the govornmeut, the faces of all- were covered up while the selection was being made.

12 inch Gun in Tamsui Fort. An Entreated Hill on the Tumsui River.

View from the north of Hobe showing old Dutch Fort on left and Customs Jetty on right. Looking westward frcm Hobe Village. Hobe village and port of Tamsui.

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF NORTH FORMOSA.- ;, I I

side-, and the soldier stepped out ol the boat. I le was now safe aboard ; visions of home, family, and native land no doubt flitted through his mind ; he ascended a ft:w steps of the ladder, and then, just as the hands ot his countrymen were out-stretched to assist him on deck — the hoisting of the gangway had already commenced — he fell over backwards, dead, with the passage ticket still clinched tightly in his hand.

What were the total Chinese losses in battle, by disease, and in rows and riots, no one knows. There is nothing upon which to base an estimate. The losses by disease in the garrisons were very large, but no number can be given.'

As an indication of what the losses were, it is well to note that, out of 1,500 men enlisted at Ningpo and brought to Formosa, only 100 returned to the mainland. The survivors reported that the greater number died of disease, a hundred or so were killed at Kelung by the Japanese, and some-deserted or left their comrades to join the southern troops in the centre of of the island.

With the knowledge that Liu Yung-fu, the Black Flag Chief, was hold-ing out in the south, large numbers of the Chinese troops retreated in that direction. Reports coming in irom the country told of much suffering among the smaller bands of soldier refugees. The Chinese in-country residents had been frequently raided during the earlier part of the season by these same braves, and were now, on the latter's downfall, prepared to retaliate. They refused to furnish food to the weary wanderers, and by the application of guerilla tactics, did much killing and robbing. Furthermore, the art of diplo-macy was sometimes brought to bear, as the following incident will show : — A body of Cantonese soldiers stopped for food and rest in a little village not many miles from Taipeh. The villagers willingly provided them with food at iair prices, but when the soldiers were about to leave, the village elder stepped forward, informed them that the Japanese had occupied several ot the larger cities, and suggested that the)- should leave their weapons and ammunition behind them ; for if the Japanese caught them armed, they would certainly be all killed. This seemed like good advice, so the soldiers agreed, and after relieving themselves of their weapons, they were about to start on their journey. But no sooner had the last soldier laid down his rifle than the accommodating villagers grabbed up the weapons and poured a deadly fire on the now disarmed "braves." Many were killed, and all were robbed of everything they possessed, even to their clothes.

To go back to the Capital, TaipeMu, we find, on the morning of June ;th, the Japanese in possession.2 The city inside the wall had been

1. Those soldiers who died were not replaced, although their names were continued on the list ; and it was not at all unusual for little garrisous, quite away from the dangers of inspection, to have the male children of the soldiers put down on the roll. This can he hetter understood when it is pointed out that the military mandarin drew full pay for a certain number of soldiers, and while the pay roll hore the correct number of names, a roll call would show a far less number of men. Iu cast- a high Chil official passed that way, coolies were engaged for the day, clothed in the gaudy uniform, and guns placed iu their bauds, the rauks were full, the mandarin smiled and passed on— the old rogue knew that he did the same on a larger scale— and on his departure the coolies were discharged, while the regulars returned to their opium pipes aud fautau.

2. The Japanese occupation of the north of the island, of course, put a stop to the further arrival of troops and munitions iu the northern districts. However, one vessel had a very narrow escape from running plump into the arms of the Japauesc at Tamsui. It was the steamer Niyi<j-}>0 which the Kwang-

practically deserted by all respectable Chinese, and no opposition outside having been met with, an advance squad of six Japanese were quite surprised at being fired on as they advanced towards the city wall. Their surprise, however, was but small compared with that felt by the few armed robbers who later found that they had tackled a force five hundred strong.

When the Japanese troops reached the city gates, they found them all closed and barricaded, so that it became necessary to use a ladder, which, by the way, was handed over by an old man from the inside, to scale the wall and thus gain entrance to the capital. It might be interesting to state that Captain Yamada, a staff officer of the Imperial Body Guard, was the first Japanese to enter, he having climbed up over the backs of several of his soldiers, who formed themselves into what is sometimes called a " human ladder." The Chinese were very quick to produce white flags, some of which bore a crude attempt at a red circle in imitation of the national liag of Japan. In the native city of Banka were many large banners with inscrip-tions calculated to please the victors, such as : — " Loyal subjects of Japan," " We are all of one nation," " We welcome you as friends," etc.

A yamcn in the vicinity of the ex-president's premises was occupied as the military quarters. Coolies were at once employed in cleaning the streets and gutters and removing the muck and garbage to the river. Upon the arrival of some of the higher officials, Taipeh was selected as headquarters for the Imperial Bod)- Guard and chief seat of the Japanese civil administration in the island.1 On June 17th, the ceremony of the in-auguration of the administration of the island was celebrated. H.I.H. Prince Kitashirakawa, Admiral Count Kabayama, and other high Japanese officials were present, and all the consuls,- together with the leading Chinese and European residents, comprised the foreign guests. An enjoyable entertain-ment was given, and much pleasure was afforded by the presence of the large band from the Japanese: flagship, which gave the first band concert ever heard in the island.

1. As soon as the occupation of Taipehfu was completed, the following proclamation in English and Chinese was posted about the city : —

Phoclamation.

His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, having acquired by cession from His Majesty the Emperor of China, under the Treaty of Peace concluded at Shimonoseki, on the 17th day of the 4th month of the 28th year of Meiji, the full and perpetual sovereignty of the Island of Taiwan and the Islands appertaining or belonging thereto, and the Islands composing the Pescadores Group, that is to say, all Islands lying between the 119th and 120th degrees of Longitude cast from Greenwich and the 23rd and 24th degrees of North Latitude, together with all fortificatious, arsenals, and public property on said Islands.

Now therefore, I, Admiral Viscount Kabayama Sukenori, His Imperial Japanese Majesty's Governor of Taiwan, the Pescadores, and their dependencies, have, by Command and in the Name of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan, taken possession of the ceded Islands aforesaid, and as His Imperial Japanese Majesty's Governor of Taiwan, the Pescadores, and their dependencies, I liave assumed the administration and government thereof.

All inhabitants of the ceded territory peacefully pursuing their ordinary and lawful vocations will receive full and constan1 protection.

tung officials bad loaded with arms and ammunition, ami-despatched for Tamsui She had just pa d Hongkong when the officials, to their great consternation, received news of the occupation of Tamsui by the Japanese. The mandarins naturally lost no time, and by availing themselves ofa£two|"_fast launches they were able to overhaul the Ning-po when about 90 miles from Hongkong. She accordingly returned to Canton on the 10th of June, and her cargo was discharged by special arrangement into private godowns. Soldiers had]also been engaged and assembled at Canton, but, on receiving news'of the Japan-ese occupation, they were disbanded and presented with a dollar and a half each to return to their houses.

As it was originally believed that the pacification <>l Formosa by the

Japanese would be accomplished without much trouble, Count Kabayama's staff was organized exclusively on a civil basis. However, now that it had been discovered that extensive preparations had been made to oppose the Japanese, it became necessary to change it to a military one. The ( iovernor-General, Admiral Count Kabayama, assumed the command of the Imperial troops in the island. The administration was di\ ided into four general divisions, i.e., the Governor-General's Office, the .Military Bureau in charge of Major-General Oshima, the Naval Bureau in charge of Rear-Admiral Tsunoda, and the Civil Bureau in charge of Mr. S. Mizuno.1

For the first few weeks all went as merry as one could wish. The Imperial Body Guards were as a rule polite to foreigners, and as kind to, and considerate of, the Chinese as one could expect. Nothing occurred to mar the general satisfaction that Formosa had come under the dominion of Japan. Business, which had been at a complete standstill for several days, revived with a rush the very day the troops arrived. The feeling of con-fidence seemed to exist in the neighboring country districts also, for deputa-tions arrived to express the friendliness of their respective villages and to announce their desire that troops should be sent at once, that the people might be placed under the protection of the Japanese government. The speedy occupation of the whole island now seemed assured ; but, as later chapters will show, this was not the easy task it was at first supposed to be.

1. The Governor-General's Office comprised two divisions ; the Staff Department and the Aide-de-Camp Department. The Military Bureau was subdivided into the Director's Office, the Artillery Department, the Engineering Department, the Gendarmerie Department, the Paym 1 partment,

the Cash Department, the Provision 1 nt, the Medical Department, the Judicial Department, the

Telegraph Department, and the l'o?t Office I 'partment. The divisions and personnel of the Civil Affairs Bureau was as follows : —

Agricultural and Industrial Department B. Hashiguchi.

Financial Department B. Hashiguchi (Acting).

Educational Department S. Iz;i\va.

Home Department B. Maki.

Foreign Department H. Shimamura.

Rear-Admiral Tanaka was the first prefect of Taipeh, and S. Nomura the first commissioner of Customs.

CHAPTER XXI (PART 1 OF 4)

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF Mil) FORMOSA

The expedition against Teckcham — Personal experiences — Aggravating cooties — -A deserted village- Numerous skirmishes— The Japanese machine gun The occupation of Teckcham— City a soldier's camp— Chinese ideas of gratitude — Xew methods of insurance Our force weakened — Insurgents surround Teckcham — Trouble along line communication — An improvised fortress Characteristics oj the Japanese soldier — Tapanese commissariat — Japanese armament- —The Murata repeating rifle— Chinese soldiers- The white flag defiled — A trip to Kehmg I Chinese drug store — The southern expedition abandoned — Fighting outside Taipeh — Chinese again attack Teckcham — Annihilation of a Japanese convoy Brave conduct- Suicide of six soldiers — .1 squadron of cavalry exterminated A struggle for life — Large force takes the field — Nvulango and Longtampo captured— The attack on Tokoham — White flags shelter inswgents — Stringent measure* — Large expedition formed — Capture of Sankakeng — .1 pitiful scene Operations conducted by Matsubaia, Yamane. and Naito columns — Niidanwa and sin/in occupied — Headquarters remoted to Tedkcham — The north central dis-tricts— Insurgents strongly fortified— Kiukianna and Juharin occupied — Main expedition formed — The fortified hill of Chapisoan < Senpitsusan ) captured — Tiongkong fChukuJ and Tavfun occupied — Peep on the Chinese side -Aulang occupied — .1 skirmish near Maoli — Obstinate resistance at Chenkansoan — Maoli, Taiko, and Koloton occupied — Treaehermts use if white flag — A hard fight — Bravery of tic<< soldiers — Taiwanfu occupied — Plans for capture if big inland city of Changwha (ShokaJ ami its fortifications — .1 memorable engagement — Skilful strategy— A decoy camp — Nii/lit attach — Panic-stricken braves — A surprised garrison — An army amah — The fall of Changwha — Heavy loss of life — Skirmishes in neighborhood — Capture of Tarimu — Changivha a fever pit — Putrifying bodies poison tlie air — An army incapacitated — Chinese laborers in fortune — Imperial' approbation^Preparations fur southern expedition A deplorable change — The Japanese coolie in Formosa— Undesirable individuals — Disease in the island Savages accompany a Japanese force — First meeting with savages— A Formosan

ijale.

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF MII> FORMOSA. 315

The first duty of the Japanese administration was to plana campaign against the rebels throughout Formosa, who now had their headquarters at

Tainanfu in the south ot the island, the capital of the republic. The famous pirate and Black Rag Chief. Liu Yung lu, had declared himself the president "elected by the people," and commander-in-chiel ot the troops in the island. Even the village garrisons but a few miles from the Japanese capital of Tai-peh, who were formerly under the command ot President Tang, now reported to Liu Yung-fu far away in the south. Under these circumstances, the For-mosan republic cannot be said to have ceased when the fapanese raptured Taipeh in the nordi. It was merely reorganized and the seat of government transferred to the south. It was now quite evident to the fapanese that the subjugation of the island was a task that could only I »mplished by a

considerable army thoroughly equipped on a war basis.

The first expedition was to be' to the south towards Teckcham (Hsin-chu), a walled city forty miles from Taipeh. A company had been previously despatched on a reconnoitering expedition, and had proceeded, not however without considerable difficulty, nearly as far south as Teckcham. Here the Chinese troops were encountered in such large numbers that it was impossi-ble to push on further. This party brought to Taipeh the information that, according to Chinese reports, the enemy's forces in Teckcham aggregated about 2,000. It was also ascertained that a general with five battalions of infantry, which had been collected at Changwha (Shokai, was hourly ex-pected. Hereupon, a detachment, consisting of a battalion of the 2nd regi-ment, two companies of engineers and artillery, and a troop of cavalry, assembled outside the north gate of Taipeh, and took up the march for the south.

I had obtained permission from the Imperial Prince to accompany the expedition,1 and as it was quite likely that it might be necessary to do with-out horses, owing to the possible non-existence of roads, I decided, rather than risk the long marches under the burning Formosan sun, to avail myself of a Chinese chair with four carriers, which had been offered me by the com-mander. As Japanese interpreter, Mr. Kurushima, a young volunteer soldier of the Imperial Body Guards, was detailed tor my service. He had been educated in an English school, could speak and write English fluently, and proved himself to be an exceptionally bright and reliable young man.

< >ur first march of sixteen miles was a pretty stiff one for troops unac-customed to the heat of a Formosan sun, and dressed as they wen- in the winter uniform, with headgear affording absolutely no protection against the sun. We made our first camp at Toahong (Toshien). Nothing had occurred of importance. We had followed the railway track, and the road lay between well cultivated rice fields, anil among hills covered with bamboo groves. Even the railway had not escaped the looters: the telegraph poles, wooden

1. Thanks to tlie United States minister in Tokyo, I v. .Hilary staff, and

consequently found it 1101 a difficult task to obtain credentials temporarily, awaiting the more authorita-tive documents from the Military Department in Tokyc I was in\ Imperial Prince Kitashirakawa, and I reci 1 his hands, and was inf. that 1 should have the same com given me in in the north, and I would be attached to the Imperial Body Guards until 1 itablished.

3 1 6 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

bridges, and even the wooden ties had been torn up from beneath the rails and removed. We slept that night in a Chinese temple. By forcibly ejecting a lot of little josses who were occupying the only stand in the place, we obtained a satisfactory dining table, and as soon as we had disposed oi tin-army rations, a small mosquito-net was rigged up, the table doing duty as a bed, while the wierd old idols looked down on us from all sides, frowning more than ever at the intrusion.

The next morning at five, we were on our way again, following the railway, and, as on the da}' before, we found the Chinese peaceably at work. Each house had out its little white Hag. The natives were not interfered with in any way, and in turn the Chinese made no trouble for the Japanese. We encamped that night at Tiongliek (Chureki), after a march of twelve miles. A military telegraph had been constructed thus far by the telegraph corps ac-companying the reconnoitering party, which had advanced to this point a few days before. The inhabitants of the town and district were found to be chiefly Hakkas ; that hardy race of Chinese whose customs and manners differ much from other Chinese, and whose women with their unbound feet, their graceful gait, and their hair-dress somewhat resembling that of Japanese women, are fresh and not bad-looking.

The next morning about 5, we heard sharp firing outside. It was a skirmish between a party of mounted scouts and a detachment of the enemy. We were up and along with but little delay, and the cavalry, now supported by a company of infantry, was sufficient to induce the Chinese to retire to a stronger position on the top of the surrounding hills. The detachment was here divided into three columns, one to proceed along the railway track and the two others along the table-lands leading up to the hills on the right and left. At a short distance from a small village, in which a considerable amount of arms and ammunition had been found, a detachment of the enemy appeared on the brow of a hill in front and opened fire on our main column. To obtain a better view of the enemy, my companion and I joined the advance guard ; but upon our coming out in the clearing, and proceeding a few rods, the firing was so heavy from the Chinese just ahead of us, that the members of our little band scattered, and my companion and I lay clown flat and embraced the raihvay embankment most affectionately, while eleven bullets with a most disagreeable plunk, went into the mud of the big ditch at our feet. The main column, about 1,000 metres from the enemy, did not reply, but sat down to noon mess. Meanwhile, the artillery had planted a battery of mountain pieces, and after firing a few well aimed shells we were again advancing along the plateau, the enemy retreating to a high line of hills stretching from right to left, a splendid position, and with the railway passing through the only apparent break. The Chinese commenced a brisk fire upon the approaching cavalry and infantry, now closing in about them, and then with Chinese braggadocio began advancing clown from the hills towards us. Several detachments were sent out to the east and west, and the artil-lery, again brought into play, sent such a hot fire of shells among the Chinese that they were soon retreating like sheep. It was a hot day and

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF MID FORMOSA. ^17

my chair coolies were a great source of annoyance. I )uring the morning we had progressed but a short distance, when several rille reports were heard.

This seemed to amuse my chair coolies, until suddenly, in close succession. two bullets whizzed through the air a rod or so off and well above us. My chair was dropped like a shot, and a movement to the rear was executed by those five coolies with a speed equalled only by that ol the missile which had alarmed them. My interpreter drove them to the front again, but I saw it was useless to depend further on the chair, and decided to tramp it for the rest of the day. A few hours later, several staff-officers were resting in a shad_\- grove. A bench was brought forward by an orderly for one of the higher officers, who invited me to share it with him. I accepted, and later we both rose to greet an officer just arriving, and then returned (o the bench. But to my companion's merriment and my dismay, I found that one of my coolies, whom we had dubbed "mandarin," had taken possession of our bench and was busily engaged in searching for the enemy which infested his person. This was thefirst of the many incidents which convinced me that my coolie was a thorough republican. He recognized no class or distinction ; the humblest Japanese coolie and the Imperial Prince were alike to him. While in charge of the baggage it was invariably his custom, when stopping, to place the load with its long pole across the roadway, to sit down in the middle of a narrow pathway, and complacently watch half a hundred soldiers, a troop of cavalry, or perhaps a batten- of artillery turn from the road to pass him. Two white tags floating above each little pile of baggage marked it as the property of the American correspondent, and as such it was respected. The chair coolies collectively were even worse. They never took a parallel path to the one on which the troops were marching, and they thought nothing of setting down the chair in such a position as to throw a whole file of soldiers into confusion. They would charge through a troop of cavalry or a battery of artillery; would., without compunction, plant the chair and themselves clown in front of the regimental commander, blocking his sight during some important manoeuvre, and would everlastingly get their big chair in the way when given the slightest opportunity. Politeness, pleadings, threats, kicks, were of no avail.

The army marched into the village of Tokohao where camp No. 3 was established. The village was totally deserted, the shops being left wide open, exposing the shelves filled with goods, as though waiting a customer. There was no confusion, and the village must have been deserted on \ en-short notice, inasmuch as no attempt had been made to close doors or store away valuables. Some of these shops wire specially enticing: but I must state that, although the soldiers were roaming about the stre< I did not see one enter a shop; and in the morning, as 1 walked through the village, all seemed to be intact.

Before retiring, we learned of severe fighting that had occurred on the seashore, between a detachment of about sixty of our troops (infantry) and a considerable force of Chinese, who had sought refuge in a very substantial stone building provided with loop holes, through which the Chinese wen-able to fire on their opponents without danger to themselves. Alter an en-

318 THE tSLAND OF FORMOSA.

gagement of several hours, during which the [apanese met with some loss, a portion of the wall was blown up with gunpowder, the brave fellows volun-teering for this task being nearly all wounded in accomplishing it, one fatally. At 3 am. the next morning, we were up, and an hour later, on our way ascending the tableland that lay before us. The Chinese forces were down in the low lands ahead, anil commenced firing at 5.30. We advanced to the brow of the elevation, the mountain and machine guns were brought into position, and the hills resounded with firing such as the interior of Formosa had not heard before. Some very good work was done by the mountain-gun battery, and the Chinese were soon on the retreat, running along the nar-row pathways of the rice fields, crossing a river, and ascending a hill beyond. This offered a splendid opportunity for marksmanship, and many a retreat ing brave went down with a bullet in his back.

On this day, there were several opportunities for my coolies to add to their reputation. The)- all appeared now in splendid array. Silk coats, rings on their fipgers, new pipes, embroidered tobacco pouches ; and " Man-darin " strutted proudly about with a fur cap and silk trousers. My chair 1 found converted into a receptacle for stolen goods. Jn other words, my coolies had spent the day in looting. I threw the stuff into a neighboring patch of undergrowth and hurried them along. What the [apanese thought of it all I don't know. There must have been much anger smothered on several occasions, on account of those wretches. During the after noon " Mandarin " again imposed himself upon the official circle, first by requesting the loan of the colonel's field glasses that he might note the enemy's movements, and secondly by waiting without any evi-dence of impatience until an orderly had carefully arranged the colonel's blanket and then occupying it himself. I was called to the scene and found " Mandarin " employing himself in removing scales from a number of offen-sive sores on his leg; and, I regret to say, he did not always throw them clear of the blanket. Words utterly failed me, and I so far disregarded the usual methods of enforcing military discipline as to attempt a kick; but " Mandarin " with much agility evaded this, and then left us with low mum-bled expressions of disgust, to give his attention for the next half hour to the intricacies of a machine-gun.

We now commenced the march on Teckcham, four Japanese corres-pondents and myself accompanying the machine-gun batten-, which was taking a route well to the left of the main column. I could not but admire the cheerfulness with which the fellows in charge of this battery plodded along. They had great loads to carry under any circumstances, but in the middle of summer, under a Formosan sun, and dressed in heavy winter garments, their task appeared almost heroic. '

J. The Japauese machine-gun is manufactured in Osaka, and is similar to the Maxim gun so far that the recoil is utilized in providing power for loading aud ejecting the cartridges. It is -H3 calibre and can be fired up to COU shots a minute. This weapon was used for the first time in warfare in Formosa. It was not found satisfactory, however, and it is reported that this particular type will he abandoned. The chief difficulty in Formosa, so far as i was able to observe, was that the cartridges frequently jammed, and it was often necessary to either abandon its use or to stop in the middle of an engagement and take the weapon to pieces to extract the unruly cartridge, which refused to come out any other way. Each

THE JAPANESE 0CC1 MID FORMOSA. 3 1 q

Through the field, uphill and downhill, fording the river, with our clothes alternately soaking wet and drying in the burning sun, we proceeded until, meeting a company of infantry marching with all haste that the)- might be the first to attack the walls of the distant capital, we joined them, leaving the machine-gun fatten- to follow more slowly. About 11.30a.m. we caught the first glimpse of the towers o! the cily, and the inspiring sight hastened all ; for each company was ambitious to be the first to plant the national flag upon the walls. The apparent danger to a small force of men in attacking a walled city, which might contain several thousand soldiers and have hidden mines around it, did not worry our small detachment in the least. They marched on with quickened steps, although much exhausted by the heat and fatigue of the seven hours' work they had already performed, exposed to the glare of a blazing sun, and then freaking into a run, they hastened along, shouting, cheering, and with faces beaming with enthusiasm. The Chinese had constructed a moat, but the Japanese plunged into it from the banks, holding their guns and ammunition above their heads, and were clambering over the opposite bank, almost as quickly as if they had a bridge. I, however, crossed on a trembling bamboo ladder which had been thrown across for my use, and was thus able to keep up with the head of the company without having to take a mud bath. We anticipated a good fight in Teckcham as the Japanese had surrounded the place on three sides, and the Chinese uniformed troops had keen plainly seen to enter the city. On reaching the heavy elites, we found them barricaded from within. Ladders, which we had carried with us, were placed against the walls, and a stream of fapanese were climbing up and sending shot after shot at the Chinese soldiers who were occasionally seen as they darted here and there among the houses. As evidence that the Chinese were surprised at the suddenness of the attack, old jing-galls and numerous antediluvian cannon mounted on the wall were found loaded but unfired. A small force of modern soldiers could have held the city for several days ; but the Chinese made no attempt, although preparations for a prolonged siege were seen on every hand. The wall had keen strengthened and in some places rebuilt, and was defended by cannon of all sizes and conditions ; while the big gates were closed with a mass of rocks and sand, reaching halfway up the gate way. The city was filled with Chinese soldiers. We knew that; for their fright uniforms had been seen but a few moments before. Xow came a sudden stage transformation scene. From furious soldiers in battle array to peaceful smiling merchants and smirking coolies would be quite a feat lor European soldiers ; but the Chinese accomplished it in the ten minutes' interval between the time when the first Japanese soldier scaled the wall and when the Japanese were in complete possession. It was an irritating position. Had the Chinese force, which greatly outnumbered ours, made any attempt at defence and later surrendered, they would have won the respect of every fapanese in our party. It is difficult for a civilian

gun was mounted on a light carriage which was pulled by Japanese soldiers, who were also loaded with

their 1 kits. 'I'll.' ammunition for a day's use whs in wo< " tlio

backs of soldiers. Eight; pounds was the usual allowance to each soldier, who had besides his regular kit of over sixteen pounds,

to realize the sjckening disgust of a soldier who, after plodding along in the heat, clay after day, to attack the enemy, finds his opponents discarding all warlike equipments, ami coming forward smirking and disclaiming all knowledge of the enemy. Rifles and ammunition, uniforms, spears, and other equipments were strewn about the streets ; and from their quantity it appeared that the Chinese soldiers must have numbered at least a thousand. That many of them were still present the houses crowded with men gave evidence, hut unfortunately there was no means of ascertain-ing who were soldiers, and the Japanese made no attempt to do so. The victors behaved splendidly. No shops were broken into, no one was molested, and in an hour or so the gates were opened, sentries posted, and communication with the outside freely permitted. At first the people, crowded into the houses, would not come out, but after a few doors had been forced open by the Japanese, they gradually came forth, and busied themselves in hoisting white flags over the doorways, and in freely offering tea and cakes to all who passed. l?ut as the [apanese still showed no signs of ill will, the Chinese quickly changed their ideas of the situation, and in a very short time the tea and cakes were withdrawn, the merchants opened their stores, and, instead of giving away their wares, doubled their prices; the beggars crawled out.of their hiding places, all seemingly possessed with the idea that the Japanese were there for their special benefit, and that any extortion was perfectly proper. Now was a [apanese guilty of some slight breach ot etiquette, the same wretches who were but a few hours ago wailing and crying in the dust, shouted and chattered away as though they intended to eat up the guilt)- fellow on the spot.

It was necessary to obtain some assistants among the Chinese, espe-cially as the Japanese interpreters understood only the Peking dialect, which is entirely unknown to most of the Formosan Chinese. A bright looking native, formerly a petty Chinese official, was discovered who could speak the Peking dialect. He was at once engaged as assistant, and a tag denot-ing this (act was given him as a sort of passport. His new position, com-bined with his former power for evil, made him appear to the natives a very formidable character; and in true Chinese style he availed himself of that reputation to the utmost. Unable to squeeze their money according to the " olo custom " he devised new means quite as effective. Calling from shop to shop and from house to house, he told the occupants that for a small pre-mium he could insure their buildings against harm from the Japanese, and allow their business to continue untrammeled ; but if they did not produce the necessary fee, he would promptly hand their property over to the Japan-ese for destruction. A large sum of money was thus obtained, and to each contributor he gave a small flag bearing an inscription in Chinese, to the effect that the occupant was a good man, etc. ; (lags which could, of course, have been made by any one, and would have received equal consideration' from the Japanese. Unfortunately for the enterprising official, he visited, during i me ot his tours, a store, the top floor of which was occupied by several Japanese correspondents. The storekeeper inquired of one of the corres-pondents as to whether the charge demanded was excessive or not, with the

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF MID FORMOSA. 32 1

result that in a very few moments, the insurance company was placed under arrest, and the Japanese were more cautious in the selection of assistants.

News having reached us that the villagers had made an attack on small parties of Japanese coming in from Taipeh, a large portion of our infantry was at once despatched along the route to keep open communication with Taipeh. Chinese military officials apparently learned of this ; lor the next morning (24th) a large force approached from the south and took up a position on the surrounding hills but a short distance from the city. The first attack was made on an outpost, which, re-inforced with but thirty men, bravely held their ground. Meanwhile, a battery of mountain guns was placed in position. The Chinese were now boldly marching down the hillside in good order, their gay uniforms and banners plainly visible. The first shell was fired from our side and exploded among them. They hesit-ated a moment, and then as the fire from two machine-guns was added to the battery, they suddenly turned tail, scattered in great confusion, and fled like frightened deer. Yet they outnumbered us probably ten to one. Another Chinese column on two occasions assembled, and was twice dispersed with ease, though our small force did not dare go far from the city, knowing that many Chinese soldiers were within the walls, who would doubtless rise against the Japanese if they wen- given the slightest opportunity. The expedition thus far had cost the Japanese a loss of eighteen men killed and wounded, while the Chinese had about one hundred killed.

With the intention of joining the expedition ordered to the south, 1 left Teckcham on the 27th of June t' 1 return to Taipeh. The insurgents had been making considerable trouble- along the line, tearing down the military tele-graph and making a strong attack on the commissariat station at Tiengliek. Our returning party consisted of one company of infantry. On the 2.Xth, just before reachini; Tiengliek, we encountered the enemy : but as we were greatly outnumbered, and besides, had been ordered to hurry on to Taipeh. we hid in a bamboo grove until the Chinese disappeared over the hills. We then proceeded, and in a short time passed the ruins of a large muil-brick house which had been the scene of a brisk fight on the 25th. On that day, a strong body of insurgents had attacked a company of infanta- posted there. The Chinese were dispersed, with the exception of a party which had taken possession ol the above-men-tioned house, which they had provided with loop holes, through which they fin-d on the Japanese with considerable effect, killing two and wounding four. The Japanese found that their bullets could not penetrate the thick walls, so after a futile siege for a while, they put a sudden end to the combat by setting fire to the roof. The Chinese- were horror-stricken at this solution of the affair and attempted to escape, but some twelve or fifteen remained too long and found a grave under the smoking ruins. ( )n reaching Tiengliek we were joined by a company which was waiting for a reinforce-ment of artillery. They had engaged in an unsuccessful skirmish during the mortling, with a loss of one killed and three wounded, including a lieutenant. We remained in the village during the heat of' the day : then we marched all night and reached Taipehfu at 8 a.m. the next morning, having passed on

CHAPTER XXI (PART 2 OF 4)

the way several companies ol infantry and a battery of artillery despatched to aid the small force scattered between Tiengliek and Teckcham.

The trip had been one of much value and interest, and the Japanese had treated me with great kindness. I formed on this my first journey, man)- impressions which my later experiences did not lead me to change, First, that the [apanese were brave and courageous ; that for quiet and soldierly discipline, for cheerfulness under adverse circumstances, for sturdi-ness and endurance, they were a superior body of men. Physically they were all small, hut very noticeable was their evenness in height, weight, and strength. A military man familiar with the condition of roads such as existed in Formosa can readily understand that under a burning sun in sum-mer, seven to eight miles a day would be a very good record.1 Nevertheless the Japanese, in spite of their winter uniform anil the fact that they were wholly unaccustomed to the semi-tropical climate of the island, having arrived but a few days before from cold Manchuria, made an average advance of more than thirteen miles a day; and on one day, one of the hottest I have ex-perienced in the island, sixteen miles were marched. The military coolies, the ammunition carriers, kept their places in rank ; and so equal were their powers of endurance that not a man fell out. The diet was one that gave great advantage to the Japanese as well as Chinese soldiers. Rice in the East can lie easily obtained, is easily transported, and can be easily prepared. Large iron pans wen- carried by the commissariat corps but rarely used, as every village, even a group of farm houses, contained all the appliances ne-cessary. Every soldier carried a small oblong basket holding about a quart of rice which was the ration for each meal. Vegetables, fish, and sometimes meat, were given in varying quantities as they could be obtained.

The brunt of the campaign in Formosa was borne by the infantry. \\ hile it is true that cavalry were utilized, still the absence of passable roads marred their usual effectiveness. The artillery was limited to mountain-gun batteries. Field-guns were brought to Kelung and later to Teckcham, but no occasion was found for their use. The Chinese have a great horror of all artillery, ami had it not been for the difficulty of transport, this arm would have been found of the greatest value. It is interesting to note that the magazine rifle2 and the machine-gun with which the Japanese troops in For-mosa were provided were used for the first time in warfare during the For-mosan campaign.

The Chinese troops equipped with good weapons or bad, without drill,

1. The French troops in Madagascar advanced at an average rate of not over four miles a day.

2. The Imperial Body Guard were armed with a -.315 calibre ten fire repeating rifle called the Murata, made at the arsenal in Tokyo. While a very serviceable long range weapon, it seemed to have a weak spot in its repeating mechanism. The extra cartridges wero contained in a second barrel, as is found in the Winchester rifle. 'This nei e long spring which lias to lie sufficiently strong to push up the last oartridge and yet not too strong to render the loading of the last two or three cartridges too difficult a task to l>e accomplished without taking the rifle down from the proper position of loading. On one or two oc-casions I noted that the spring did not bring out the cartridges, either because of a jam or too weak a spring; and again it v ly to place the rifle in an unguarded position, and engage all the soldier's attention and no little strength, to force in the last two or three cartridges. However, this

i are, and it was always to be used as a single fire weapon entirely independent of the magazine. The above defect is to be remedied, however, and preparations are now being made to arm the infantry with a new rifle, in which 1 believe the underfeed principle,, similar to that of the magazine rifles, is to be adopted.

["HE JAPANES1 OCCUPATION OF MID 5A. 323

and unskilled in foreign tactics, prote< ted by magnificent forts with big modern guns, or behind mudwalls with jing-gals, conducted themselves always with scarcely a redeeming feature. Their forces never advanced to make an attack unless they were confident that their position permitted of an easy retreat and that they greatly outnumbered their opponents. I know of hardly a single instance where, in the clearing, they have held their own against an approaching force, under anywhere near equal conditions. It i usual manoeuvre for the Chinese; to draw themselves up in mighty splendor on some open plot ot ground in lull view of the enemy, and should the latter advance towards to them, to commence to fire off every available firearm, although they may be entirely out of range. This continues until the enemy has advanced sufficiently near to make his Uillets felt in the Chinese ranks, and then there is a scatter and a scramble for a safer position, where their forces rally again to repeat the same tactics as before. The great fort the Chinese in Formosa was guerrilla warfare and street lighting. Unarmed carriers, commissariat coolies, and scouts, small reconnoitering parties, were their special delight.

The greatest obstacle that the Japanese encountered was the smiling villagers who stood in their doorways, over which they had flown a white Hag, watching the troops pass by. For these natives the Japanese had at first a kind word and a smile. But scared)- were tin- troops out of sight before guns were brought out through the same doorways and shots tired at the first unfortunate party whose numbers were sufficiently small to make it appear safe to the treacherous occupants. Troops now return and find the mutilated bodies of their companions in the streets ; while at the doors and windows of the houses near, are the same- grinning fiends and the same little white flag, an emblem of peace, still lloating over their guilt)" heads. It is pleasant to sit in one's home and to think of mercy even to one's enemy, but it is quite a different thing in the miserable camp of a soldier. 1 was much struck with the extreme leniency of the commander of the southern expi tion, who made no attempt to surround the insurgents, who always allowed a path open for the enemy to escape, who had his communications cut again and again ; his carriers, messengers, and scouts murdered and mutilal by villagers who had declared their loyalty and hoisted the white flag to pro-tect them in their treachery. With this weak policy, the month of July (uund affairs rapidly growing worse. The large bodies of insurgents learned that the) could harass the Japanese with comparative safety, and the villag< rs that killing under a white flag brought no punishment. To the majority oi Chin there appeared but one reason for such conduct. It was that the Japanese feared them. Then came the organization of new bands of insurgents in-spired by the idea that the Japanese could be easily driven from the island. To the Chinese who were peacefully inclined, the position was most de-rate; for, placed between two tires, first forced to serve the rel els and tl the Japanese, to the sacrifice of property and sometimes ot lite, there was peace or comfort. Proclamations purporting to have originated with the governor-general were scattered broadcast, stating that all must pay tribute to the Japanese, that not even the pig, dog, cat. goose, or chicken would be

324 THE tSLANl iRMOSA.

exempt from taxation ; and that the Chinese should not close their doors against the Japanese, bul give freely to die conquerors of all they had, even to the women, who should he placed at the disposal of the soldiers. These proclamations, which were believed unhesitatingly by all, quite naturally stirred the people up to a great pitch, ami it was not surprising that attacks were constant even in such districts as the Japanese had nominally occupied. After two days' stay in Taipehfu, procuring the necessary equipment for the trip to the south, I left on a special military train for Kelung, making a very quick trip. The locomotive and coaches were much cleaner than form-erly, but plainly showed that they had not escaped the last days of the re-public. Every removable attachment about the engines had been stolen, and on the arrival of the Japanese, with their limited facilities at hand, it was no trifling work to replace the missing parts. The engines were finally tinkered up, however.and were again pulling the rickety cars which had been reduced by the looters to mere unfurnished vans. ( )n reaching Kelung, I was surprised to note how little there was left to remind one of the sleepy town of Chi-nese days ; the streets wire bustling with life, and the sound of the hammer and saw was heard on every side. Five men-of-war and fourteen transports were in the harbor, where I had never seen more than one. foreign vessel before. As I had not been definitely stationed on any particular transport, I occupied in Kelung village a portion of a pharmacy store, where a Chinese druggist dispensed foreign drugs. Upon first entering the building, I was amazed at the big stock carried. Shelves and shelves of foreign drugs, while on one side arose tier after tier of celebrated brands of ale and stout and English and German beer m quarts and pints. " Familiarity breeds contempt," however, and upon a closer inspection, I found the enormous supply of foreign drinkables dwindled down to one small Lottie of inferior brandy, the others containing Chinese samshu nicely sealed and with the original foreign label intact. The majority of the drugs were equally illu-sory. Most of the jars and bottles were empty, and those that did contain a lew medicines were arranged with a most fearful disregard for labels. Am-monia was produced from a bottle whose only inscription was "A Refreshing and Delicious Beverage — Royal dinger Beer."

The next morning I received information that I was to join the transport Sakura Maru, and, arriving on board, I was made very comfortable by the offi-cers in charge. All arrangements for our departure were about completed when, to our great surprise, we were notified by Major-General Vamaneto return to Taipeh, as the expedition to the south of the island had been abandoned for the present. The original intention had been to proceed with the second brigade of the Imperial Body Guards and land somewhere in the vicinity of Anping, the port of the southern capital, where Liu-Yung-fu and his 10,000 Black Flags were stationed. The equipment necessary for a summer campaign in the south had not yet arrived, and the few days' delay was sufficient to carry us into the period of the south-west monsoon, which rendered it dangerous to attempt the landing of men and supplies before the end of September.

It would seem that an effort might have been made to complete preparations say ten days sooner, or. better still, to send a second

THE JAPANES1 OCCUPATION 01 MID FORMOSA. 325

expedition to the south simultaneously with the first expedition to the north. Had the Japanese been aware of the real strength of the Chim forces, this would no doubt have been done, but the Black Flags had been represented by all as blood-spitting monsters who, under command of the fearful Pirate Chief, would give the Japanese the greatest trouble. As it was, the delay was most unfortunate for the foreign merchants of the south, who had for more than a month been placed under the rather capricious authority of Liu Yung-fu and his several thousand braves, and the latter threatened at any moment to overthrow their new republic and its officers and to engage in indiscriminate looting. Although the distance by land was less than 200 miles from Kelung, the expedition would meet with almost insurmountable difficulties if they attempted the trip overland. For at that time of year, the mountain streams had become unfordable surging rivers which would defy all efforts to bridge them hastily with the usual temporary military structures, and the pathways had been converted bj July and August rains into streams of mud, rendering the moving of heavy ordnance and supplies specially difficult.

On the 10th of July, a few Japanese couriers were attacked a mile or so outside the capital city. The firing could In- plainly heard in Taipeh, and the majority of the better class Chinese were thrown into a perfect frenzy of fear, believing that General Liu and his southern army had appeared and would slaughter them all, in punishment for their submission to the Japanese. Large numbers of Chinese had already crossed to the mainland ; not on account of their dislike of the Japanese, but because they had no confidence- that the latter could protect them. Reports of engagements by the dozen reached their ears ever)' day, and in these reports the Chinese were always victorious.

On the nth, a large body of the insurgents assembled in the vicinity of Teckcham and made a fourth attack on that city. They took up their position on the east hills, throwing up entrenchments which they mounted with jing-gals. The Japanese, by a skillful manoeuvre, attacked the enemy from two sides and inllicted a defeat, in which about two hundred of the foes were killed and one hundred and ten taken prisoners, while the Japanese loss was but eleven.

The Japanese, so far as the usual field engagements were concerned, found so little difficult)' in defeating the Chinese, that the true test of a soldier, the moral courage to meet without flinching the charge of an enemy known to be not inferior in bravery or strength, was not ascertained. But there were several engagements in Formosa where the Chinese, confiding in their numbers, made savage attacks on small parties of Japanese ; and the conduct of the latter on several occasions throws light on their ability as warriors, and should assist the impartial critic in forming an opinion as to their military character. The following account, therefore, ot the brave conduct of a little party of thirty-five Japanese soldiers in Formosa is of value. On the nth of July, Sergeant Sakurai, with thirty-four infantry soldiers. left Taipeh in charge of a flotilla consisting of eighteen Chinese river-boats loaded with rice to be conveyed up the river to Tokoham, where- the first battalion was stationed. The soldiers, after having completed a portion of

326 THE ISLAND 01 FORMOSA.

their tedious journey, were taking a rest on shore, and at 6 a.m., when preparing lor their morning meal, some fifteen or sixteen natives assembled on the right bank of the river, but were not apparently exhibiting any unusual interest in the strangers. Suddenly, however, one of the Chinese raised a peculiar cry, and a shower of bullets rained about tin' Japanese, who were thus taken entirely by surprise. Scarcely had the)- seized their muskets when a largfe number of insurgents came tearing out from an ambush on the left and joined in the firing. 1 )esperately and yet without an)- show of panic the sergeant ordered his men into line. After a brisk exchange of fire with the insurgents, who had now increased to some five or six hundred men, Sergeant Sakurai, who had crossed with a few men to the left bank, ordered Corporal Ebashi to join him. The party was accordingly reassembled on one side of the river, and Sergeant Sakurai to encourage his men declared that, " so long as his eyes remained black," the enemy should not touch the provisions under his charge. The insurgents had now surrounded them, and for three hours, shoulder to shoulder, the thirty-five men defended themselves and their boats gallantly. Escape became now impossible ; and Sergeant Sakurai, standing proudly out among them, said in a voice that could be heard by all, " the insurgents are man)- and we are few. We cannot defeat them, but let us die fighting gallantly." His words were scarcely uttered, when he fell dead with a bullet in his breast. Other losses had now reduced their party to twenty-four, and as the insurgents were; closing in about them, the Japanese fixed bayonets, and, after concentrating their fire on the weakest part of the circle, they made a bold charge through the line, losing several of their comrades while doing so. But the insurgents again surrounded them, and, fatigued and weakened from lack of food and water, the Japanese again closed up and made a second charge. Corporal Oi hail on the first attack received a fatal wound, but hail roughly bandaged it himself, and continued with his men.. His strength, however, did not prove equal to his pluck, and, after having followed a few paces, he dropped down, and with his last breath cried out to his' companions, "Comrades, pardon me that I go before you (Shokun, osaki ni gomen wo komuru) "To Japan, long life ! (Teikoku banzai)." Then drawing his sword he thrust it into his throat and fell dead before the Chinese could reach him. The survivors wen; again successful in breaking through the line ; but with so great a loss that there were but eight privates and Corporal Ebashi remaining. The wounded and exhausted men now sat down to gain a moment's relief. The corporal then ordered the unwounded men to attempt to reach the neighboring underbrush, and, if possible, escape and carry the news of the loss of the boats to headquarters. The insurgents were now drawing near — so near in I that they could reach the Japanese by throwing their spears. The five wounded men, at the proposal of the corporal that they should take their own lives rather than be made prisoners by the Chinese, -prepared to obey this last command. Two of the men most severely wounded drew their bayonets and plunged them into each others' breasts. Two other privates followed the example of their comrades, and the third, Corporal Ebashi, no doubt gratified at the bravery of his men to the last,

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF MID FORMOSA.

.i-/

coolly placed his bayonet before him and died by harakiri, Having witnessed the death of the last of their companions, the other four m red, three

reaching a neighboring hill ; and one, a private named Tanaka, hid in the tall water grass near the river hank with only his head above water. Almost famished for want of food, and weakened with exhaustion, he stood for eight hours in the same; position, until it seemed as though he- (mild hardly bear it longer. Towards midnight, the sky darkened, heavy clouds appeared, accompanied by peals of thunder and flashes of lightning, which gave way to torrents of rain. Then leaving his place of concealment and keeping a sharp lookout for Chinese soldiers, he reached the river bank. The tires of the Chinese camps were visible, and stripping himself of his clothes, reserving but his jacket, cartridges, and gun, he waded into the stream and, by keeping scarcely more than his nostrils above water, son times sinking into pit holes over his depth, falling and plunging along, he passed for some three miles unseen, when his heart was made glad by the neighing of a horse ; for Ik; then knew that he had reached the Japanese camp in safety.

When the news of the almost utter annihilation of the convoy of pro-vision-boats had been reported at Taipeh, it was decided to despatch a squadron of twenty-one cavalry to reconnoitre in the vicinity ofTokoham. The troopers left on the 15th of July, and after an uneventful march over a flat country where every house flew a white flag and women and children ran out to watch the men riding by, the party came to the vicinity of Pankiu. Reaching the village, they entered by the western gate and were surrounded by the inhabitants, who offered them tea and other refreshments. Over the gate floated a banner bearing the inscription " The townsmen of Pankiu offer profound submission to the authority of the Japan Notwithstand-

ing this display, the Japanese were a little suspicious ; for the natives seemed more profuse with their hospitality than usual. Consequently, they hurried on until they reached the magnificent residence of the multimillionaire Lim, one of the wealthiest men in Formosa. An officer and two sergeants entered the grounds and made inquiries as to the probable whereabouts of the insurgents. No one could inform them, and the)' therefore proceeded along the river towards Tokoham. They had marched about four miles when they observed a party of some forty men and women engaged in pick-ing tea; these showed no signs of hostility, and the cavalrymen continued on their way. They had advanced but a short distance when they came to a large area of rice fields traversed by narrow paths. In one of these the) proceeded single file; but, on reaching the centre of the fields, they were startled by three rifle reports from a point some three hundred paces off. No one was injured, but the officer in command at once ordered his men to dismount and prepare for action. Their position was an un-fortunate one;, a hill on one side, and a river on the other; while they could only move through the rice-fields along the narrow pathways. The insur-gents now bobbed up in all directions, and in a moment several Japan had been shot down ; the horses now plunged into the flooded fields, and as it was impossible to make an)- effectual stand under such conditions, the

command was given to retreat and for each man to save himself if possible.

They immediately scattered, charging here and there, with such haste and in so man)- directions that the insurgents, not anticipating the necessity of directing

their attention to so wide an area, wen- unable to prevent a few from escaping. Sergeant Muramatsu, spurring his horse to its utmost speed, dashed literally into the arms of the enemy, who, afraid of the rushing beast, scattered to each side with terror, and the sergeant passed through unharmed, though he was made a target for countless bullets from the disgusted force behind, and from the houses, trees, and bushes along the way, everyone of which now seemed crowded with the enemy. Here he was joined by a companion who had likewise escaped from the field; but scarcely had he time to exchange a word before his comrade's horse was shot, and its rider, sword in hand, was fighting furiously, until he was struck to the earth. The peace-ful tea-gatherers of an hour before were now loud shouting rebels, — even to the women, who joined in the fight. The sergeant escaped them all, how-ever, and a few moments later dashed up to the village of Pankiu. He gained the southern gate and was about to enter when his faithful horse, which had carried him safely against enormous odds, fell down dead. The natives of the village now crowded around, and he was led to the residence of Lim, which he and his companions had visited but a few hours before. Here, to his happy surprise, he was received with kindness and was taken into the presence of two of his comrades who had also been brought there by the villagers. Lim's retainers then escorted the three cavalry men, the sole survivors of that day's fight for life, to the nearest camp of Japanese troops, whence they returned to Taipeh the next morning to report the sad fate of their comrades.

As it was now deemed necessary to put a regular force in the field, a large detachment, under the command of Major-General Yamane, was des-patched from Taipeh, on the 12th of Jul)-, in a southerly direction towards Long-tampo (Sin-tan-ha). Simultaneously, a battalion under Major Bojo marched by the left bank of the Tokoham (Taikokan) river with orders to join the Yamane column at Long-tampo. Formosan villages are often surrounded by almost impenetrable groves of bamboo, while thick hedges of bamboo interwoven with numerous thorn)- plants enclose blocks of houses. Close to these hedges and almost hidden by them are the Chinese huts, ordinarily of mud and straw, which, being provided with numerous apertures, can be converted into small size fortresses, not easily taken without artillery or fire. Similarly protected was the village of Long-tampo, and the insur-gents, anticipating a visit from the Japanese, had sufficient time to further strengthen their position by barricading all entrances and occupying the most suitable houses. The main body reached Long-tampo on the 14th at 7.30 a.m., and the infantry commenced the attack at once. No advantage was gained until the)- were replaced by the artillery, who shelled the houses with the mountain guns, inflicting great damage on the village and effectually clearing the pathways. The infantry were now able to enter, and took possession of the village at 4 p.m. ( her a hundred insurgents were killed, and the Japanese casualties amounted to eleven.

Major-General Yamane's position being menaced by a strong party of insurgents at the neighboring village of Niulangho, he advanced two days later and made an attack on the place, destroying the Chinese barracks and defences and killing twenty of the enemy without loss to himself. Returning to Long-tampo, the general received word of the missing Bojo column which was to have joined him many days before. A private, dis guised as a Chinese and accompanied by two faithful Chinese, had with difficulty passed through the rebel districts, and now brought the alarming news that the Bojo battalion was surrounded by a large force of insurgents, and was without supplies. A detachment under the personal command of Major-General Yamane started at once to the relief, and, encountering the insurgents near Tokoham (Tai-ko-kan) about 1 p.m., commenced an immediate attack. Artillery planted on the left bank of the Tokoham river opened the engagement, while two companies of infantry forded the river, climbed the opposite bank under heavy fire, and advanced boldly into the village, which the}' captured after several hours' combat with the insurgents, who fought stoutly from the houses. The Chinese loss was considerable.

The Bojo column, now released, was able to join its rescuers. It seems that the force had been attacked by the insurgents a lew miles beyond San-kakeng (Sankakuyu). The country was mountainous and the roads bad. After advancing within a i'cw miles of Tokoham the force bivouacked for the night, the insurgents meanwhile greatly increasing in number. Next morning the enemy had further added to their strength, and the battalion retired about 400 metres and took up a position in a valley surrounded by lofty hills. It was determined to make a stand here. The column could have cut its way through the insurgents and retreated ; but this would have necessitated the abandonment of thirty wounded men, and so it was decided to continue on the defensive anil await reinforcements.

CHAPTER XXI (PART 3 OF 4)

It was thought that the defeat of the rebels in two of their principal resorts would teach them the futility of battling with the Japanese, and that they would return to peaceful occupations. But the attacks upon provision trains and scouting parties, within a few miles of Taipeh, continued so frequently that it became impossible to keep up communication with head-quarters. Japanese civilians were butchered and their bodies horribly mutilat-ed, small villages with numerous white flags being the greatest offenders. There was now no other course open but to give up the idea of a peaceful occupation of the island and to prepare for bitter war against the natives. Such might have been avoided had a larger force been introduced during the earlier days of the occupation. It was an error, however, on the side of leniency, and one that can, accordingly, be excused. After due deliberation, the command was given to burn the k-w villages along the lines of communication to Tokoham iTaikokan) and in from leckcham (Hsinchu) occupied 1>\ insurgents inarmed opposition to the Japanese. A final attempt was also to be made to rid the whole district of insurgents, droops were despatched from three directions. The largest force, nearly 2,000 strong, under Major-General Yamane, advanced from Tokoham ; Colonel Naito (now Major-General) with i,ooo men moved from Haisoankau

330 THE ISLAND I »F F( »RM( ISA.

(Kaisanko), and the third force, souk; 600 men, from Taipeh. The common objective point was Sankakeng, where it was believed the insurgents were assembling a large fori

We will confine ourselves to the experiences of the main column,' which will give us a general idea of th< rations and avoid much repetition.

The main column, under the personal command of Major-General Ya-mane, advanced, on the morning of the 22nd, from Tokoham to the vicinity of a village about five miles from Sankakeng. Here they encountered and repulsed a body of some five or six hundred insurgents posted on an emi-nence, inflicting a loss on them of some thirty-five killed, and suffering them-selves a loss of three wounded. Such houses in the vicinity as had harbored the insurgents were burnt to the; ground. The: enemy were found next morning (23rd) re-assembled on the high hills surrounding the Japanese position. The precipitous sides ol the mountains, combined with the opposi-tion of the insurgents, made the task one of considerable difficulty. But artillery tire, supported by an infantry charge, was at length too much for the Chinese, who retreated with a loss of forty. It was not an easy victory, however, the Japanese meeting with a loss of twenty-four, including two killed. On the evening of the 23rd, all the columns assembled in the" vicinity of Sankakeng, as had been previously arranged. The next day, having cleared the district of insurgents, the main column returned to Tokoham and the other columns to their respective starting points. There is nothing of special interest to record regarding the above engage ments, except that it was found that young women often acted as spies, and that it was impossible to prevent the enemy from obtaining information regarding the [apanese troops. .Atone of the villages a pitiful scene was witnessed, — a woman, wounded in the body yet tenderly embracing a little child also wounded, having been struck in the head with a fragment of a shell. The mother and child were placed under the care of a military surgeon, who dressed their wounds and provided them with nourishment. In several villages, clothes, note books, and articles of equipment, stripped from the bodies of Japanese who had unfortunately fallen into the hands of the enemy, were found.

There still remained some scattered bands of rebels, and some few villages were yet unsubdued to the south of Taipeh. To deal with these the Matsubara column left Taipeh on July 29th; the same day the Naito column left Haisoankan (Kaisanko) ; and on the 31st, the Yamane column again took the field. These three columns were engaged several days, during which Niulanwa, and Sinpu (Sinpo), the latter with considerable difficult}-, were occupied, and a large district cleared of insurgents. Sinpu was a village of about four hundred brick houses, very neat in appearance, and seemingly

1. The main column was formed of two battalions of infantry, a company of artillery, a compauy of engineers, and a medical staff The left flank was covered by a company of infantry, a squadron of horse, a section of artillery, and half a company of engineers, under the command of Captain Hayashi. A detachment under Captain Toda was detailed to maintain communication between Captain Hayashi's force and the commissariat station at Toahoug (Toshi-eu). Another compauy of infantry was left at Tokoham as a guard, and yet another company was posted between that place andTiougliek (Chin-reki) to preserve cornmuni ations.

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF MID FORMOSA. 33 1

the home of man)- well-to-do Chinese. In one house was discovered the salted head of a brave soldier who had been killed on the previous day, while attempting to open the city gate that his commander might enter.1

Now that the Imperial Body Guard was to be principally engaged to die south of Teckcham (Hsinchu) 1 I.I.I 1. Prince Kitashirakawa removed his headquarters from Taipeh to Teckcham on the 31st oi July. The arrival of His Highness was quite an event for the Teckcham Chinese, and they turned out in lar^e numbers at the station to welcome him.

Teckcham was now occupied with a large number ol troops. The reader will no doubt remember that the place is a walled cit) oi considerable com-mercial importance, and that it had been repeatedly attacked by the insurgents and gallantly defended by die Sakai battalion on each occasion. Even with the presence of the imperial princes and a large number of troops, the- insurgents still held their ground on the hills to the south of the town. Some of the positions thus occupied were of great strategical importance; a small body of determined men so located being sufficient to hold in check a large army. The villages to the north towards Taipeh, which had given such endless trouble to scouting parties and provision trains, had now been cleared oi armed insurgents ; and the whole attention of the Japanese forces, with the exception of those engaged in garrison duty, could be turned towards the hordes of regular organized Chinese troops and volunteers in the central parts of the island which as yet remained unvisited by the Japanese.

The strongest of these positions were the hills known as Chapisoan

1. Details of the operations of the Matsul Hows : —

Che Matsubara column left Taipeh on i-en) on the same day.

The Naito column, which li [1 Haisoaukau (Kai ai h ■. ibout 4'in iusurgeuts

on tli.- ami daj ind defeated them, innictii C 64 killed i Killed and

wounded. The column bivouacked that night to thi 30th, the MaNubara

column reached Tiongleck. The Naito column continued its roh without encountering the

insurgi

On the 31st, the Vamanc column left Tokoham and ved towards Sinpu (Sinpo). A detachment

was ordered to advance along the left bank of the Tokohatn river, while the rest marched to Suntanpo, whence a small force was despatched in a northerly direction. 1 had constructed d I

works along the plateau extending from the left bank ikoham a little to 1 i si-si, as

far as to the south of Yang-mei-leck This was the 6 int of the column. As usual, the iu-

surgeuts retreated after a little fighting. TheNa 1 had now ] place the

ubara column which had advanced to attack the , El flank Forty of the insurgents had been

killed during the day, while the Japs killed and wounded. The headquarters of the

division and the Naito column that night' at Tiongleck The Matsubara column attacked on

1st of August a strong fort on the left ilank of the 1 ' it at 1 p.m. The Yamane column

the same day drove Hie enemy from Niu-lan-wa aud advanced to Sinpu On reaching the vicini the last mentioned village, one platoon of artillery ami two companies of infantry wei couuoitre

the place. Tie euen and easily defeated. The reconnoitering

party at the East Gate now searched the Dei houses, and all being apparently quiet ill the

village, the troops were about to enter, but found the closed. A private, named Nakamura, then

brought a ladder and had just scaled the wall when a s fired by the insurgents and the plucky

soldier fell back wounded. It now being evident that the villag 'mined to resist the Japanese,

the detachment retired and bivouacked m-kap-tsu (Sangosui)

The next morning, the enemy was found occupying positions on hills to the south of Sinpu, and on others to the west of Saukaptsui, At 11 em tnj began firing from both inside and outside of

Sinpu village. The Japanese artillery returned the fire wil Meanwhile the Naito column

had advanced and I iken up a position jusl north of t from which they were able to work gi

havoc with their artillery. Tin 1 much for tl

coufii ioi El "in the Ji

by the Japanese, and many Chii ese sold I >un-

ii in .-quads oi iio had barricaded then . resulting!

combat An hour la ver, all was quiet and the city coin] 1. The Chinese had

about 150 killed during the day, while the Japauese casualties amounted to 7.

(Senpitsu-san) lying to the north ofTiong kang (Chang kong). Before march-ing on this stronghold, Major-General Yamane was ordered to leave Sinpu

and push on towards Peipo (Hokpu), thus driving out the last known rem-nant of the rebels to the east of Teckcham. Accordingly, General Yamane' s detachment left Sinpu on the morning of the 6th of August, and advanced on the right Hank of the enemy. Near Suibisho (Tsuibetsun), the insurgents opened fire from an ambush, while a second party attacked from a newly erected entrenchment. The advance guard and one company were able to deal effectually with the enemy, however, and the column proceeded with but little delay until the village of Kiukianna (Kiukinrin) was reached. This was occupied without opposition. At Leitansoan (Ritosan) communication was opened by cavalry scouts with the right wing of the expedition. Scouts also brought in the information that the enemy had retired to Juharin village, and joined by the garrison of that place, was making preparations for a vigorous defence. Delayed one day by a swollen river, the right column crossed safely on the 7th ; but on reaching Juharin, it was found that the regulars had retired, leaving but a few armed villagers, who, after a trifling engagement, gave way, and the town was occupied. The current was found too strong to bridge the river above mentioned, and it took several hours to transport all the troops over, there being but a single boat for that purpose. One company engaged a party of insurgents entrenched on the high hill of Tsuishenlin, defeating the enemy at a cost of three men wounded. The column encamped near this point for the night. All was now ready for the attack on the main division of insurgents fortified in the hills stretching in a westerly direction to the coast. To cover the whole district from coast to interior mountain ranges, required a large force distributed over a wide area. The army was accordingly divided into three bodies, the right and left wings and reserves.1

On the 8th of August at dawn, the troops having arrived from Teck-cham the day before, the attack was opened simultaneously by both right and left wings. For a while the Chinese answered the artillery of the Japan-ese with their own mountain-guns, splendidly located on the heights above. Major Maeda then charged at the head of two companies of infantry, and easily gained possession of a stronghold in the enemy's left wing, the 500 armed occupants having retreated, leaving five dead, besides two mountain pieces, and a quantity of small arms and ammunition. The forts here were destroyed, and the barracks and other combustible works burnt down. The Japanese followed the retreating insurgents, until the latter got within range of Senpitsusan. Meanwhile, towards the east, General Yamane had steadily advanced from Suisen-rei, driving the enemy before him, until now he had reached a position to the east of the left flank and in communication with them. Before proceeding, it was found necessary to send the field-guns back

1. The right wing was commanded by Major General Kawamura, and consisted of two regiments (minus two companies) of infantry, half a squadron of cavalry, mountain artillery, (six pieces), machine-guns, and a company of engineers. The left wing under Colonel Nuito was composed of a regiment (minus a battalion) of infantry, a squadron of cavalry, artillery, and medical corps. A company of infantry and a party with machine-guns were left at Teckcham (Hsinchu) under the command of Captain Sawasaki. The left wing was to be assisted by the Vamaue detachment, which had advanced along the mountains to the eastward, as stated above.

to Teckcham, as this ordnance was too heavy for the narrow roadways and

single plank bridges.

On the 9th at 5.30 p.m. (Chapisoan) Senpitsusan was attacked. A large force was known to be occupying the position, and a strong defence was anticipated. The insurgents, however, only bluffed, and after causing the Japanese needless maneuvering, fled over the hills pell-mell, throwing aside their gorgeous uniforms as the)- ran. According to native reports, the Chinese forces consisted of 3,000 of General Liu Yung-fu's "invincible" re-publican troops, and 1,000 irregular volunteers. Generals Li-i-gi and Yang were in command, and the, latter was reported killed during the engagement. The whole Chinese loss reached a total of about 200 for the two days. Japanese loss, one officer and two* privates. The bulk of the division now pushed on and occupied the village of Tiongkang (Chuko), the Kawamura column taking quarters in a fort a short distance to the south of the above village. The Yamane detachment advanced to Taufun (To fun), and the Naito detachment occupied a place midway between that village and Tiongkang. Two Japanese men-of-war had engaged in the opera-tions for two days, and consequently many retreating Chinese, who had fled towards the coast to escape in boats, found this impossible, and turned southwards, temporarily occupying Taufun (Tofun). On the Chinese side, we find the villagers to the south much disturbed over the capture of Sen-pitsusan. On the 10th of August, at Maoli (Bioritsu), then but a few miles distant from the Japanese, the Chinese troops were gathered to the number of several thousand. The rank and file consisted mostly of Hakkas, but the leaders were from Hunan, Canton, and other districts on the mainland, and the majority spoke the mandarin dialect, having been officials under the old regime. A detachment of the (ever victorious) Black Flags, who, according to popular report, simply reveled in blood, had arrived from the south to cheer up the soldiers and to publish abroad the mighty words of the exalted Liu, the chief of the southern republic. The local levies and village elders seemed anything but anxious for the fray, but were forced to assist by the regular soldiers, on penalty of death. Already several Hakkas had been beheaded because the)- had expressed their unwillingness to oppose the Japanese. At Aulang ( Koro) on the night of the 10th, eighty Chinese soldiers entered the town with great bravado to inspect the houses, to see that no Japanese soldiers were there concealed. A vigorous search was instituted in the closets, under the beds, and in the attics ; in fact everywhere the Japanese were not likely to be found. It may be mentioned that no search was made outside the city. Had there been one, it would have re-sulted in very uncomfortable success.

On the nth, three Japanese scouts entered Aulang without meeting with any opposition. The villagers informed the new arrivals that they had no desire of resisting the Japanese, and would be very grateful if they would take quick possession of the place, as it was feared the insurgents would return. The Chinese troops were busy just to the south of the village loot-ing and burning ; and there was no little consternation at Aulang lest the

noble protectors of the republic should practise the same tactics there, as a punishment to the villagers lor their lack of loyalty to the mandarins.

On August ioth, nth, and [2th, a portion of the army was employed in securing communication with the headquarters staff at Teckcham and the transportation of munitions of war. The advance guard spent the time in making a careful reconnaissance of the whole district. This party, on the i i th, while in the vicinity of Maoli (Bioritsu \ came into collision with the foe, an 1 retired after a short skirmish, during which they killed twenty-four of the enemy without loss to themselves. On the 13th, large numbers of brilliantly uniformed troops with gaily colored banners were found occupying the hill Chenkansoan (Kaukansan), southwest of Aulang.

On the 13th, the advance guard attacked the insurgents at Chenkansoan hill. The elevation in itselt formed a fortification easily defended, and the Chinese made an obstinate resistance, not surrendering until surrounded by the Japanese troops, who crawled up the base of the hill under cover of mountain-guns. Some fifty Chinese were shot down in the paddy fields, as they retreated, and the total loss was probably seventy-five or eighty, while the Japanese had one officer and seven men wounded and one man killed The left detachment, after having defeated a small body of insurgents on the way, reached Loankuisoan on this day, and despatched a cavalry patrol to Aulang.

On the 14th, the arm)- continued the march. The advance guard entered Maoli, (Bioritsu), a village of about a thousand houses, during the morning without opposition, not only the soldiers but nearly all the villagers having fled. This desertion was apparently prearranged, as much property had been carried away and doors closed and barricaded. From Chinese reports it was learned that, a tew days before, extensive [(reparations had been made to oppose the Japanese; but the trusted officer of Liu Yung-fu, who was in command of the Chinese forces, having obtained full information ol the Japanese successes, decided that " discretion was the better part of valor," and retired with his forces to Chang-wha (Shoka) in good time.

A general attack on the strongly fortified inland city of Chang-wha (Shoka) was now planned for the 27th. Accordingly, early on the morning of the 24th, the detachment, under command of Major-* ieneral Yamane, left Taiko (Taika), reaching Koloton (Holoton) about 1 1.30 a.m. The Chinese were very quiet, and the troops encamped there for the night. The morning's march had been over extremely bad roads, and the engineering corps had been obliged to repair or construct bridges and roads in twenty-one different places.

On the 25th, the advance guard under command of Captain Shiga left Koloton. After having proceeded for a short distance, a report was received from the cavalry that the insurgents had fired upon them. After advancing a short distance, they encountered a few insurgents who soon retreated, and an hour later, in the vicinity of Tokabio, they were strongly opposed. The engineering corps was suddenly fired upon from numerous Chinese houses, while marching over a narrow pathway surrounded by flooded rice fields :

THE JAPANES1 i M '< i l 'A [ U lK OF MIL FORMOSA. 335

but by throwing themselves down into the fields and following along the pathway which partially protected them they were able to extricate them-selves. An infantry patrol, sent to search the houses, found the white (lag living from the doorways, and banners inscribed "good and loyal subjects of Japan " attached to some houses which smelled rather strongly of gunpowder. Inasmuch as no arms were found and the smiling subjects protested that " it was some body else," the patrol returned. As the [apanese advanced, the buildings became more numerous and the firing from them more frequent. Eventually all attempt at deception was abandoned, and the houses on all sides suddenly bristled with insurgents, who opened a vigorous fire on the Japanese, picking them off, as they marched in the clearing, with ease and but little danger. These houses were the usual Chinese buildings with a court enclosed by thick walls, while surrounding all stood a high hedge formed of a thick tangled growth oi bamboo and prickly plants, forming a stockade extremely difficult to penetrate. Taking a position behind the mud walls hastily provided with loopholes, the Chinese could lire with effect, while the Japanese bullets were ineffective against the thick walls. After several unsuccessful attempts had been made by the [apanese to force their way through the dense thickets, it was decided to set fire to the little fortresses, and orders to that effect were accordingly given to a patrol. Even this was difficult, as in sonic places it was almost impossible to get close enough to the houses. At one such stockade Meguro Chukichi, a private-, after making his way through a bamboo hedge, started towards a house, but fell fatally wounded by well aimed shots from within its walls. His comrades were about to start to the rescue ; they were struggling to make their way through the bamboo, when the wounded man, observing their efforts, shouted that they should all return : that "it is needless for you to add your lives to mint- which you can not save" ; and then plunging his bayonet into his body he died instantly. Another private, Ikeda by name, a few hours later succeeded in piercing the bamboo and was about to set fire to the houses, when he likewise became a target for the enemy's rifles and fell dying to the ground. After suffering consider-able loss, a united effort of the detachment resulted in clearing away the bamboos from a single group of houses. A squad made a charge on the houses and succeeded in firing them, at the same time recovering the body of the brave Ikeda. Although hit in some ten different places, he was still breathing and conscious. His last words were that his comrade should take his rifle and avenge his death. Fighting continued between the Japanese and the insurgents until nightfall, and as no advantage had been gained on either side, the Japanese detachment encamped for the night. The next morning (26th), the enemy were still holding out in their fort-like quarters; and the [apanese, in the absence of artillery, ^decided to destroy the structures with gun-cotton. Lieutenant Matsuyama, oi the engineering corps, undertook this task with good effect. In a short time the houses had been destroyed, passages cleared through the ambush, and the insurgents, now forced into the clearing, thought retreat safer than a man-to-man fight, and tied. After the engagement two companies of infantry and

one battery of artillery were ordered to reinforce the left column. It was now learned that the enemy were drawn up in a position to defend Taiwanfu. Spreading over a wide district, from three directions, the Japanese marched steadily forward, driving the enemy before them until Taiwanfu' (Tai Chu) and its suburb was reached and this important position occupied, the rebels having fled toward the south. The Chinese loss during the day is unknown ; but more than fifty dead bodies were found along the line of march. The Japanese loss was twelve, including one officer and five men killed.

An expeditionary force was now organized consisting of two columns" under the command of Major-General Yamane. This force was ordered to march to the Toa-to-kei (Taito-kei) river, which stretches east and west, and lies to the north of Changwha, whence they were to advance on the big inland city by the most convenient route. Accordingly, on the 26th, we find the Changwha expedition on the banks of the Taito-kei river, a considerable force on garrison duty at Taiwanfu, and the main army just departing from Gubatau (Giubato). If the reader will glance at the map, he will observe that the city of Changwha (Shoka) occupies a position a little north of the centre of the island and a few miles from the coast. It is an important city and a distributing point for a large district. Famous for its lawlessness, it had on several occasions rebelled against the Chinese government, and its inhabitants, it was prophesied, would not submit easily to Japanese occupation. Besides the warlike villagers, a large force of Chinese regulars was known to be stationed there ; and there was a splendidly situated fort. Without taking into consideration the reported fierceness of the inhabitants, the defences of the city were sufficient to induce the Japanese to make very careful preparation and to bring into practice the science of strategy, tor which during the former engagements there had been but little need. The left column, on approaching Changwha, encountered the first opposition from an unknown number of insurgents quartered in houses and practising the same tactics as had so annoyed the advance guard on their march to Taiwanfu. Possessing no artillery, the column commander reported to headquarters, with the result that a detachment of artillery and infantry, under the command of Major Surisawa, was sent as reinforcements. The enemy were easily disposed of, and the left column was enabled to reach the river without delay, ready for the engagement which had long been anticipated.

Changwha, a walled city, is situated less than five miles from the sea, in a plain scarcely above its level. To the east lies a range of hills, the highest of which — Hakkezan (Paquasoan) — which dominated the whole plain, was crowned with a well erected fort protected by four 12-centimetre late model Krupp guns, besides a large number of the usual miscellaneous relics

1. Taiwanfu should not be confused with Tainanfu in the south, which, in old days, while the capital of the islaud, was known as Taiwanfu. Taiwanfu consists of a number of official yaineus, while a partially constructed mud wall surrounded the area originally intended to be the new capital of the island. Outside of the intended city is a Chiuese settlement, a little more filthy thau the average.

2. The right column, under command of Major Mild, consisted of the 2nd battalion of the 1st in-fantry, the 1st squadron of cavalry, the 3rd battery of artillery, a platoon of engineers ; while the left column, under commaud of Colonel Nakaoka, consisted of the 1st and 2nd battalions of the 3rd regiment, the 1st section of cavalry, and one company of engineers.

CHAPTER XXI (PART 4 OF 4)

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION 01 MID FORMOSA. 337

of ancient warfare so beloved by the Chinese. To the north, about 3,000 metres distant, ran a mountain stream which, with the heavy rains usual at this time of year, had been converted into a surging river. It was on the opposite banks of this river that the Japanese and Chiro

troops met on the 2 7th ; the Japanese to the north hidden by fields of sugar-cane, which cover the district; the Chinese to the south protected by earth-works of some imp >rtance, which they had erected on die river bank ; while a few rods to the rear stood formidable breastworks. It had always been the custom to ford the river at one point where it was comparatively shallow, and it was at this spot that the Chinese had built their defences and gathered a large portion of their forces; for, if it " blong olo custom " to cross at this place, the Japanese would, according to Chim reasoning, certainly do the same. But the Japanese have a reputation for dropping old customs, and they did so in this case. The right wing, under command of Major-General ( )gawa, remained at the camp to divert the Chini with large camp fires, etc.; while the- left wing, under command of Major-General Yamane, under the shadow of darkness, crossed the river with considerable difficulty at a previously discovered ford some- 1,500 metres oft. The column was now divided into three detachments. The first detachment, under command of Major-General Yamane, made its way quiedy along to obtain a position to attack the city of Chang-wha itself. The second detach-ment with a battery of mountain-guns crawled along through the sugar-cane to cross the lower hills aid gain a position to the east of the lofty fort of Mount Hakkezan, while the third with great caution slowly and quietly advanced to the rear of the Chinese troops guarding the river, and between them and the city. The win I force arrived at their positions without a hitch, and with the enemy still watching the moving figures anil the numerous camp fires of the Japanese across the river. It was one ot the cleverest exhibitions of strategy displayed during the whole war. The right column crossed, the river before daylight, leaving a detach-ment at the camping grounds to keep up the camp fires ; and all were now in position read) lor the attack. With the first rays of morning, the Chinese were on the alert, and opened fire with great bravado on the decoy troops left across the river. This was to the Japanese the signal for action. Scarcely had the smoke cleared away when the detachment which had occupied the position to the rear of the Chinese on the river lank was down on the insurgents with a rush. The Chinese, too surprised to make any defence, were terror-stricken. They jumped into the river, ran right and left, even on to the bayonets of their opponents. Simultaneously, the second detachment began to climb the hill at the lack of the fort of Hakkezan. The surprised garrison 1 oured a rifle fire upon them, but the detachment did not hesitate On the contrary, bayonets were fixed and a determined charge made, until the fort was entered, and the Chinese deserting the big guns still loaded, were climbing over the walls and plunging down the hillside in full (light.

Many of the retreating insurgents had lied into the walled city o\ Chang-wha, apparently with the idea of lighting from the walls, where a large force

$2>& THE ISLAM. OF FORMOSA.

was now assembled. Hut the fapanese in the fort above them had wit-nessed tlie whole scene and turned the insurgents' own guns down upon the city. The Chinese had not thought of this ; but like a flash their danger became apparent ; and from a position of calm defiance, they were thrown into a frenzy of terror, and with a wild rush they sought escape through the South Gate. Hut to their horrible dismay, they found the [apanese even there ; and turning back into the city they ran shrieking and howling like an army amok, firing at anything that attracted their attention. Only a few shots had been fired by the Japanese from the tort ; and the Japanese infantry then scaled the walls and poured clown into the city in large numbers. Street fighting with the panic-stricken braves occupied an hour ; but by 7 a.m. all was quiet. Detachments were at once detailed to pursue the retreating insurgents, who had gone towards Kagi to the south ami Lokang (Rokko) to the west, where they hoped boats could be obtained to carry them to the south of the island.

That the Chinese wire taken entirely by surprise was evidenced in the city. The houses were found in good order, hires were blazing and the food still cooking in preparation for the morning meal; costly robes and valuables of many kinds were there undisturbed, the whole scene betraying a retreat unexpected and hastily executed. The Japanese captured the four 12-centi-metre Krupp gains of the fort, 4 ict other guns of different sizes and models, in and ahout the city, besides several thousand rifles, several thousand stands of miscellaneous small arms, and ammunition; flags, and uniforms sufficient to fill a good sized godown. Several horses and a mule should also be added. In no engagement since the arrival of the Japanese had such quantities of miscellaneous war munitions been captured. Most of it was in the city, which had been converted practically into a military camp. The loss of life, as ma)' be expected, was very large; three hundred and seventy dead bodies were found in and near the city, and two hundred and fifty in the fort, along the river, and in the surrounding roads. The Japanese loss was but seven, including one officer. Considering the strong position and the armament of Fort Hakkezan, and that the enemy numbered over five thousand well armed regulars, including a company of Black Flags, the Japanese surely had reason to be proud of their feat in striking so fatal a blow, practically without loss to themselves. They had now advanced nearly halfway through the island within twenty days from their departure from Teckcham (Hsinchiku).

Major-General Kawamura was now ordered to advance with his column to the seaport of Lokang (Rokko) and to occupy that city, while the 2nd battalion of the 4th regiment and one battalion of cavalry were to occupy Perto (Hokuto, to the south, and one battery of artillery with one company of infantry were to garrison Hakkezan. Headquarters were established at Changwha, audit was decided to cease all operations pending the arrival of the second division, which was to advance against General Liu from the extreme south of the island. There were, how-ever, some (tsw engagements in the neighborhood alter the capture of Chang-wha. Tariniu (Talibu) and a few unimportant villages were occupied, the

Old Chinese Yamen at Shinchiku Teckcham). Seagoing bamboo Rafts near Rokko ^Lokiang). Kagi City.

Street Scene at Rokko. View near Taichu. Shoka Xbangwha) City.

Chinese loss during the few days of fighting being 130 killed, while the Japa-nese lost eight in killed and wound.

Changwha (Shoka) is located in what may quite properly be called a basin. On two sides are elevations sloping towards the city, and nowhere in the vicinity of Changwha can there be found a lower level. While the Chinese had erected many substantial and fine-looking edifices, no attempt at drainage had been made, and not only the urban sewerage, but that from the elevated areas around flowed into the city, forming vile pools about the place and remaining stagnant year after year. Fine airy structures had even been built about these foul ponds, which no doubt enhanced the value of tlie property surrounding them in Chinese estimation. The Japanese, however, found the steaming stench far from attractive. Before reaching the city, some seventy streams big and small had been forded ; and with night and day work, irregular and insufficient provisions, owing to the difficulty of transporting supplies, and the blazing sun and hot, damp nights of interior Formosa, the troops were in an exhausted and weakened con-dition. It was intended that they should recuperate in Changwha. as, it was thought, healthy quarters would be found for them in the numerous yamens and temples. This was a vain hope as later events showed.

After the occupation, the first work was to bury the dead. This was necessarily a slow task, and a week elapsed before all were disposed of many having been found concealed in the underbush and river; the offensive gases from the putrifying bodies poisoning the air. Xo doubt this, added to the general filthiness of the place, caused the mortality which followed. At all events, an outbreak of fever spread throughout the army like wild-tire. From the highest officer to the lowest coolie, all were incapacitated. Only the very serious cases were taken to the field hospital : yet within the first few days these numbered 824, of whom 82 died. < )f the hospital corps of one chief and five doctors, three were incapacitated, thus leaving but two to look after the numerous invalids. Sixteen out of the forty-one trained

1. September 3rd, insurgents to the number of five or six hundred made an attack on Taishoriu

(Toapoua), one of the small garrisoned villages to the south ha. The number being rather

-nail Japanese force on hand, reinforcements were requested, and on their arrival the

enemy was defeated and retired towards Yunlin (TJurin). The Chinese loss during the day was some

sixty killed.

A1so«ju the 3rd, oue company of infantry attacked the insurgents who had retrea'ed south from Taishoriu towards Tarimu (Talibu) After considerable skirmishing, during which the enemy at one time occupied a commanding position on a cliff-like hill, tbe Japanese at sunset reached the vicinity of Tarimu Here a large force of insurgents surrounded their opponents, while tin e riling along a

narrow pathway surrounded [by rice fields. It was not a favorable p ositi ou, and the Japai not a

little relieved to be soon lost in the shadows of night. About 10 p.m., the company marched out of the fields and lay in ambush near the uorth gate of Tarimu Scouts were sent out, who found that the entrance to the city was barricaded, that everyone was on the alert, and that sentinels were posted in n inner us plai furthermore that a large fo 1 to be collecting near the gate, no doubt with tbe intention of attacking

the Japanese, whom they thought were close bv. Hereupon, the Japanese quietly retired and marched towards Shitoko (Chitong Kang), the Chinese still beating drums and gongs. About S.*J a.m. a company sent as reinforci is met with and the whole detachment now procei itoko. Having

obtained supplies here, the force at 1 a in. two days later advanced on Tarimu. Heavy rain was falling, which bid from the enemy the movements of the Japanese. Having obtained a position close to the north gate a sudden charge' was made on the city. The Japan.- • walls and opened up a he

fire. The gate was now opened ; and thi curing into the city with trumpets blowing, and firing

volley after volley, threw the Chinese into great udden an attack not being expected, and a

night engagement uot affording them tbe opportunity of defending their city from the walls OCk,

the last of the enemy had retired and thie Japanese were in On the 6th and 7th,

occasional skirmishes with the enemy also occurred with but little loss on cither

34° THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

medical assistants were struck down, and four died. The Japanese dead were cremated and the ashes buried in graves marked with memorial

boards. The Chinese bodies were at first buried in long trenches holding twenty or thirty each, but as other bodies were discovered corrupt and poisonous, they were piled together, a lew at a time, covered with wood, and cremated. I arrived in the city a few days later ; and even then long lines of carriers were daily seen transporting the sick back towards Teckcham at the rate of about one hundred a day. The patients who were unable to walk were transported on stretchers, there being three Chinese carriers to each stretcher. Every squad of carriers had a non-commissioned officer in charge, and every ten stretchers one Japanese; coolie as an attendant. In Changwha I had a pleasant visit with Major-( General Yamane. who had been extremely kind to me throughout my travels with the fapanese. lb- was quartered in a comfortable, semi-official Chinese building and, after a long talk, the general called my special attention to the sickness, that scarcely a man in the whole division had escaped with' nit at least a touch of the fever, and that, among the military officers, he was the only man who had not once asked for medical assistance. Indeed he looked happy and well. I never saw him again ; for the brave soldier died three days later, to the great grief of the whole division. Major-General Yamane was as good and generous as he was brave. At the first opportunity, I left Changwha and its death fumes, and on reaching the high plains my heart was overflow-: ing with thankfulness that I had.escaped. The health of Changwha soon improved, and there was no repetition ot the scourge.

Lieut.-General Viscount Takashima had kindly telegraphed, notifying me, it I desired to join the Second 1 fivision which was soon to depart for the south, to return at once. I had obtained a large collection of Chinese war munitions, necessitating several extra carriers. These, together with the chair coolies for my companion and self, made our part)' twenty-five in number, and we found some difficult)- in keeping all the coolies in order. On reaching the Taika river, we found it impassable, and were obliged to wait four days before a boat could be got across; and yet the stream was only some fifty feet in width. Two Japanese coolies who attempted to swim it were both drowned. About thirty streams big and small were forded before we reached Teckcham. We found all peaceful to 'the north of Changwha. No guards were needed and the farmers were working as industriously as of old. The villagers all seemed contented and were making more money than the)- had ever thought of before. Between fifteen and twenty thousand Chinese coolies .were engaged altogether; and with the very liberal pay they were receiving, large numbers of farmers were deserting the less profitable agricultural work. The supply stations were located at distances some six or eight miles apart, and forty cents was fixed as the regular wage for earn-ing between each depot. Large numbers of women and children were, engaged in the work, and it was a very usual sight to see a mother and daughter struggling along with one package swinging from a shoulder pole, two small boys with another package similarly carried, and the father singly with one, or, assisted by a grown-up son, with two. A family which,

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF Mll> FORMOSA. 34 1

for a long day's hard work, might formerly have earned thirty or forty cents, now received #1.60. Such prices brought in many applicants, and not imfrequently I witnessed actual queue pulling fights between Chinese to obtain the work. Prices had risen in consequence, and I found it impossible to engage coolies to carry us half a day's journey for less than Si. 20 per man. Reaching Teckcham we took the railway for the forty miles to Taipehfu, ending our two hundred and fifty mile journey on the 28th. At the capital there was much satisfaction expressed at the occupation of Changwha, although great grief was felt that disease had claimed so many victims. That the labors of the Imperial Body Guards had also attracted attention on the mainland was evidenced by a message of approbation which Their Majesties were pleased to send to Governor-General Kabayama.1

Returning to the capital, I found extensive preparations in progress for the southern expedition, and thousands of Japanese troops and military coolies were arriving from Japan to engage in it. It was not considered politic to depend entirely upon Chinese, although they had so far been found satisfactory ; so Japanese coolies were brought into the island in numbers sulficient to completely equip the expedition. Japanese coolies accompanied the Imperial Body Guards when they first arrived in the island, and whether they were then more carefully selected or were under better control I do not know ; at all events they made no trouble. Also the soldiers of the guards seemed to be polite and gentlemanly, quiet, and good humored, and many well educated young fellows were among the privates. I was with them on and off for three months, and the conduct of officers and privates was such that I became enthusiastic over their general good qualities. On my return from the south, I found a decided change for the worse. Scenes of violence, approaching to ruffianism, took place in the streets. First, there appeared to be a deplorable change in the character of the soldiers. One saw among the new arrivals many who were rough, uncouth, insolent, and disagreeable. They, of course, formed but a small part of the whole; yet they were sufficient in number to lower the reputation of the service to which they belonged. Chinese are adepts in acts of foolishness, and often give cause for much irritability : yet there was but little for-bearance shown them on the part of some of the soldiers. My experience with the Japanese troops in the field leads me distinctly to disbelieve the tales of wholesale slaughter reported by the Chinese, which occasionally reached the columns of foreign journals. The troops were then marching in large numbers under the control of their officers, who were educated and enlightened men. There is no doubt that occasional excesses occurred : for

1. " We mv highly pleased with die loyalty and valor displayed by 1I10 different, corps under command, which, in spite of heat and difficulties, have in so Bhort a period succeeded in driving the insurgents out of Taiwanfu and Cliang-wha, thus completing the subjugation of the northern part of the island. Tlie lingering heat of summer being still intense, it is Our wish that every oue of you should take good rare of yourselves

The Empress also caused the following message to be transmitted to the I lovernor-t leneral : — " Her Imperial Majesty the Empress has been exceedingly gratified to hear of the occupation of Taiwanfu and Chang-wha by the Guards uudet the command ..f the 1 reneral. Her Majesty has

been profoundly pleased with the loyalty and valor bIiowu by the officers and men, on ulu.se ac feels especially oouoerned as they are operating in so hot and uufavorable a climate." Translation as giveu iu the Julian Mail.

soldiers, whatever be their nationality, are far from immaculate ; but the injury to Japanese reputation thus caused was small compared with that worked by the coolies, individual soldiers, and the lower class Japanese, in the thousand little acts of harshness and abuse towards the Chinese during the period of occupation. Much as I respect the Japanese people in general, I must admit that the coolie class, as I encountered them on the streets, in public places, etc., were interior to the Chinese coolie of Formosa in general bearing, in cheerfulness, and in politeness to strangers. I say " of For-mosa ; " for I do not wish to convey the idea that the. coolie, as seen in this island, was a representative of the large mass of laboring men in Japan ; in fact, so striking was the difference that two English gentlemen, both of long experience with the Japanese of all classes, informed me that they could not have believed that there was material in Japan from which to draw such a class, had the)- not witnessed their ill-mannered conduct with their own eyes. The reader should also understand that the Chinese in Formosa have of late been very friendly to foreigners and are more liberal-minded than the mainland Chinese ; in fact they show none of the hostility to strangers common in some districts of China. Therefore, it would not do to extend this comparison either to Japan or to China. On the part of the military administration, whose whole attention was directed towards the completion of the occupation of the island, but little attempt was made to curb the high spirits of the Japanese coolies. It is true that the poor fellows spent a good deal of their time in the various hospitals, and large numbers found a grave in the island, and we should perhaps take into consideration the arduous labor in which they were engaged in a country not their own; with but scanty food ; often forced to sleep in the open fields, and exposed to an intense heat to which they were not accustomed.' Again the Chinese often thought they were ill-treated when they were not. Military rule is in many ways unpleasant, but is the same in that respect all over the world. If the necessity should again arise for the Japanese coolies to be made use of in military operations, some provision should be made to place them under more strict control than they were under in the expedition in question. One can scarcely blame the better class of Japanese for not having come to the island during the early days of the occupation. Quarters were few and miserable, and disease was attacking large numbers. During the latter part of August, the three government hospitals in the north of Taipeh, Keluog, and Teckcham received nearly 2,000 patients, and deaths were occurring at an average rate of iS per day.8

1. This condition of affairs existed ouly duriug llie period occupied by the Japauese in quelling the republican forces.

2. Hospital cases duriug the last part of August :

Hospital Locution, Wounded. Cholera.

Keluufc 22 .. 8 .

Taipehfu 7 ..10 .

Teckcham (Hsinchu). 4 ..28 .

Total S3 ..41 .. 9 ..103 .. 669 .. 328 .. 537 .. 465 .. 1,985 .. IS

New applications for admittance to the hospitals were made at the rate of about one hundred a day, and large numbers were sent to Kcluug to be despatched by transport to Japan.

Average

Dysen-

Misci'llii-

f. «

Typhus,

tery.

Beriberi,

Halaiia.

Enteritis.

Tntnl.

9 .

. 25

. . 443

. . 10G ,

. 189 ,

,. 182 .

. 979

.. 3 •

0 .

. 54

.. 203

,. 188 .

. 237 .

. 715

.. 9

0 .

. 24

.. 23

6 ,

, . 1G0 ,

,. 46 .

. 291

.. 6

The reader should understand that the operations so far had been carried on only in the northern half of the island, west of the central mountain ranges. No attempt had been made to occupy or even visit the savage territory. There was also some doubt as to what thtt reception would be should the attempt be made. The first sight of thesavages was obtained by the Japanese troops at Maoli. The hillsmen had sent wore/ down that a part)- of them desired to visit the Japanese camp. Having obtained per-mission, three chiefs made their appearance a few days later and begged the acceptance of their assistance. The Japanese were then informed that, some time before; LiuYung-fu had sent presents of liquor and other things to the tribesmen, with a request that they should cooperate in opposing the |apan-ese. The savages refused, and accordingly the messenger, Wu by name, who was accompanied by a squad of soldiers, made an attack upon them. This greatly incensed the hillsmen, and they were extremely anxious to join in the warfare against the Chinese insurgents. Regardless of the fact that their request was refused, a small party came down a few days later, fully armed and prepared to accompany the Japanese. Their entreaties were so pertinacious that the officer in command did grant them permission to go for a short time, and food and quarters were provided for them with the army. All went well for several days, when the uneasiness of the new recruits gave evidence of discontent. At last it could 1 e borne no longer: the savages presented themselves before the commander of the detachment and plainly expressed themselves as disappointed ; the Japanese had come to Formosa to kill Chinese, and regardless of the (act that the people were to be found ail about them and that it was very plain they were unarmed, the Japanese had absolutely allowed thousands to escape them. Such conduct was entirely beyond their comprehension and they would return to their own tril e, whose warriors, although few in number, could show a larger collection of heads dtan the whole Japanese force put together. And just to show what they could do in that line, they killed a' dozen peaceful Chinese living on the border a few days later, and carried off their heads to the mountain fastnesses.

The first regular meeting with the savages was held in August near Tokoham, when seven came down and held a "pow-wow" with the major of the Japanese garrison stationed there. On a later date Mr. Hashiguchi, chief of the Agricultural and Industrial Bureau, and Rear Admiral Tanaka, prefect of Taipeh, made the trip to Tokoham. Their party, escorted by about seventy-five Japanese soldiers, made their way to the savage border and were there met by a band consisting of some twenty-three savages, men, women, and children. Some conversation was held with them through an interpreter; and after receiving presents of knives, showy red hand-kerchiefs, red woollen cloth, etc., twelve returned with the Japanese to Tokoham, and a feast was given them there. After considerable persuasion, a savage and his wife, two boys, and a girl, consented to return with the Japanese to Taipeh and visit the governor-general. They remained several days in the capital, were loaded with presents, and returned to their mountain homes well pleased with their treatment.

So far the [apanese had encountered none of those fearful gales for which the Formosan coast is famous. In fact, the possibility oi their oc-currence had been scarcely taken into consideration. Early in September,

however, North Formosa was visited by a terrible storm, and within a day the Tamsui river had risen twelve feet above its normal level. This was a great surprise to the Japanese, who lost a considerable amount of stores, and much damage was done to the transports in and about Kelung. For-tunately, the loss of life was small.

CHAPTER XXII (PART 1 OF 4)

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF SOUT1

1895.

FORMOSA.

Military preparations during Japan-China war — Black Blag Chief, Liu Yung-fn, as commander— His career Liu <t* " disciplinarian Takoic powder-magazine explodes — An appalling scene -Liu refuses doubtful honors in North Chi mi Capture of Pescadores — .1 panic-stricken Tavtai -Chinese accounts of wonderful victoiies — An imaginary " ruse" Anxiety among foreigners British marines landed — Chinese gunboat lands war munitions -CJiinese official methods— Liu orders foreigners <>»' of Anping— British reinforcements landed — Liu withdraws demand -Hie Formosan Republic— Tainanfu declared the capital — Republican organization -Aid received from mainland officials — Currency and postal systems — Raising tin- wind s,ini<j<.-< join Lin -Japanese Smith Formosan force assembles in the north — Plan of campaign — Transports nt '/"■ Pescadores With ( inn i-iil Nogi's southern expedition — The landing —A hard fight near Ka-tong-ka — Pontoon bridge construction Skirmishes — Pithau occupied — The defences <>t' Takow—A "ruse de guerre" — Takoic bombarded by Japanese squadron — Occupied by blue-jackets — Imperial Body Guards Division advances from Chang wlut — Engagements at Chuwaka and Talibu — Chinese defences near Timlin — A strong fight— Capture of Kagi — Fourth Brigade advances from Pa-te-chui — Scattered bands encountered -Feeble resistance— Engagement near Oyato, nt Bau-kang-boi — Chinese suffer a loss of a thousand killed near Shaulan Japanest forces approach Tainanfu Retrospect Japanese heads on exhibition — Liu's warlike sjririt weakens - Abortive attempts nt surrender — Foreigners visit Japanese nt Kagi -Tin- last squeeze Wealthy Chinese tl- • ina—

■General Lin vanishes — Black Flags surrender— Arrival of Japanese— Occupa-tion if Tainanfu completed Warship Yayeyama pursues merchant steamer Thales —A breach of international lute — Foreigners as guides — Nogi's forces arrive — Foreigners in the South— Campaign against republican forces ended— Japanese losses in Formosa — Hospital records - Death "t Imperial Prince Kitiixliinil.nira — Cliinese l<>xsis — Rebel leaders favored in China— Chinese official duplicity— Numerous insurgents -Rebellion followed In/ brigand Hakka rebellion Rebellion in the north — Mid-Formosa rebellion— Foreign settlement ofTwatutia attacked— Formosan banditti — Their subjection difficult— Chinesi interpreters and blackmail -I difficult problem nml its solution.

,U'> THE ISLAND in FORMOSA.

In the previous chapter, we dealt exclusively with affairs in the north of the island. The Japanese gave little or no attention to the south until possession of the whole north of the island had been obtained. However, events in the south during this period were no less interesting. While thrilling scenes like those witnessed in the north, during the three days previous to the arrival of the Japanese at Taipehfu, were not duplicated, still exciting events occurred at frequent intervals lor a longer period, and the " Butterfly Republic," interesting and amusing as it was, existed in full splendor for several months.

Tiie war between the two empires was quite as disturbing a factor in the south as it was in the north of the island, and the Chinese government recognized the necessity of giving that part of Formosa its full share of attention from a military point of view. Accordingly, the famous " Hlack Flag " pirate chief Liu Yung-fu1 was appointed to the command of the military affairs in the south, and great hopes were entertained as to his ability to hold the island against all comers !

Liu, whatever ma)' have been his other faults, was a strict disciplinarian, and his presence in Formosa was not especially welcome to several officials who hail reason to fear an investigation into military affairs. Among these was the commander of the Takow forts — Wan by name — who rightly or wrongly had established for himself a somewhat unfavorable reputation both from a military and moral point of view. In consequence of this, Liu declined to accept the transfer of the forts until all arms, ammunition, and buildings had been inspected and found to minutely tally with official inventories. This demand created some consternation in the mind of the retiring commander, and much activity was displayed by him in ransacking the various magazines and casements in order to bring out everything that could pass muster as an arm or as ammunition.

This was all well enough in itself, but unfortunately while soldiers were engaged in the work, about a ton of native made powder exploded in one of the magazines. Just how it was ignited is unknown. The only survivor, however, reported that the soldiers were as usual smoking while moving about in the magazine. The various rooms in the forts were used indiscriminately as magazines and dwellings. Thus, in the Saracen's 1 lead fort, when: the explosion occurred, upwards of 35 tons of foreign pebble powder, which fortunately was not ignited, were stored in rooms adjoining

1. Liu Yung-fu was originally chief of a large band of pirates, rebels ami free-booters, known as the " Black Flags," from their banners which were black. They had established themselves on the Tonkin

frontier, and there carried on bold and daring deeds of outlawry. When the French commei hostilities iina in 1SS4 the oelestial empire was not averse to accepting the pirate's assistance;

and, by carrying on guerilla warfare, he was able to greatly harass the enemy, although it has not been found that he accomplished any great feat of bravery! Still, he \fcis credited with courage and military ability, and win n the war was ended it was necessary for the Chinese government to dispose of him in some way, for fear that he might be tempted to turn his much feared hand against the government. Jo destroy liim and his followers was a task too huge to be evcu thought of, and to leave him on the frontier to continue his piratical raids might lead to a reopening of the war with France just closed. It was, therefore, decided to engage him in ollicial employment. He was given a high military title aud was permitted to take with him 1,100 picked men of his hand, who, together with a portion of the Imperial troops of the Kwangtung province, were placed under hi 1. With tin: oommencemeut of the

Japan and China war, Liu was ordered by Imperial edict to go to the defend of Formosa, where lie arrived towards the end of the year 1894.

Mil, JAPANES1 OCCUI "I III FORMOSA. 347

those occupied night and day by officers and men, some of whom were at

all times smoking opium or tobacco.

The scene on entering the fort just after the explosion was said to appalling. Human fragments were met with everywhere, not only in the

fort itself, but over the whole hill, and in the village on the spit at the back; while the smell of burning flesh was sickening in the extreme! It was estimated that about ioo lives wen- lost, but the exact number could never l>e ascertained, as the commandant did all he could to minimize the extent of the disaster. For some minutes after the explosion took place, lx>th the village and lagoon were bombarded with showers of human and animal remains, amongst which latter, the heads of dogs and pigs figured largely. One man was blown high up in the air, falling through the roof of a house in the village below in the midst of a woman's gambling party, of course creating tremendous consternation. A big piece of masonry was projected for a distance of about a quarter of a mile, and falling on board a junk fatally crushed one of her crew.

The commandant, Wan, was made to pay all the damage to the housi and restore the fort to its original condition before Liu Yung-fu would have anything to do with the place.

Liu Yung-fu, in a memorial to the throne, impeached several other military officers, with the result that out of eight complained of, four w beheaded and the others were dismissed from the service. Such strict measures naturally had their effect, ridding the army of a number of undesirable characters.

Affairs were now going badly in the north of the empire. The Japan* were gaining victory after victory, audit seemed quite probable that they might reach even Pekin itself. In this gloomy situation the Tsung-li Yamen despatched two decrees in succession, ordering Liu to leave Formosa and hasten up north to take command of the troops then fighting against the Japanese. Liu, however, possessed of a large amount of good-sense, was not inclined to take any part in the north unless he could carry with him soldiers in whose ability and skill he had confidence; and, as there was no promise of this, he stated in a long memorial opinions which were not very complimentary to Chinese officials in general, and refused absolutely to stir lii 1111 the island. No further attempt was made to induce him to accept northern service and he remained in command of the South Formosa forces, as had been first arranged.

The capture of the Pescadores by the Japanese threw the southern officials of the island into a considerable panic. In so great a fright was the Taotai at Tainan uj on receiying the news, that it was necessary to relit him from his post. His character is amusingly exposed in a memorial which the acting-governor of Formosa, dang Ching-sung, sent to the throne, stating that " the said Taotai upon the loss of the Pescadores to Japan, immediately became so panic-stricken that he suddenly presented memorialist a petition requesting to be allowed to retire temporarily from office, in order to enable him tov return to his home on the mainland t<> repair the -raxes of his

34's THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

ancestors; following this he telegraphed immediatelj afterwards the news of his father's serious illness and his determination to resign, in order to^i home at once to attend upon his parents. This thin veil to hid dastardly cowardice was immediately reported by memorialist to the throne, and on the 5th of April last his Majesty's edict was received cashiering the said Taotai of Tainanfu and dismissing him from service." His successor was an expectant prelect, Chu Ha-chun by name.

With the [apanese at the Pescadores an attack on the adjacent South Formosan coast was expected at any time. The Chinese took advantage of the probability of an engagement, and most wonderful talcs, emanating from Takow and Anping, were circulated describing this event. The Chinese press in Shanghai published a detailed description, actually tele-graphed from Tainan, of a Japanese attack on Takow, during which the Chinese won a glorious victory, sinking five of the enemy's ships and destroying a large number of soldiers. On another occasion it is described how the Japanese appeared, and alter having been decoyed into close quarters the Chinese suddenly attacked them; "The Japanese lied for their lives, but in vain ; those who did not die by lire perished in the water, so that by mid-day their losses amounted to twenty men-of-war and 20,000 men, and quite a lar^e number of the warships of other nationalities were unintentionally damaged in the conllagration that ensued."

Again most circumstantial details were given of another great disaster that had befallen [apanese ships in Formosa, affording us new evidence ol the strict discipline of old Liu. According to this report, the son of the Black Flag chief had destroyed, off Takow*, fourteen Japanese ships, and only four out of the whole fleet had escaped. Exacting old Liu, upon learning this, fell into a great rage and chastised his son, by giving him sixty blows with the baml 00, for permitting the four ships to get away. Another example of Chinese- prowess was reported during the campaign, which is worthy of record among the memorial deeds of the war. Upon the approach of Japanese warships on a certain occasion, the Chinese fleet provided them-selves with large numbers of empty wine-jars, to the mouths of which they fastened Madders realistically painted to represent the heads of Chinese. These they floated out towards the Japanese fleet. The Japanese, greatly alarmed at the boldness of the Chinese swimming towards them, fired at the daring marines with such rapidity and wildness that the)- exhausted all their ammunition, and the defenders were therefore enabled to sweep down on their assailants and capture the whole fleet.

Further evidence of the wonderful strategical ability of the Chinese is afforded us in the following report. The Chinese filled long bamboo tubes with wasps and set them afloat, whereupon the Japanese, who mistook them for torpedoes, captured a large number, and took them on board their several ships. Upon breaking into them for examination— an unusual custom' I believe — thousands of the wasps were liberated and (lew about in a great rage, stinging the Jaj anese right and left. So great was the pain thus inflicted that the Japanese for the time-being were placed hors rfc combat, and upon the appearance of the Chinese in battle array fell easy victims.

I'i:\n nation:— "THE DECAPITATION OF THE JAPANESE ADMIRAL, KABAYAMA, CAPTURED BY

GENERAL I.H VI M, i i

" Letters received from Amoy merchants announce the capture of Admiral Kabayama by ' Senexal Lin. The Japanese ■ rongly that their commander be released ami offered through some foreigners to pay as ransom the sum of

CLi ,000 dollars. « reneral Uu would not granl this petition without tin- assurance thai Formosa would be restored. This the

Japanese refused t<> consider, and the prisoners were thereupon subjected, before Tana Wu-ting, t<> a severe examination, aud, in aocordance with the law, were decapitated, and theli beads exhibited In public to the greal delight ol ail the people."

\^&^mM?m*M2

Translation.— "THE GREAT DEFEAT OF THE JAPANESE (DWARF SLAVES) BY LIU'S DAUGHTERS."

" An ancient precept ordains that it* the Sovereign is insulted his suhjects should die. Since Tainan was defended by the great General Liu, we nave received daily reports of victories. We now learn that the Insolence of the Japanese Blaves aroused great indignation among Liu's daughters, and that the latter assemhled a number of female warriors, and strongly attacked the dwarf slaves at Taipeh. The female warriors were mighty in the fight. The Japanese, who were thrown into confusion, were unable to repel the attack, and their weakness was a pitiful sight."

t

Mgctt m -fcU&s*. A.-&- > i « H

£4

CHINESE POSTERS DESCRIBING EVENTS IN FORMOSA DURING THE JAPANESE CAMPAIGN.

I wo other oft-told tales were made the subjects oi pictorial representa-tion; one portraying the defeat of" a party of Japanese infantry 1a I. in Yung-fus daughters, who. aided by a lew Formosan savages with their primitive weapons, were finding the task not a difficult one : and the other representing an impending execution of the then Governor-General, Count Kabayama, who, in the picture in question, is seen standing with other prisoners before Liu and several mandarins, while the executioner is near with his heavy sword awaiting the final word.

After the arrival of the Japanese at Taipehfu in the north of the island, the scene of Chinese victories was transferred to the inland districts. Here we are told a clever " ruse of war " was effected by a number of Black blags, who disguising themselves as savage aborigines, visited a Japanese camp to ask protection for their tribe against the terrible " Black blags." The [apanese were much moved and at once despatched ''a few thousand men." I he tricky guides led them to a narrow pass through the mountains. Here mines were exploded, and taking advantage of the confusion resulting, the Chinese troops poured out from their ambush and cut down the Japanese to a man.

The above tales, and countless others as improbable, were received with implicit confidence by the Chinese, and aroused much alarm among those who were under Japanese protection. Even foreigners gave occasional credence to the more probable of the reports, and one gentleman was so tar deceived as to state in one of the Shanghai foreign journals that he had witnessed the destruction of a Japanese man-of-war during the fighting at Kelung.

Events in which foreigners were concerned may be said to date from the first days of May, 1895, when the situation assumed so serious an aspect that Admiral Fremantle, commander of the British naval force in China, landed a body of fifty marines at Anping for the protection of British lives and property. The place was over-run with Chinese military rabble ; and if any opportunity arose, it was quite probable that indiscriminate looting and marauding would find much favor with them. The Japanese were at this time in occupation of the Pescadores, and although an occasional man-of-war was sighted oft" the coast, still no attempt was made to harass the Formosan authorities in any way. In fact on May 8th, for some unaccount-able reason, the Japanese fleet permitted the Chinese gunboat Chinghoi X.0 steam unmolested into Takow and land treasure and 5,000 rifles and ammunition for the Black Flags at the latter port. Fifty thousand rifles were, it is said, landed in Tamsui about the same time. If we note that the island was ceded by the Emperor of China on the 17th of April, we obtain an insight into Chinese official methods by observing, three weeks later, one of the emperor's ships still engaged in supporting a military force in active op] ositicn to a nation with which 1 lis Majesty had signed a treat} of peace. In earl_\- [line, the [apanese took possession o\ the northern capital, the Republic was transferred to the south of the island, ami Liu Yung-fu was declared sole president.

While it has not transpired that Liu had any really hostile intentions

350 i in: island of f< iRMOSA.

against the foreign community, his bearing on several occasions was such as to cause some uneasiness. The action on the part of a Japanese gunboat, which, on the 13th of [une, ran into the anchorage at Anping close to British

men-of-war and merchant steamers, is said to have given rise, among the Chinese, to some resentment against the English. The land fort which opened fire' was under considerable disadvantage, being unable to direct a heavy fire against the fapanese warship without danger of injuring the English vessels. The foreigners were now accused of favoring the Japanese, and Liu appears to have become so excited over his fancied grievances thai he eventually ordered the foreign community and the naval detachment to leave Anping, failing which he threatened to fire on I LB.M.S, Spartan then in the anchorage. The situation now became somewhat critical, and a special steamer, the Wenchow, was despatched to Amoy for reinforcements. The British cruiser Rainbow answered the call very promptly, bringing with her two officers and the marines who had been previously on guard at Twatutia. On her arrival, the Chinese claimed that she was a Japanese warship in disguise and that they were determined to fire upon her. So threatening did their attitude become that the Rainbow signalled to the merchant vessels to get up steam and proceed to sea. The two men-of-war had previously cleared for action, and their warlike appearance, together with an emphatic protest made by Consul Hurst on shore, led the Black Flag chief to abandon his hostile plans, at least for the time. Later on, a steam launch went out with a junk which, alter taking some eighty marines anil bluejackets aboard, conveyed them to shore, while the Rainbow and Spartan, with their guns run out, cruised 141 and down, in front of the forts, ready to take action if the Chinese fired on the junk, as they said they would. The shore guard now numbered 150. Several machine guns were also landed. ( )n the 17th, the Norwegian steamer Bygdo took away to Amoy all the ladies and children ot Anping and Tainanfu, and 1I..M S Redbreast arrived, also cleared for action, followed a few days later by H.M.S. Plover. All were now anxiously awaiting the arrival of the Japanese. Thousands of the natives were fleeing to the interior, and others taking passage to the mainland. From the latter Liu Yung-fu extorted a large portion of their treasure before they wen-permitted to leave.

With the large foreign force at hand, affairs went on quietly for some time, and the foreigners considered the safety of their position fairly assured. On July 1st, however, from a condition of comparative ease, the Anping community was thrown into a state of considerable consternation by receiving information that Admiral Buller had given instructions for the British forces, ashore and afloat, to be withdrawn, and was also urgently advising the withdrawal ol the foreign community. The admiral's action was much criticized, and the English press, both in China and [apan, severely censured ' htm. The reason given by the admiral for the apparent abandonment was that, owing to the impending south-west monsoon, it might be necessary at

1. Five shots trom 28-tou guns were tired.

THE JAPANES1 OCCUPATION OF SOUTH FORMOSA. 55 J

any time to run to the Pescadores for shelter, and that the naval guard on shore would then be left unsupported for an indefinite period. The guard was accordingly re-embarked on June 30th. The Chinese Customs ;l also came to the conclusion that it was inadvisable to wait longer for the arrival of the Japanese, and accordingly the Custom I louse was closed on June 29th, and the staff withdrew.

To describe the organization of the Southern Republic, it is necessary to retrace our steps to the early days of June, when President Tang made his escape from Taipeh-fu, the northern capital. About this time, the taotai and the leading officials who had been stationed at Tainanfu, in compliance with orders from the Chinese emperor returned to the mainland, leaving an ex mandarin, who had been serving as confidential adviser, to act as taotai, magistrate, and prefect. Ku-ku-ching su, commonly known as Kha, Phok-sia, and others ot the literati to the number of about one hundred, as! Liu, who was then at Takow, to come to Tainanfu and protect the city. He consented and was installed in the Examination Hall, adopting the style of Assistant Commissioner. When Ian- tied, however, the literati and others composing the so-called Parliament, elected Liu Yung fu to the presidency of the " Republic," which they determined should continue.

A " ways and means" committee was at once formed, and arrangement3 made for collecting the necessary funds from the people. This was done both by capitation tax and " voluntary " subscription. Besides the usual land and other taxes, a further and special war-tax was imposed to the extent ot five per cent, of their possessions as fixed by official assessment. Besides this, Liu arranged to cany on the Foreign Customs, the proceeds from which went into his treasury. An executive council, elected from the " Parliament." and consisting ot seven senators, sat in the city every afternoon. The chairman and vice-chairman of this body were Phok-sia and Kha respectively. Proclamations were issued setting forth that, as soon as the Japanese had been driven out of the island and peace fully establish' railways were to be built, mines opened, and trade otherwise developed.

CHAPTER XXII (PART 2 OF 4)

A silver republican seal had been made, which was now ottered to Liu with much ceremony, while at the same time he was requested to assume the supreme direction. It was clearly agreed and announced that this step of forming an independent government in no way indicated a lap from their allegiance to China: on the contrary it was hoped that what they now did would tend to aid China in the hour of her need and helplessm that the republic would be conducted in unison with the mother-government, both working side by side as " twin mountains." It was understood, too, that after peace had been established by the expulsion ot the Japanese, the people of this island would once more put themselves under the rule ol their old sovereign the Emperor ot China.

As in the north, there can be no doubt but that Viceroy Chang Chi-tung, and even higher officials, secretly instigated and supported Liu, and through him the people, in carrying out this scheme. As a fact, every month Chang Chi-tung forwarded money, men, and arms in considerable quantity to Liu;

352 I UK ISLAND I »F I ■< 'KM' is.\.

indeed this support onlj ceased a month or six weeks before the occupation of the south by the Japanese, though, even then, the high supporters in Nanking and Foochow, at least verbally pledged themselves to redeem the paper-notes which Liu was obliged to issue as payment to his troops. The notes were really issued and supposed to be guaranteed by a foreign com-pradore, and their face values were $1, $5, and $10. Cash-notes, for face-values of lot 1. 500, and 1,000 copper cash each were on the [joint of being circulated when the extreme crisis arrived, which put an end to all such plans and calculations

All government payments were for the last month or so made in these notes, proclamations being issued calling On the customs, hongs, and all the people to accept them as good and valuable tender. For some little time the notes were redeemed at par on presentation to the aforesaid foreign compradore; during the last week or two these redemptions were suspended, and thereupon bond notes, resembling the others in appearance, were issued, guaranteed by the wealth)' people in the city. Another form of speculative note, mere " lottery tickets," were the outcome of a final and desperate attempt on the part of some of Liu's financiers " to raise the wind," the promise being to pay four times their face, value " alter the Japanese had been driven into the sea and peace restored!' It was truly wonderful how many fools there were who took the bait and bought tickets, some bearing as high a face value as $200.

President Liu also introduced a postal system, which was expected to help out the government's revenue, as well as to afford means of controlling the correspondence of the citizens. It appears that Liu had reason to suspect some persons of sending information through the post office (native), and so, in order to give him a pretext for vise, he decreed that no letters should leave the island unless they bore stamps issued by his government, and that all letters must pass through the customs before being sent on board steamers or other vessels for transmission to the mainland. It is said that he did actually, by this means, discover one or two treasonable communications.

Two issues oi postage stamps, of three denominations each, were utilized, and according to official records, 9,300 letters passed through the post office during the time the first was in use, and some S,ooo of the second issue, and the stamps were bona fide used for postal purposes.1

1. The following details regarding the issue of postage stamps for the Formosau Republic may be of interest to philatalists.

The first or provisional issue, hurriedly got up, and printed with a nalive made die were as follows : —

Green=3 cents. Violet =10 cents. Ked — 5 cents.

The whole issue was only between 7,000 and 8,000 sets, certainly not more than 8,000, and then the die was destroyed.

These stamps were impressed on thin Chinese piper and were not perforated. Both with this issue and the following one the clearness of impression caunot be taken as any proof of genuineness, indeed very often they were indistinct and barely discernible, but for all that were sold and used.

Of this first issue the greeu were mostly used for postal purposes, and thus many sets of this issue were broken into.

Accordiug to the official records 9,300 letters passed through the post otlicc during the time the Brst

THE JAPANESE 0 ION 01 SOUTH FORMOSA. 353

It must be said injustice to Liu that he undoubtedly paid his troops in money so long as he had it, and clothed and fed them at government expense, and the Chinese generally spoke highly of Liu's personal integrity. It would appear that the strength <>l Liu's command, after Tang had bolted, including local levies, was not far short of 30,000 men. < ){ these only about 4,000 could be properly styled the original "Black Flags." The local levies, even the Hakkas, who were the most enthusiastic followers of Liu at first, decreased in number daily as the Japanese advanced towards Tainan fu, until in the end probably not more than [2,000 remained with the colours. At one time a band of savages from the south made a pretence of joining Liu. They were encamped in the city, and only received food in return for their services. Two died, whereupon the remainder de< ided that this was a bad omen, and so, taking the dead on their backs, the whole lot suddenly disappeared and were no more heard of. In the meantime they had got arms and ammunition from Liu, which they no doubt thought ample recompense for the trouble they had been put to.

Up to this time, the Japanese had occupied only the north and central districts. Having failed to despatch an expedition during the favorable season, and, later being prevented 1>\ the onset of the south-west monsoon, which would render the landing of troops in the south very hazardous, the Japanese did not commence the southern campaign until the month of October, to the considerable inconvenience of the foreign residents, who, uninformed of Japan's intentions, were kept in a state ot anxious suspense for over five weary months.

The Japanese South Formosan expedition was to consist ol the second

(Sendai) division and the Imperial Body Guards, and ol these two divisions there had arrived in the island prior to the opening of the campaign 25,826 men. The Imperial Guards, however, had been longest in Formosa and had lost several thousand men by sickness, thus reducing the total number of men ready for the field to about 20,000. Besides this, there were several thousand military coolies who had arrived from [apan for the transport service.' 1 he above force was followed by 7,200 men of the Osaka fourth division of

1. There were about 800 Japanese coolies attached to each regiment, cariug for provision and ammunition transport with the field forces. The second division employed 2,800 m< i with 800

hand carts in transport work in the field. There wore, engaged in the rear in transport ••■n

the army and different supply depots and as attendants in temporary hospitals, and in road and telegraph construction work, 3.S70 men in all.

was in use. For obliterating stamps the postal mark used at first was a circle in which are the words " Taiwan Republic, Tainan " and in centre the date " September."

Second issue: — Blue (approaching in many cases to bis i 5 cents, Violet 10

cents, but, half of this 10 cents issue were printed in black and in sun.- oases in blue, the violet ink having run short. These stamps are more perfect in appea they are printed from a die obtained

from Canton.

All the above second issue were on paper which had been rather roughly perforated, in fact looks as if it was done with a sewing-machine, and evidently before the stamps had been printed on theit respective spaces, within which they are by no means regularlj ts of these.were

printed, of which about 8,000 odd stamps of various values lis I klly. The obliterating

postmark that first oame into use with this issue, consists of a larger circle than the first, round which are the words "Formosan Republic Taiwan," but dated in 0 Ml the paper was ungummed.

A final effort to replenish the depleted treasury was made by taxing each passenger (lying from the island, and there were many thousands of these. The rate varied from two to four or six dollars accordiug to the financial standing of tho fugiti*

reserves, who did garrison duty as fast as the country was subdued by the field forces. They were pioneers, however, in the Kapsulan (Girah) district, and had their share of fighting with scattered hands of insurgents throughout the island. Lieut-General Viscount Takashima was appointed Vice-Governor-General of Formosa, and placed in command of the military. He arrived in the island in the middle of September and at once took charge.

The southern expedition, with the exception oi the Imperial Hod}- ( ruards, assembled at the Pescadores on the 3rd and 4th October, ami was there divided into two armies. One, consisting of the fourth mixed brigade of the second division, under the command of H.I.H. Prince Fushimi, was ordered to land at Pa-te-chui (Ho-tei-shi | about 28 miles north of the Black Flag Chiefs headquarters at Tainanfu. The other, consisting of the rest of the second division under the command of Lieutenant-General Baron Nogi, was directed to land at Pangliau (Bono), about 25 miles to the south of Takow. A third force, the Imperial Body Guards, which. -in the previous chapter we brought down as far as the big inland city of Changwha, was to advance towards Tainanfu through the central districts. Thus, with Japanese warships playing their part at sea on the west, the savages creating an effectual harrier on the east, large forces marching from the north and south, it was very evident that the famous Liu and his equally famous Black Flags would he brought to lay, and their oft repeated boasts of hravery and superiority put to a test ' Xow let us see how it all turned out !

We will for convenience sake first follow the fortunes ol the southern expedition under the command of Lieutenant-( ieneral Baron Nogi. I had the pleasure of being a memlx;r of that party, and Mr. Kashiwamura. formerly military attache of the Japanese legation at Berlin, was detailed as my companion anil kindly acted as interpreter.

At four p.m. on Octoher 3rd, the Kvoto Maru steamed out of Kelung harhor for the Pescadores with Lieutenant General Baron Nogi and his staff, two companies of soldiers, and a few civil attaches, two or three Japanese correspondents, and myself on hoard. The trip was exceedingly pleasant, and we arrived at die Pescadores about 1.30 p.m. For the next four days, transports and men-of-war continued to arrive, until nearly 50 ships were assembled, including the I.J.S. Sai-yen, formerly the Chinese gunboat Tsi-yen.

Early on the morning of the 10th, the northern expedition, with (ieneral Takashima in command, departed from the Pescadores for the landing place at Pa-te chui ( \ lo-tei-shi) north of Anping. I luring the afternoon ourexpedition steamed out of harbour for Pang-liau (Borio), ahout 25 miles south of 'Takow. arriving near the landing place at daylight. The men-of-war that accompanied us at once landed marines, hut no Chinese soldiers were seen, and the Japanese naval flag was soon Hying from a neighboring mound. The soldiers from the transports were then landed, and in about two hours the whole fighting force of the expedition, consisting of 6,330 men, with 1,600 military coolies and 2,500 horses, was in readiness to take the field. A. wharf had been quickly built, and the coolies were soon unloading the

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF SOUTH FORMOSA. 7,^

supplies from the transports with remarkable celerity and without mishap. Three steam launches, seventy-two Japanese sampans, and ten big cargo-boats were used for transporting men and stores from steamer to land.

The men-of-war cruised along the coast a short distance- ahead of th<-army on shore;, and the few scattered hands of the enemj that came in sight were quickly dispersed by an occasional shell from their guns. Two companies were sent at once to the south, where some Chinese soldiers were found, and after exchanging a few shots, the latter retreated in the direction of the small village ofKa-tong-ka (Ka-to-kiak).

Two companies of infantry were also sent along the beach road, but finding none of the enemy in that direction they marched towards Ka-tong-ka. ( >n arriving near the village the next morning, they found it surrounded by a low stone wall loop-holed lor rifle tire. Several cannon made the place quite a formidable stronghold, and, after the [apanese had surrounded the village, the stubborn resistance made li\ the Chinese showed that the latter intended to take full advantage oi their position. A body of water, which nearly surrounded the village, greatly hindered tin- (apanese in attacking at close range, and the enemy were so well protected that it was only a waste ol ammunition to tire from a distance. The [apanese made several futile charges with considerable loss of life before a battalion commander and one company succeeded in gaining an entrance through one of the urates, though not without loss, and set fire to some ot the houses. A strong wind blowing in the right direction carried the flames quickly toward the Chinese, who were making a stout defence. Only one chance was now open to the enemy : — to come out into the open field and face the Japanese, — but this the)- did not care to do. With the crackling of the bamboo, the falling of houses, the awful roaring of the tin- as it swept nearer and nearer to the horror stricken braves, who were now joined by others driven out of the houses in which they hail sought shelter, the scene became one of intense excitement. The cries of the Chinese could be heard above the uproar, and the poor wretches crouched closer and closer to the stone wall, taking advantage of pits or trees and bushes already smouldering, to protect them from the stilling heat of the conflagration. At last the) could bear it no longer, and, with a yell of terror, they threw themselves over the wall and made a mad rush for the scrub and jungle to the north. Many fell by the way, but the majority made good their escape.

This affair was a serious one for the Japanese, who lost 77 men (i 6 killed and 61 wounded) including three officers, — by far the greatest loss yet sustained by them in Formosa. Seventy bodies of Chinese were found, and probably a few others were consumed by the flames. Twelve cannon. several rifles, and some ammunition fell into the hands of the Japanese The Chinese taking part in this engagement were not Black blags, but wen- com-posed wholly of native levies.

One company of infantry was quartered near the village the night following, and in the afternoon of the next day a skirmish occurred with a few Chinese, who soon retreated with slight loss. Perhaps the most

\$6 THE ISLAND OF FORMOSA.

formidable enemy we met. and one which succeeded in creating much excitement and no little terror, was the Chinese water buffalo. Indeed. if General Liu had only mounted a troop of cavalry on these animals, he might have been victorious. The huge beast, upon being frightened, appears to go absolutely mad, and with head erect and angry snorting, charges straight through anything and everything. One ran "amok" into a temporar\' encampment, severely injuring an officer and forcing us all to make a lively scramble to avoid not only the wild beast but our own pack horses which threatened to stampede.

October 12th, in order to reach Tangkang (Toko) the main army crossed, on pontoon bridges, two rivers of considerable size. The Formosan bamboo catamaran, which consists of from eight to twelve bamboos placed side by side braced by cross-bars securely lashed, has such a shape and size that a number of them can easily be converted into a most satisfactory bridge by merely connecting them side by side, and protecting the bamboo by laying down a few boards and covering them with straw. Over two bridges thus constructed the whole army, including heavily laden 1 jack-horses, passed in safety, and soon all were encamped at Tangkang. No opposition whatever was encountered in the city, the Chinese troops having deserted it long before our arrival. Tangkang is about seventeen miles south of Takow and has an estimated population of 12,000. It is a most flourishing city and exports large quantities of rice and sugar. The Chinese force formerly stationed here consisted of 1,000 men divided into two camps.

October [3th, a Chinese commandant sent an offer of. unconditional surrender. General Nogi accepted it and waited, delaying his troops one: day. but no Chinese appeared to lay down their arms.

( )ctober 14th, a squadron of cavalry reconnoitering to the north reached the big walled citj of l'ithau (1 lozan), where they were agreeably surprised to see white flags ol peace floating from the houses and a large white banner oxer the city gates. Upon attempting to enter, however, they found the gates closed, whereupon they scaled the wall and were greatly astonished at being greeted with a most vigorous fusillade. Upon this, thej beat a hast\ retreat, and were pursued tor some distance by about 200 Chinese soldiers. On the same day a company of infantry defeated with but trifling loss a large force which had first surrounded them near Chakosui.

October 15th, one company ofinfahtry was sent forward to reconnoitre Takow, but on approaching the city they were surprised to see the flag of the Japanese navy flying from the forts. They now started to return to the main arm)-. After going a U-w miles eastward they came to a large walled city, the inhabitants of which resisted them. After some fighting, however, the Chinese retreated, and the assailants, entering the city triumphantly, were surprised to find they had captured Pithau (Hozan), the very place the main army was then preparing to attack.

October 16th — On this day the army advanced to Pithau establishing their cam]) for the night north of that city. We were all now in the highest spirits, for although the navy had deprived us of an engagement

THE JAPANES1 OCCUPATION OF SOUTH FORMOSA.

at Takorw, we were drawing near Liu's headquarters and expected to lead in the attack on Tainanfu and Anping. How we also lost that op-portunity the reader will soon learn.

We must, however, now go hack a few days to describe the capture ot Takow, one of the most important positions in the island; the occupation of which was the principal object of the southern expedition. During the early days of the Formosan Republic, about 15,000 Chinese soldiers were stationed at Takow, four or five thousand of them being Liu Yung-fa's " redoubtable Black Flags commanded by his adopted son ; but, as the Japanese were slowly and surely approaching, General Liu, Jr., seems to have felt it undesirable to oppose an attack on Takow, for we find him gradually withdrawing his troops, and on the day preceding the bombard-ment by the [apanese fleet, only about 500 Chinese soldiers remained to man the forts. It is said that a telegram was sent l>y General Liu at Anping ordering his son to hoist the white flag, not apparently with the idea of treating with the Japanese, but as a ruse de guerre to cover his men's retreat. ( )n the 14th < )ctober, it is stated that another telegram was received from the same source ordering the commandant to haul down the white flag, and when the Japanese were in range to tire a few shots, and then retreat and reinforce the main body of troops at Tainan and Anping.

' >n the 1 2th October three Japanese men-of-war appeared off the fort, and H.M.S. Tweed, Lieut. Ward commanding, conveyed the British residents

to a safe position outside, as it was expected that the attack would be made at once. However, on Lieut.-Commander Ward's boarding the Japanese Flagship {Yoshind) he was informed that no bombardment would take place that day, but the admiral requested that all foreign residents would leave Takow by 7 o'clock the next morning. Accordingly, H.M.S. Tiveed embarked all the foreign residents, and proceeded, accompanied by the British tugboats Sin Taiwan and Takozv, to a sate position to the northward of Ape's Hill.

At 7 a.m., true to time, the fapanese opened fire on the Takow torts at a range of about 6,000 yards. For the first halt hour the torts responded, but after this their guns were silent, and it was evident that Liu's soldiers were carrying out their preconcerted plans — evacuating the torts and retreating inland. 'The forts tired twenty-four rounds, the best shot being from the 8-inch B. L. Armstrong guns in Apes' Hill fort, which struck the water about 500 yards from the Naniwa Kan. At 2 p.m. the Japanese fleet, consisting of seven ships, including the Tsi-yfun (the Armstrong cruiser captured from the Chinese) closed the beach to the southward of' Saracen's Head, and at 2.15 p.m. twenty live boats "manned and armed" were seen proceeding in a parallel lint* to the beach, steering for that portion immediately under Saracen's 1 lead fort. At 2.30 the foremost boat's bows touched the beach, and five minutes later the Japanese sailors were in possession of the fort, without meeting any resistance whatever the Japanese ensign being hoisted at the flagstaff. But now a greater task had to be performed, namely, the taking of Ape's Hill fort. With any other nation

S5o THE [SI V\l> l >l I . IRMI ISA.

than the Chinese this would indeed have been difficult, but here, as before, there was no resistance, and the chrysanthemum flag was floating proudly from the fort flagstaff at 4 p.m. Takow was then in full possession of the Japanese, the loss of life amounting to four men on the Chinese side, two being killed in Ki-au village and two in Apes' Hill fort. It is hardly necessary to state that the casualties on the Japanese side were nil. The damage done to foreign property by the bombardment was infinitesimal, and a British naval officer stated that he was surprised to see so little destruction to the houses on shore, which he thought was due to the Japanese admiral's consideration in bombarding on such a bearing that the forts and houses were not in line. As soon as the Japanese flag was hoisted over Apes' Hill fort, the gun-boat Tweed proceeded into the inner harbor, and the foreign residents were once more installed in their houses. The Japanese warships actually engaged in the bombardment were the YosMno, bearing the flag of Admiral Arichi, Naniwa, Akitsushima, Tsi-yuen, Yaeyama, Hiyei, and two transports, one of which (Saikio Main) was placed at the disposal of the foreign residents. The forts were very little injured, notwithstanding that the Japanese lleet had kept up a heavy lire for seven hours. The very long range adopted by the Japanese accounted for this.

CHAPTER XXII (PART 3 OF 4)

We must now leave the south of the island for the time and return to the northern and central districts to describe the advance of the Imperial body Guards, and 11.1.11. Prince Fushimi's expedition, which, the reader will recollect, had landed at Pa-te-chui (Hoteishi) to the northward of Anping.

The Imperial Body Guards had. as related in the previous chapter, established their headquarters at Changwha (Shoka) during September, and small detachments had occupied some of the neighboring villages. The unhealthiness of Changwha and the long enforced idleness of the troops caused them to welcome the order from headquarters to advance on Tainan. Originally 14,030 strong, their ranks had been so reduced by sickness that it is doubtful whether they were able to muster more than ".OOO men for this southern expedition.

Early on the morning of the 23rd October they moved out of Chang-wha. They marched in tour columns : — the vanguard under Major-General Kawamura, the right column under Colonel Sakai, the left column under Colonel Xaito (later promoted to Major-General), and the reserves under the immediate command ot H.I.H. Prince Kitashirakawa.

( >n the 5th, the advance guard crossed the river near Pak-tau (Hokuto) and proceeded towards Chuwaka ( |nsika ) where they defeated seven or eight hundred Chinese, arriving by nightfall at Chitong-kang (Shitoko), where they encamped. On the 6th, the advance guard had an encounter near Talibu (Tariinu) with about 3,000 Chinese troops, resulting in the customary victory for the Japanese, by whom the village; was occupied. The same clay a detachment sent to the east defeated about 1,000 of the enemy, occupying a small village two miles and a half south-east of Chuwaka.

The first engagement in which strong opposition was encountered was in the vicinity of Vunlin (Unrin), which was reached on the morning of the

South Formosa Views.

Sarasen Head Fort, Takow. Along the old Chinese Sewer, Tainan City. One of the Tainan City Gates.

-_

%e

Chinese City, Takow.

A Chinese Garden, Tainan. Along the route of the old Tainan Canal, now a roidway.

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION OF SOI I'll FORMOSA. 3S9

7tli by the left column. The enemy had posted themselves at various strategical points on the left bank of a stream. They were easily dislodged

from all places except a high entrenchment farthest up tin- stream, a strong position with both banks protected by impenetrable jungles of bamboo and well constructed palisades. To reach this fortification it was necessary to march for a considerable distance through a clearing below, which exposed the guards to the full tire oi the enemy. 1 [owever, by taking advantage "I every irregularity in the ground, the Japanese wen- enabled to approach the eminence with but little loss, and once there they soon cut their way through the palisades and charged the enemy at the point ol the bayonet. The Chinese garrison did not wait to test the enemy's steel, but lied from their stronghold along the road towards Toroku (Tau lak) leaving two hundred of their number dead in and about the stockade. Passing through Toko koe (Dokokai), Chi-tong-kang and other villages, whence the Chinese regulars always promptly retreated without giving fighl and leaving large amounts of ammunition, arms, etc.. on the 9th tin- < iuards approached Kagi (Chia-i), a large and important walled city, which, accord-ing to popular report, was garrisoned by ten thousand Chinese troops, regulars and volunteers included. Here the insurgents showed a strong disposition to fight. All the gates of the city were barricaded, and cannon and machine guns, mounted on the top of the wall, were worked with considerable skill. The plan was to attack from the north, east, and west. and after the three columns had arrived the engagement began. The walls were bombarded with mountain pieces for some time, and then the Japanese approached the three gates almost simultaneously. Bamboo ladders v. planted against the walls, and, after a heavy tire, which drove the defenders lack from their positions on the wall, a part)- of non-commissioned officers ami men climbed over and poured volley after volley against the confused braves, now fleeing through the streets towards the south gate, which had been purposely left unguarded. The cavalry hurried the fleeing braves along for a few miles towards the south, and in a lew hours from the beginning of the fight the neighborhood was freed from the enemy, and the flags oi the " Rising Sun" replaced the " Black Flags" of Liu Yung-fu on the walls of the city. The opposing force is believed to have numbered about three thousand men. including six hundred Black blags, who now fought the Japanese lor the lust time. The Chinese loss was over two hundred dead. The total loss ol the Imperial Guards from Changwha to Kagi, including the casualties at the latter place, was fourteen killed and fifty-four wounded. Hie Guards were now ordered to re-main at this point until H.I.I I. Prince l'ushimi's expedition was landed at Pa-te-chui.

The Fourth Brigade, consisting of 5,460 men and commanded by the Prince accompanied by Lieutenant-General Takashima, commander-in-chiel of the Japanese forces in the; island, departed from the Pescadores in nine teen transports on the morning of the 10th of October. The transports were accompanied by the three warships, the Naniwa, Saiyen, and Kaimon. After steaming for about two hours, the ships were met by a British man-of-war, which signalled to the Naniwa that she had brought an offer of

360 THE islam 1 OF FORMOSA.

surrender from Liu Yung-Fu The Japanese warship referred her to the commander of the fleet at the Pescadores. At 10.50 a.m. the transports reached their destination and the men-of-war opened operations by bombarding

the Chinese troops on the beach. A few hours later the Chinese retired, and the landing of the troops commenced. Bluejackets were the first on shore, and a portion of the 1 7th regiment wen- able to land during the day, the mixed brigade under Prince Fushimi following-. The anchorage is about three miles from shore, and, with a strong wind blowing, the landing was extremely difficult, the sampans taking seven or eight hours to make the trip.

Chinese troops were found occupying the village, but after a little fighting the)- retreated, leaving the Japanese in possession. The natives informed them that, a \~c\v days before, several thousand Chinese soldiers had been sent to the village, but that most of them had retired early that morning, only about eight hundred remaining to attack the landing parties. Before the forces were on shore, it was observed that a portion of the village was burning, but whether the conflagration owed its origin to shells from the Japanese warships or was the work of the retreating Chinese is not known. At all events it placed the Japanese under considerable incon-venience owing to the absence of roofed shelter.

Only the brigade staff the fifth regiment, and two companies of the seventeenth regiment were able to land during the da)-. An advance on Kiam-tsui-kang (Yensuiko) and Ku-pa-to (Ki-bat-si) was made in three columns, and then a bivouac was ordered for the night. During the 1 2th, the mixed brigade were sent out against the scattered bands of the enemy in the surrounding district, but with the exception of an engagement near Kaw-wah-tau, the resistance was very feeble. Communication was opened with the Guards Division by the arrival of two staff officers from Kia-tsui-kang, which had previously been occupied by a detachment sent forward from Kagi. On the 14th, orders were given by General Takashima to the mixed brigade, that great care should be taken in thoroughly scouring the district, that no Chinese soldiers should remain to harass any small parties of Japanese passing through, or to endanger the lives or property ol peacefully inclined Chinese.

On the 15th, the van oi the mixed brigade advanced to Kiu-sui-kei, and the brigade staff to Kiam-tsui-kang. On that da)- the last of the supplies were landed from the transports at l'a te-chui. On the 16th, reinforcements were sent to one company of the 17th regiment, which had been surrounded by insurgents. An engagement took place resulting in the retreat of the Chinese with a loss ot sixty killed, while the Japanese lost nine killed and ten wounded. On the 18th, information was received from native spies as to the location of the mines and earthworks constructed north of Tainanfu and that there were 10,000 troops distributed throughout the district.

On receiving information that some six thousand insurgents were stationed near Ongo-ya-toi (Oyato), the commander of the mixed brigade despatched the 5 th regiment of infantry, one battery of artillery, and a troop of cavalry to engage them. After a i't-w hours fighting, in which three Japanese

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION 01 SOUTH PORMOSA. }6 I

were killed and fourteen wounded, including five officers, the enemy retreated, leaving eighty dead on the lurid. Two large cannon of ancient model were captured. On the same day the right column of the Guards' Division took Bau-kang-boi (Bokobil without opposition, and proceeded to Tion-sha (Chu-

sha). Here they encamped for the night. The right detachment of the mixed brigade met the enemy about four kilometres west of Toa-sua (£)ai-sen-to), and fighting ensued. Later in the afternoon Ongo-ya-toi was occupied. The Chinese; loss tor the day was about four hundred killed ; the Japanese one captain wounded. ( hie Krupp field-gun, one mountain gun, two bronze cannon, many rifles, and much ammunition were captured. The advance guard had been engaged most of the daw Near Moa-tau (Mato) two Japanese were killed, and in pursuing the enemy a force of about four thousand insurgents armed with repeating rifles was encountered to the south of the So-bung-go River. After a strong resistance from the Chinese forces, which were protected by earthworks, the Japanese were victorious, but suffered a loss ol two killed and eleven wounded, while the Chinese loss was only thirty dead.

On the 19th, the right detachment surrounded 3,000 insurgents who had fortified the small village of Shau-lan (Shorio). The Chinese found escape impossible and a desperate conflict resulted, in which nearly 1,000 Chinese were killed, while the Japanese loss, killed and wounded, was thirty, including three officers.

The Chinese had laid mines along the regular routes, and caught two unsuspecting officers. Commodore Count Yoshii, adjutant to His Majesty. and Captain Ogawa, adjutant to the commander-in-chief, were following at a safe distance behind the troops, but had not noticed the detour that had been made to avoid the mines. Captain Ogawa was riding ahead when his horse struck a contact mine anil a terrific explosion resulted. The officer was severely wounded and his horse killed instantly. Count Yoshii was wounded about the head, but not seriously. 1 was informed by this officer. that had the mine been properly constructed, they would have been certainly killed, but fortunately the explosives had been covered only with loose sand. At Shau-lan news reached the brigade of the occupation of' Anping and Tainanfu, and both the Mixed Brigade ami the Guards Division reached tin-southern capital without encountering further opposition.

Returning now to Tainanfu and Anping, we find gnat excitement prevailing during the early days of< 'ctoher. That the Japanese were soon to attack the south all were now aware. ( rreat efforts were made to inspire the trembling braves with courage. Several Japanese heads hail been brought into the city and exhibited, and later four cavalry horses, said to have been captured near Changwha (Shoka), together with a cavalrj sabre and bugle ; and on a still later occasion the head of a Japanese petty officer, together with his uniform and sword, as well as thirty-four Japanese cavalry horses with saddles, were all placed In-fore the astounded natives as evidence of the great victories the republican troops were winning in the central districts. This was all good enough while the Japanese were still in

.1

62 I Hi: rSLAND i IF I ■■ IRMi >S \.

the north of the island, but when ii became known thai a big expedition had arrived at the Pescadores, even old Liu began to be uneasy, and. forgetting his warlike spirit, which he had so often boasted of, decided to propose

surrender.

Liu's first efforts in this direction were made by a letter which the British consul took to the Pescadores and handed to the Japanese admiral.

The following terms of surrender wrrc proposed by Liu: — i. — The Japanese to pay up all arrears due to the soldiers. 2. — The [apanese to send him and his soldiers to Canton in their transports, and that the Shimonoseki Treaty be carried out as to all people having two years given them in which the}' should lie at liberty to consider whether they would become Japanese subjects or not.

To these proposals the admiral replied that the fleet would lie oft" Anping on the 12th at noon and would meet General Liu or his authorised delegates to discuss surrender of the island, and promising not to open fire without notice on the fort, unless the Chinese commenced the attack.

The flagship Yosliino appeared oil the' port at 7 a.m. on the 12th, hut for some reason unknown did not come to anchor until 2.30 p.m., which gave Liu the opportunity of professing suspicions as to the bona fide intentions of tin- Japanese admiral. I le therefore refused to 140 off and see him. ( >n the da)- previous, Liu had requested Mr. Alliston, a visitor from Hongkong, and Air. Harry Hastings, a resident of Anping, to take a letter for him to the Japanese troops at Kagi, containing a somewhat similar offer of surrender to that sent to the fleet, of which latter fact he also informed the general, begging that official to cease operations for the time. Messrs. Alliston and Hastings were escorted by twenty Black Flag soldiers. The latter, however, deserted when within about two miles of the Japanese lines. No difficulty was experienced in reaching the Japanese headquarters, but as the commander-in-chief was with the other division, no practical result could be arrived at, so the two foreigners returned empty-handed, though not without the hill credit which such a plucky action undoubtedly deserved. Liu sent a deputation of two Chinamen to board the Yoshino, They called first on board LI. M.S. Pique and were accompanied by H.B.M.'s consul to the flagship, where they presented a request that the admiral would give Liu a written guarantee of safety to and from the Yoshino. The admiral lined to parley further about the matter, as he considered that Liu had had assurances enough, and finally stated that the Yoshino would remain until 10 a.m. next daw when, if Liu did not appear in person or by deputy, the fleet would eith 1 lire or heave anchor. Thereupon the deputation

withdrew. At the stroke of 10, on the 15th, Liu having shown no inclination to keep his appointment, three of the ships got under way, leaving one behind. In the afternoon the Custoirrs were asked to signal that the negotiators lad left tl 'ore. This signal was acknowledged by the Japanese ship, but again Liu failed to keep his word, for no deputation left the port.

THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION 01 H FORM* 363

That night Liu sent two deputies to the Pique, but every one had grown so disgusted at his vacillation that they refused to help any further in die matter, and the delegates returned to shore. I >n the 15th, the Dante with 1,800 passengers, and the Thales with about 1,400, left for Amoy, and from these passengers Liu levied $12,000. A compradore of a British (inn had $S, o(X), which he was sending away, seized by Liu, who said the shipper had promised to contribute that amount to the war fund and had tailed to do so. The Japanese despatch boal Saikio Maru was fired on that day by the Anping torts, but received no injury. On the 17th, the report readied here that the Takow torts had sunk three [apanese ships. This was vouched for by Liu, who said he had it bj special messenger — this was really two days after Takow had been occupied l>y the |apanese fori naval and military. On the [8th, the- British steamer Thales returned, and the first suspicions of a "bolt" on the part of Liu became assured by the news that he had arranged tor a passage lor his eight dogs by that steamer. ( )n the morning of the 18th, < General Liu successfully performed the •• vanishing trick." The last known of Liu's movements was that on the night of the 18th, he went down to the Anping (large) tort on the pretext of inspecting it. He remained there that night, and next morning had disappeared, along with about 100 officers and his immediate body-guard. It was later discovered that he hail escaped, disguised as a coolie, on board the S. S. Thales.

The news of Liu's departure spread like wild tire, and the soldiers began pouring into Anping settlement, where tin- only foreigners were Messrs. McCallum, Burton, and Alliston, the others being either in Takow, or onboard the Pique, or in Amoy. In the city ol Tainan-fu wen' Messrs. b.de, Fergusson, ami Barclay, of the E. 1'. Mission. Messrs. McCallum, Burton, and Alliston persuaded the soldiers to lay down their arms, which were then stacked in the Customs opium-godown. This operation took nearly all day, between 6,000 and 8,000 rifles being eventually stowed away, together with several tons of small-arm ammunition. The men were placed in the compound, and on the night of the 20th. the torts and barracks were totally deserted, no soldiers in Anping or Tainan fu being armed. Early on the morning of the 21st, Japanese marines and bluejackets from the Japanese men-of-war landed, and the occupation of Anping was thus completed. As soon as it was ascertained that Liu had escaped on the Thales, the Japanese warship Yayeyama started in pursuit. Catching up with the merchant ship some fifteen miles from Amoy, a party was sent on board to make a search They discovered some seven suspects and demanded their surrender. The captain of the Thales quite rightly protested against the demand ami the steamer, alter a detention1 of some ten hours.

1. The detention ol the 1 ales was madi >.M. minister demanded an

explanation trora the Japai irding the condm n-of-war in stopping

a British vessel on the high si is and ament promptly

replied stating that i hej admil bed '

ami that they greal ly i

damages the ' uffered throu mimaud of

the Formosau fleet soon after, it i? believed, ow'uiy, to this i iicli he wa

364 I HI ISLAND OB I" 1RM1 SA.

-1

was allowed to proceed, two [apanese officers, however, accompanying her

to watch the suspects. On her arrival at Amoy the English consul ordered the release of the suspects.

Lieutenant-Genera] Nogi, whom we left at Pithau, advanced from that city on the 19th. On the 20th, at Ji-chang-hang (Nisoko), a village about

seven miles south of Anping, the advance guard of cavalry were surrounded, but after some heavy fighting, in which the Chinese lost about 150 killed, the Japanese were victorious. At this village Messrs. Ferguson and Barclay,

two well known missionaries connected with the English Presbyterian Mission, arrived. These gentlemen on behalf of the Chinese, had verj philanthropically consented to undertake the perilous task of carrying a letter to the Japanese at [i-chang-hang from the residents of Tainanfu, requesting the former to come at once to the city, and stating that they would meet with no opposition.' Upon the delivery of this letter, the Japanese advanced at once, arriving at the outskirts ot Tainanfu at 7 a.m. and two hours later were in undisputed possession of every part of the city. (< >ctober 21st).

The northern expedition arrived in Tainanfu during the day, and the occupation of the island was completed..

Thus ended the first Formosan Republic P

The campaign now ended, the military coolies and the Imperial Guards, officers and men, were embarked on transports returning to Japan. The loss of life occasioned by Ceneral Liu's obstinacy had been large, not so much by battle, as from disease. ( >nly about half of the Imperial Body Guards, who had been longest in the field, remained to return to their native land at the conclusion of hostilities ! 'The others either died in Formosa or had been previously invalided to Japan.

The losses of the whole Japanese- force, including military coolies and other regular attaches, during the Formosa campaign, from the date of landing in the north (May 26th) to the 15th of December, which includes the losses while subjugating some remaining bands of Chinese soldiers after the capture of Anping, were as follows : — :1

Died in Formosa of disease 4.^42

Sent to Japan for treatment 21,74s

Remaining in hospitals in Formosa 5.24°

Killed in battle (officers and soldiers) 164

Wounded (not fatally, officers and soldiers) ... 515

J. His Majesty, the Emperor of Japan conferred decorations on Messrs. Ferguson and .Barclay as a token of appreciation of their valuable services.

'J. The foreigners, who witnessed the Republic's dying struggles, were in Anping the British Consul R. W. Hurst, Mr. Allan W. Bain of Messrs. Bain & ('■>., Eonorary Consul tor the Netherlands, Mr. J. Peterson of Messrs. Julius Maunieh ,V <',>., Mr. A. Macgownn of Messrs. Tait & Co., Mr. B. N. Perkins of H.B.M.'s Consular service, and Messrs. Harry Hasting-, Allistou, McCallum, and Burton, the two latter of the Republican Customs service, and several Parsee gentlemen. In Tainanfu the Reverends Kde, Ferguson, and Barclay. In Takoyv l>r. W. Wykeham Myers with his wife and daughters, who had bravely remained at their Formosan home throughout the campaign, Rev. Father Francisco Giner, and Captain Vosteeu of the tug Sin Taiwan.

3. This number was divided as follows : —

Killed in battle. Wounded.

Imperial Body Guards 112 283

Second Division 25 104

Fourth Mixed Brigade 27 128

nil. JAPANESE OCCUPATION 01 SOUTH FORMOSA. 365

Some idea of the hospital work may be obtained from the fact that from May 26th to November 15th, 38,798 applications were made at the various government hospitals for treatment. (In this number each applica-tion for treatment is counted. For instance one person may have applied a do/en different times and in that case 12 would be recorded). We thus find that Japanese troops were placed /tors de combat, through disease or wounds, at the rate of some two hundred a day, and that the death rate averaged about 27 a day. The deaths not only included many officers but His Im-perial Highness Prince Kitashirakawa fella victim to the terrible malarial lever of Formosa. One writer has called attention to the striking (acl that Prince Kitashirakawa, landing with the Imperial Guards on the north-east of Formosa, commanded them throughout the whole of their advance southward, and that his corpse was put on hoard ship at Anping, the last objective point ol the expedition. While the prince was on his way to Tainan, on the r8th October symptoms of malarial fever ap peared, and his condition growing steadily worse he died at Tainan on the 28th. It appears that it is not in accordance with Japanese etiquette to announce the death of an Imperial Prince until the body has reached Tokyo, so no ceremony or other display took place when the remains were sent off for shipment on board the Saikio Maru for transport to Japan. The body was enclosed in a very large Japanese coffin and carried to Anping by a troop of wrestlers who had, l>\ special Imperial permission, accompanied the Guards Division. As soon as the body was safely deposited on board, the vessel, convoyed by H.J. M.S. Fiwiz/w, left for Japan.'

CHAPTER XXII (PART 4 OF 4)

The number ol lives lost among the Chinese is difficult to ascertain. By taking the different engagements and counting the dead found on the

held we obtain 6,760. This number, in my opinion, should be increased by a thousand : for considerable numbers of wounded were carried away by the retreating Chinese, and many when wounded, crawled into the underbush, either to be later rescued by their friends or to die unknown. < >thers threw themselves into the streams, the bodies being carried out to sea ! I have witnessed several engagements in which the Chinese were tired at while in the thickets, or on the hills, where no opportunity was afforded for making a search to ascertain the number of killed. The figures given, therefore,

1. " The deceased Prince was only in his 49th year, having .7. At the

age of 28 he proceeded to Europe, and devoted seven years to study, most of which time he spent in Germany, acquiring not only a sound knowledge "f military and tactics, but also a good

acquaintance with the German language. Of medium stature, he p ad highly

intelligent face, and was noted for the genial courtesy of his address, All scientific subjects and every-thing connected with intellectual development interested him keenly, and as tl

of various learned associations, he contributed materially to the cause of progn ss. He presided over the Seeond aud Third Industrial Exhibitions, as well as over the Tokyo Geographical Sooi fapan

Agricultural Society, and the Fine arts Society, and in every case his zeal on bens i Iped

sensibly to secure their success. I lespite his scientific tasl i military career,

:iatiug himself olosely with the army and paying ooustai his dutii Idier.

Passing through the various gi tttaiued the rank of Lieut.-Geueral and the command of the

Fourth Division, from whioh he was transi of the Imperial Guards after

the promotion of their previous commander, Field-Marshal H.I H. Prince Komatsu, to be Director of the General Staff. He went to with the Guards, and took an active part in the whole oampaigu,

sharing with his men hardships that probably undermined his constitution aud invited the malady to which he fell a victim." Extract from the Japan Mail,

366 THE ISLAM) 01 FORMOSA.

include only those who have been found dead on the field alter engagements. Adding this thousand we may estimate that the Chines*! deaths were at the rate of about forty-five per day. Still, as in the ease of the Japanese, it is not unlikely that disease tarried off even a larger number. The mainland Chinese found soldier life in Formosa almost as unhealthy as did the Japanese.

Liu Yung-fu, after his escape from Formosa, went at once to Canton, where he was received with open arms. Tan- Ching-sung, the northern president, and General Tcheng-ki-tong, who opposed the Japanese in the north, were likewise welcomed at Shanghai, and all were in high official favor. No further evidence is required to prove that the opposition in Formosa, the loss of over 12,000 men Japanese and Chinese, and many millions of dollars, is directly attributable to the duplicity of the Chinese government. In this trickery, for which modern history shows no parallel, China not only threw herself open to additional punishment from Japan, I nit she became liable for the total expense that the Japanese incurred in destroying the republic. Had any other nation attempted like treachery it would have been tin- signal for the immediate recommencement of hostilities. The Japanese, however, with a thorough understanding of China's means and methods, were perhaps not surprised at the turn matters had taken, and now that the)' had at last got rid of the Chinese regulars they were prepared to ignore both Liu and his official supporters. In this they showed good sense ' No advantage would have keen gained by taking revenue out of China, ami the great task before them in Formosa required all their attention.

Although the Japanese were now in possession, the island contained thousands of turbulent fellows, who, either ignorant of the government's peaceful intentions, or confident that by opposing the Japanese they could eventually drive them away, or perhaps for both reasons, were encouraged to give great trouble, at frequent intervals. It would not be interesting to the general reader to relate in detail these numerous engagements, which differed from each other only in extent. Later, rebellion against the government practically ceased, but it was replaced by brigandage so extensive that travel in some districts, at certain times, became so dangerous that Japanese officials, off the more frequented routes, did not travel unless provided with a guard, and wealth)- Chinese scarcely dared to leave the treat) ports.

The first difficulty occurred in November and December, 1895, and appears to .have been with the Hakkas in the far south of the island. These people occupied, with the Pepohoans, the plainlands which extend from the base of the westernmost range of mountains up to the large river that enters the sea at Tangkang, about seventeen miles south ot Takow. With the Pepohoans the Hakkas had always kept up a constant feud and they rarely met without lighting! The former people were on friendly terms with the Japanese, so that only the I lakkas had to be settled with. By damming up the Tangkang river the Hakkas had llooded a considerable portion of the- plain. Here and there the)- had put rude fortifications, elevated above the surrounding water, with read)- means to

THE [A l U FOKMi

retreat to the rear, and eventually to the mountains, should the situation, at any time, call for abandonment. Theywere well armed, thanks to Liu, with Winchester rifles and had plenty of ammunition.

Later, these rebels were enabled to obtain ments, and

it required a considerable force under Major-General Yamaguchi, with two months' hard work, before the 1 lakkas were subdued and South Formosa again quiet. Japanese loss in this expedition amounted to forty-eight (killed and wounded i. Rebel loss about five hundred.

Scarcel\- had word reached the Capital of the defeat of the insurgents in the south, before rebels made their appearance in the north1 < >n January ist, 1896, rebels simultaneously attacked Gilan, Sui-hong (Zuiho) and several villages near Taipeh, the capital, which latter was also attacked. The [apanese were in each place limited to a mere handful of men, and so unexpected were the assaults that, in nearly every instance, with the exception of Gilan and Taipeh, the) were successful. Upon news reaching lapan ot this serious outbreak, reinforcements were at once despatched, and after a month's skirmishing, the rebels were driven into the hills and the north was again quiet The rebellion had, however, cosl the [apanes< loss of 12S killed and 58 wounded, this number unfortunately including man) civilians, some of whom were teachers conducting a tree school at I'achina. In some instances the Japanese were tortured to death, burned at the stake, and in almost every case where the Japanese had been captured such ot tin-bodies as were recovered were found to lie -frightfully mutilated. The r< loss, until their total suppression, was over 600.

During the summer months of 1896, the most serious rebellion of all

broke out. Chip Chip Hokto, Yunlin, and other important inland villages were captured by the rebels and the Japanese driven from these districts. The latter then placed a considerable force in the field, and soon recovered their positions, destroying by lire thirty of the villages which had harbored insurgents either intentionally or otherwise. The [apanese were accused ot much cruelty during the course of this trouble, but as the information came from Chinese sources it was difficult to ascertain the complete truth. However, that many innocent Chinese suffered there can be scarceb a doubt. This disturbance was a severe blow to the Japanese and a most deplorable affair for the Chinese, who suffered great hardships before its conclusion. In fact, so pitiful was the condition of the natives that several influential foreigners at Anping very philanthropic-ally raised a reliei fund to be distributed among the more needy, while their Japanese Majesties the Emperor and Empress granted $3,000, and the governnu - ibr the

afflicted. From the commencement of the rebellion, until the country was pacified, the total Japanese loss was 247, oi which number eighty were killed. The Chinese loss is unknown.

The above mentioned rebellion appears to have been the last important affair in which the nativi s were banded against the government for professedly political reasons. From that time on, the natives seem to have appreciated the futility of opposing the Japanese, and the more turbulent

368 THE [SI A\n 01 1 1 'i:M< >s \.

spirits among them, who were inclined to lead a life of excitement, devoted themselves to brigandage, intent upon bettering their financial condition, rather than "warring for home and country." Japanese no longer became the victims, unless they happened to be in the way of a successful raid, but natives, especially wealthy Chinese, often did! The Formosan banditti carry on their trade much on the same lines as members of their fraternity in the French possessions in South China. An armed party, generally of from fifty to a hundred, rush down from the mountains during the dead of night, seize such wealthy Chinese as are likely to pay a good ransom, and, in some cases, loot the village, afterwards returning to their mountain retreats, which are not uncommonly fortified. The bands are quite ready to fight when opposed by [apanese, but so sudden and unexpected are their raids that they rarely suffer much loss. During the month of January, 1897,3 party of forty or fifty bandits entered the heart of Twatutia and carried away a twenty years old son of a wealthy Chinese, this seizure being made not more than three blocks from the nearest foreign residence and fifteen minutes walk from the barracks in the Capital. Hut, in the following May, the most daring assault of all was made. On this occasion, about seven hundred brigands, assisted by certain local Chinese, attacked Twatutia. Their arrival had been expected and small detachments of troops had been stationed on the various roads leading to the city. A large portion of the band had, however, succeeded in secretly entering the city on the previous night, and, it is said, availed themselves of a performance at a Chinese theatre, to assemble and complete their plans of attack. About 3 a.m. an outside party made its appearance very quietly to the east of the city, and suddenly attacked a small |apanese tax office. This alarmed the soldiers connected with the engineering corps occupying a building near by, who exchanged volley after volley with the attacking party for some time. The night was very dark, and it was impossible to distinguish their opponents, the flash of the rifles affording the only mark. Meanwhile, another party of Chinese had quietly found their way across the railway bridge into Twatutia, and joined the main body, who had, until then, remained in their hiding place at Twatutia. Now united, the)- sprang upon the frightened Chinese residents, and about one hour before daylight commenced a furious attack. Some Japanese buildings were in the vicinity and might have been attacked without much difficulty, but the banditti avoided them, confining themselves exclusively to breaking into houses occupied by rich Chinese merchants, one after another, alon^ the principal street. Some fifteen or twenty houses were thus entered, chiefly by smashing in the heavy doors, and man)' valuables wen- secured. Rich silks, opium, money, etc., fell into the robbers' hands to the estimated value of fifty thousand dollars ! The Japanese force now began to close in about them, and the banditti, after setting fire to a few of the Chinese houses, retreated as day was dawning, having suffered a loss of 124 killed, including Sen-sin, their leader, and 19 taken prisoners. The Japanese loss was three killed and seven wounded. About one hundred anil fifty Mauser rifles were captured, and much of the stolen property recovered, This attack was a revelation to the Japanese,

:iS3*

mm&mmm

Field Work of Japanese Infantry against Rebels. Military Barracks at Taihoku.

;^-*. 5*&

Military searching Houses in Disturbed District. Military Storehouses at Ke lung,

A Band of Surrendered Rebels.

The Hut of a Famous Rebel Chief in the North Formosa Hills.

THE i OCCUPATH H FORM<

who were too confident of their strength. Immediately after this assault the police and gendarme forces were < ibly incn

The first and greatest task before the Jap itablishment of

peace. Not peace for mainland Japanese and foreigners alone (the latter form a very insignificant part of the population), but peace for that great

mass of natives who inhabit the island and who are now, with a lew exceptions, naturalized Japanese subjects and have a right, as such, to demand the same protection and government assistance as is given to native horn Japanese.

As for the savages they will no doubt prove less of a burden if left undisturbed in their mountain fastnesses. The savage problem is a minor

one, and with the exception of the urgent need <>f some system to afford protection to camphor workers on the savage holder, can well he left for future solution.

It is nonsense to say, as has been asserted, that the brigands have i goaded to their lawless life in order to keep themselves from starving^ having been driven from their homes by the Japanese on former occasions. There never has, in the history of the island, been such a great demand for Chinese labor of all kinds, nor have there ever been in Formosa or in the whole of China such high wages ruling as at present. Chinese produce brings fully double its former price, and laborers demand and obtain more than double the wages paid under the Chinese regime.

After the easy victory gained by the Japanese foi :r thousands of

Chinese regulars during the late war, it may seem incomprehensible that in Formosa the)- have been unable to put down banditti. A word ol explana-tion is necessary. The difficulty is not in fighting the rogues. That in itself would be an extremely easy task. It is in finding them. A village may be attacked at night ; by daylight the robbers have lied into the hills. A force starts in pursuit. But the robber does not wait for them to come and take him. He and his comrades quite naturally take to another hill, and when the Japanese force, advancing with great labor, over unknown paths, through jungle and stream, has reached the reported position, the place is empty, or the troops may meet a k\v humble peasants carrying implements ot peace, working about the fields. There is no external evidence that the latter were the banditti of the night before, and yet they may very easily have been so. From a whooping, murderin 1 to a smiling peaceful

agriculturist is for the Chinese: an easy transition, and after the transforma-tion the Japanese are absolutely helpless! There is nothing to be done. It may strike the reader that, by availing themselves of the assistance of Chinese, the Japanese would he able to obtain information as to the where-abouts of bad men. This will no doubt be the ultimate solution ot the difficult)-. But, so far, the Japanese have found it almost impossible to obtain Chinese informants in whose statements they can place trust. In fact, it is no exaggeration to say that innocent Chinese have lost their lives, that innocent people have been imprisoned, that property has hem destroyed solely through tin- machinations of treacherous Chinese, who would not

hesitate to cause the death of one of their own countrymen if a few paltry dollars were to be gained. It was unfortunately quite a common affair, soon after the arrival of the Japanese, for certain Chinese to demand black-mail of their wealthy countrymen and to report them as rebels if they did not produce. The Japanese have now learned that it is not safe to place confidence in Chinese, and while interpreters are still employed, but little dependence is placed in their reports. There are honest Chinese, there are liberal minded, kindly disposed Chinese who would have the interests of their people at heart. It can scarcely be said that the streets are crowded with them, still they exist, and the hope of the Japanese is that they may in time obtain the services of men of this class, who will not only assist in ridding the island of undesirable characters, but will give much aid in other matters of government. In fact it would seem that the happy administra-tion of the island will be reached when Japanese and bright Chinese, educated in the methods of modern government, can work hand in hand.

Note. — Table of wrecks occurring on the coasts of Formosa and adjacent islands during the period 1895 to 1899.

1895 - November 16th. The Japanese three-masted ship Inaho Maru of 400 tons burden, went to pieces during a strong wind this day, in the inner harbor of Kelung, having been stranded there by the unskillful navigation of her master, a few days before.

December 21st. The Imperial Japanese Cruiser Kdhei, during a gale, ran on an unknown

rock near Hattan Island, S. E. of the l.'over Group, and two hours later sank. Of the 160 souls on board, all reached shore by the aid of boats or rafts, with the exception of 37 who disappeared and were without doubt drowned. The cruiser was built at Fuchau by the Chinese Government, and was known as the torpedo catcher Kwang-yAng. She was of 1,230 tons and was 236 ft. in length. The vessel was engaged in the battle of the Yalu and was surrendered to the Japanese at Weihaiwei.

December 28th. The Japanese steamer Hoshv, tlaru of 714 tons was wrecked on a

reef near one of the islands of the Loouhoo group, N. E. by E. of Formosa. >"o lives were lost, but the vessel was a total loss.

1897 — December 24th. The Japanese steamship Nam Maru of 2,519 tons, struck on a hidden rock near Okusho Island of the Pescadore group, and sunk with all on board almost im-mediately. The passengers and crew numbered SO persons in all, and of this number only 7 succeeded in reaching shore.

1898' — August 7th. At the height of a terrific typhoon, which wrought great havoc throughout the island, the Os;ika Shosen Kwnisha's steamship Enoshima Mara of 1.494 tons, lost both anchors and then tried to escape destruction by running for the open sea. The wind was too strong, however, and she was driven well upon the rocks a few feet from shore on the east side of the harbor. The vessel was totally destroyed but no lives were lost.

August 31st. The American bark Comet of 673 tons burden, was wrecked near Aulang

(Koro) N. W. coast of Formosa. The vessel was driven ashore during a typhoon while on a voyage from Amoy to Newchwang. After running ashore the deck-house was washed away, carrying the Chinese crew with it, but they were fortunately able to make effective use of it as a raft, and with the exception of one Chinese who was washed off and drowned, they were all picked up by the Douglas steamship Hailoong and carried to Amoy. The master, John 0. lirodhurst and wife, the mate and Chinese steward, were lashed to the rigging of the Comet, where they remained for ten hours, suffering great hardship. They were at last sighted from shore, and the weather having moderated, a Chinese boat put out and rescued them. The vessel was a total I

November 9th. —The Danish steamer Aetiv of 750 tons, while endeavoring to make

Tamsui harbor, having arrived with a cargo of beans and general cargo from North China ports, ran ashore on the rocks to the south-west of the entrance. The vessel soon filled with water, causing the beans to swell, the pressure from this source eventually bursting the iron deck. The vessel was then deserted by the officers and crew who reached shore safely. The steamer was later sold at auction, but scarcely had the sale concluded before a strong wind arose, and that night the, vessel slipped off into deep water and disappeared, to the great consternation of her Chinese purchasers.

The wrecks of steamships and foreign sailing vessels occurring on these coasts from the year 1850 to 1899, which we have recorded in Chapters XIV, XV, XVII, and XXII, total over a hundred vessels with a loss of life exceeding 2,000. Among the wrecks recorded, 46 were English, 17 German, and 15 American vessels.